Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Las ciudades son actores clave en la lucha contra el cambio climático. La movilidad y el desarrollo urbano deben abordarse de manera integrada para lograr una transformación verdaderamente sostenible. Esta publicación, fruto del trabajo conjunto de la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) y el German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), explora estrategias de sostenibilidad urbana centradas en el aprovechamiento de los beneficios compartidos del transporte público masivo.
A través del estudio de seis ciudades en América Latina y Asia, se analizan oportunidades para financiar el transporte masivo mediante la valorización del suelo, el desarrollo urbano orientado al transporte y mecanismos innovadores de financiamiento. Comparando experiencias de Bogotá (Colombia), São Paulo (Brasil), San José (Costa Rica), Hong Kong (China), Delhi (India) y Yakarta (Indonesia), el análisis destaca cómo la coordinación de políticas públicas y una planificación estratégica pueden transformar la movilidad en un motor de desarrollo económico y social, que genera beneficios compartidos y abre nuevas oportunidades de financiamiento para las ciudades.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that AI can transform media development programming by enabling smarter early warning systems to protect journalists, especially against fast-moving threats.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that AI can transform media development programming by enabling smarter early warning systems to protect journalists, especially against fast-moving threats.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that AI can transform media development programming by enabling smarter early warning systems to protect journalists, especially against fast-moving threats.

Research suggests that the impacts of climate change are felt more acutely by women than men, given their specific socioeconomic roles. It is crucial to recognise the differentiated impacts of climate change on women and the importance of their inclusion in mitigation and adaptation policies, where their voices are often unheard and their concerns remain unaddressed. As international development assistance constricts, crucial lifelines on which many projects that address gender equality rely are disappearing. Winding down such projects can also jeopardise the fragile progress made to address the structural socioeconomic conditions that create gender inequality.
Increased gender mainstreaming in national climate plans under the Paris Agreement, for example, the nationally determined contributions (NDCs), can be one way to effectively address gender inequality in climate action. Countries can develop specific climate change mitigation and adaptation plans to address gender inequality. As a new set of updated NDCs will be submitted in 2025 by the countries committed to the Paris Agreement, it is an opportune time to enhance gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs (NDC 3.0) based on concrete policies and actions. This policy brief explores how gender was addressed in the previous round of NDCs (NDC 2.0) of the least developed countries (LDCs) with high gender inequality. A content analysis was conducted to explore how different gendered policy approaches were mentioned in NDC 2.0 of the LDCs. Based on the findings, this policy brief provides key policy insights for better gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs.
Key policy insights:
• Gender mainstreaming needs to be integrated at all policy-making stages and within society, not as an add-on as it is in many NDCs.
• Women in LDCs, particularly those at greater risk of climate disasters, should be prioritised, reaching the farthest away and the most affected first in any international support for climate action projects.
• Gender mainstreaming in climate change mitigation would be essential to creating oppor-tunities for all genders to participate in the tech-nological transformation to a low-carbon society that pursues gender transformative changes.
• Projects with gender transformative plans take time and require long-term consistent funding, and greater focus is needed to choose the right projects to address structural inequalities.
• Research is required to develop evidence-based solutions, and often LDCs lack research funds for long-term studies. Research funding support from developed countries can help LDCs to improve research in LDCs and produce evidence to inform policy action.
• Gender-disaggregated data needs to be collected and used to design, evaluate, implement and fund targeted transformative policies to tackle gender inequality.

Research suggests that the impacts of climate change are felt more acutely by women than men, given their specific socioeconomic roles. It is crucial to recognise the differentiated impacts of climate change on women and the importance of their inclusion in mitigation and adaptation policies, where their voices are often unheard and their concerns remain unaddressed. As international development assistance constricts, crucial lifelines on which many projects that address gender equality rely are disappearing. Winding down such projects can also jeopardise the fragile progress made to address the structural socioeconomic conditions that create gender inequality.
Increased gender mainstreaming in national climate plans under the Paris Agreement, for example, the nationally determined contributions (NDCs), can be one way to effectively address gender inequality in climate action. Countries can develop specific climate change mitigation and adaptation plans to address gender inequality. As a new set of updated NDCs will be submitted in 2025 by the countries committed to the Paris Agreement, it is an opportune time to enhance gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs (NDC 3.0) based on concrete policies and actions. This policy brief explores how gender was addressed in the previous round of NDCs (NDC 2.0) of the least developed countries (LDCs) with high gender inequality. A content analysis was conducted to explore how different gendered policy approaches were mentioned in NDC 2.0 of the LDCs. Based on the findings, this policy brief provides key policy insights for better gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs.
Key policy insights:
• Gender mainstreaming needs to be integrated at all policy-making stages and within society, not as an add-on as it is in many NDCs.
• Women in LDCs, particularly those at greater risk of climate disasters, should be prioritised, reaching the farthest away and the most affected first in any international support for climate action projects.
• Gender mainstreaming in climate change mitigation would be essential to creating oppor-tunities for all genders to participate in the tech-nological transformation to a low-carbon society that pursues gender transformative changes.
• Projects with gender transformative plans take time and require long-term consistent funding, and greater focus is needed to choose the right projects to address structural inequalities.
• Research is required to develop evidence-based solutions, and often LDCs lack research funds for long-term studies. Research funding support from developed countries can help LDCs to improve research in LDCs and produce evidence to inform policy action.
• Gender-disaggregated data needs to be collected and used to design, evaluate, implement and fund targeted transformative policies to tackle gender inequality.

Research suggests that the impacts of climate change are felt more acutely by women than men, given their specific socioeconomic roles. It is crucial to recognise the differentiated impacts of climate change on women and the importance of their inclusion in mitigation and adaptation policies, where their voices are often unheard and their concerns remain unaddressed. As international development assistance constricts, crucial lifelines on which many projects that address gender equality rely are disappearing. Winding down such projects can also jeopardise the fragile progress made to address the structural socioeconomic conditions that create gender inequality.
Increased gender mainstreaming in national climate plans under the Paris Agreement, for example, the nationally determined contributions (NDCs), can be one way to effectively address gender inequality in climate action. Countries can develop specific climate change mitigation and adaptation plans to address gender inequality. As a new set of updated NDCs will be submitted in 2025 by the countries committed to the Paris Agreement, it is an opportune time to enhance gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs (NDC 3.0) based on concrete policies and actions. This policy brief explores how gender was addressed in the previous round of NDCs (NDC 2.0) of the least developed countries (LDCs) with high gender inequality. A content analysis was conducted to explore how different gendered policy approaches were mentioned in NDC 2.0 of the LDCs. Based on the findings, this policy brief provides key policy insights for better gender mainstreaming in the next round of NDCs.
Key policy insights:
• Gender mainstreaming needs to be integrated at all policy-making stages and within society, not as an add-on as it is in many NDCs.
• Women in LDCs, particularly those at greater risk of climate disasters, should be prioritised, reaching the farthest away and the most affected first in any international support for climate action projects.
• Gender mainstreaming in climate change mitigation would be essential to creating oppor-tunities for all genders to participate in the tech-nological transformation to a low-carbon society that pursues gender transformative changes.
• Projects with gender transformative plans take time and require long-term consistent funding, and greater focus is needed to choose the right projects to address structural inequalities.
• Research is required to develop evidence-based solutions, and often LDCs lack research funds for long-term studies. Research funding support from developed countries can help LDCs to improve research in LDCs and produce evidence to inform policy action.
• Gender-disaggregated data needs to be collected and used to design, evaluate, implement and fund targeted transformative policies to tackle gender inequality.

DIW-Studie berechnet, dass Erhöhung und Harmonisierung der Wasserentnahmeentgelte die Wassernachfrage an der Spree senken könnten – Nachfrage- und Angebotsteuerung sind eine Alternative zur Umleitung von Elbwasser in die Spree – Vorzeitiger Braunkohleausstieg fördert eine nachhaltige ...

As structural change pushes countries toward technological innovation and digital transformation, there is increasing discussion how this affects the future of work for women. This paper looks at factors that foster or inhibit Jordanian women’s paid work in the digital and digitally-enabled economy in Jordan, a country with very low female labour market inclusion and restrictive gender norms, yet comparatively high female education and political willingness for labour market reforms. This makes it an ideal case to probe into possible effects of the digital economy and digital tools on barriers to women’s labour market inclusion. Based on desk research and qualitative interview data, our findings show a mixed picture. Despite the relative successful development of Jordan into a “hub” for ITC-related services and a sizeable female workforce contributing to this sector, the impact of digitalization on women’s labour market participation outside the ‘ICT sector proper’ remains rather slim. Digital tools have, so far, not meaningfully reduced labour market barriers for women but rather helped them to cope with them: Reputational gains to work in the white-collar digital economy are strong, but have not reduced gender norms on appropriate workplace or work tasks. Despite new regulations, the flexibility of remote work is not leveraged effectively to reduce barriers connected to women’s mobility or time constraints due to care work. Previous labour market segmentations and inefficiencies continue and are reproduced by a split between the digital and the digital-enabled economy. These findings do not bode well for other country contexts with a less favourable baseline in term of education or regulatory changes.

As structural change pushes countries toward technological innovation and digital transformation, there is increasing discussion how this affects the future of work for women. This paper looks at factors that foster or inhibit Jordanian women’s paid work in the digital and digitally-enabled economy in Jordan, a country with very low female labour market inclusion and restrictive gender norms, yet comparatively high female education and political willingness for labour market reforms. This makes it an ideal case to probe into possible effects of the digital economy and digital tools on barriers to women’s labour market inclusion. Based on desk research and qualitative interview data, our findings show a mixed picture. Despite the relative successful development of Jordan into a “hub” for ITC-related services and a sizeable female workforce contributing to this sector, the impact of digitalization on women’s labour market participation outside the ‘ICT sector proper’ remains rather slim. Digital tools have, so far, not meaningfully reduced labour market barriers for women but rather helped them to cope with them: Reputational gains to work in the white-collar digital economy are strong, but have not reduced gender norms on appropriate workplace or work tasks. Despite new regulations, the flexibility of remote work is not leveraged effectively to reduce barriers connected to women’s mobility or time constraints due to care work. Previous labour market segmentations and inefficiencies continue and are reproduced by a split between the digital and the digital-enabled economy. These findings do not bode well for other country contexts with a less favourable baseline in term of education or regulatory changes.

As structural change pushes countries toward technological innovation and digital transformation, there is increasing discussion how this affects the future of work for women. This paper looks at factors that foster or inhibit Jordanian women’s paid work in the digital and digitally-enabled economy in Jordan, a country with very low female labour market inclusion and restrictive gender norms, yet comparatively high female education and political willingness for labour market reforms. This makes it an ideal case to probe into possible effects of the digital economy and digital tools on barriers to women’s labour market inclusion. Based on desk research and qualitative interview data, our findings show a mixed picture. Despite the relative successful development of Jordan into a “hub” for ITC-related services and a sizeable female workforce contributing to this sector, the impact of digitalization on women’s labour market participation outside the ‘ICT sector proper’ remains rather slim. Digital tools have, so far, not meaningfully reduced labour market barriers for women but rather helped them to cope with them: Reputational gains to work in the white-collar digital economy are strong, but have not reduced gender norms on appropriate workplace or work tasks. Despite new regulations, the flexibility of remote work is not leveraged effectively to reduce barriers connected to women’s mobility or time constraints due to care work. Previous labour market segmentations and inefficiencies continue and are reproduced by a split between the digital and the digital-enabled economy. These findings do not bode well for other country contexts with a less favourable baseline in term of education or regulatory changes.

Der US-Staatsapparat gibt Jahr für Jahr deutlich mehr Geld aus, als er einnimmt. Seit der Finanzkrise von 2008 hat sich die Staatsverschuldung fast vervierfacht. Was bedeutet das für die Zukunft des Landes?

Recent years have seen a remarkable shift in the way in which governments justify their actions in the global sphere. We truly seem to have entered an “age of national interests”, where policy-makers base all decisions in international relations on self-interest-driven considerations. Even those advancing the importance of global sustainable development, rule-based global governance, development cooperation and international climate action are increasingly basing their arguments on supposed “national interests”. It is understandable that the current pressure on international cooperation leads many to resort to such narratives. However, this discursive shift is dangerous because it strengthens nationalist narratives and has adverse consequences for the practice of international cooperation.

Recent years have seen a remarkable shift in the way in which governments justify their actions in the global sphere. We truly seem to have entered an “age of national interests”, where policy-makers base all decisions in international relations on self-interest-driven considerations. Even those advancing the importance of global sustainable development, rule-based global governance, development cooperation and international climate action are increasingly basing their arguments on supposed “national interests”. It is understandable that the current pressure on international cooperation leads many to resort to such narratives. However, this discursive shift is dangerous because it strengthens nationalist narratives and has adverse consequences for the practice of international cooperation.

Recent years have seen a remarkable shift in the way in which governments justify their actions in the global sphere. We truly seem to have entered an “age of national interests”, where policy-makers base all decisions in international relations on self-interest-driven considerations. Even those advancing the importance of global sustainable development, rule-based global governance, development cooperation and international climate action are increasingly basing their arguments on supposed “national interests”. It is understandable that the current pressure on international cooperation leads many to resort to such narratives. However, this discursive shift is dangerous because it strengthens nationalist narratives and has adverse consequences for the practice of international cooperation.

Ioannis Armakolas and Çelik Rruplli examine the results of the Albanian elections, providing early insights into the political dynamics and outcome.

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