Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Beijing has built a Middle East strategy centered on influence without military presence. The sudden Israeli-U.S. strikes on Iran proved the hard limits of that approach.

That’s what makes it so dangerous.

By expanding its footprint in Southeast Asia, South Korea seeks to share its expertise and deepen collaboration in key sectors.

Republican support for the war may not be as solid as it appears – and that could have implications for a U.S. intervention in Taiwan.

For many women in Myanmar, conjoined economic and security crises mean never being able to let their guard down and never being able to think more than “one day at a time.”

Why did the Coupang case escalate from a domestic regulatory matter into an international trade issue?

Catherine Boura, Ambassador (ad hon.)

Why women in diplomacy

Women –as professionals– in diplomacy is, in fact, a rather recent development/phenomenon. Historically, diplomacy has been the preserve of men, and women were either absent or excluded from any official diplomatic business.  There were of course Exceptional women, such as Gertrude Bell, Freya Stark, the Armenian Diana Abgar, Hungarian Rosika Schwimmer, the Bulgarian Nadezhda Stanchova, who were offered posts or recruited temporarily for their special knowledge of geographical areas; they remained, however, for a long time an exception. It was in 1924, that a Russian revolutionary, Alexandra Kollontai, earned the distinction of being the first female to be appointed Ambassador, to Oslo. Born into a wealthy landed family, Kollontai, lived many years in Europe as an exile, was steeped in European culture and was fluent in many languages. She was ideally qualified for the Bolshevik regime’s bid to win over western public opinion in the post-revolutionary years. Her appointment created a precedent that did not go unnoticed in the European capitals, but it was attributed to the fact that she was an ‘uncommon’ and ‘exceptionally capable woman’.  It was a few years later, in 1933, that the appointment of an American, Ruth Bryan Owen as US head of mission to Denmark created a stir and offered ammunition to supporters of women’s admission to the diplomatic service – at least in Britain. Nevertheless, the legitimacy of women’s participation in the professional diplomatic arena remained contested for the most part of the twentieth century. Foreign Services did not gain a critical mass of women officers until the late 1980s. Once the bar was lifted, women did not pursue a ‘women agenda’ and worked hard to pursue their careers without any gender distinction. International bodies, such as the UN, played an important role building women’s power to intervene in debates and reframe global norms. In the 21st century, women reached unprecedented levels of representation in diplomatic posts and international organisations.  Today, they have finally made their impact on diplomacy. But we are still talking about women in diplomacy. On 20 June 2022, the UN General Assembly declared   24 June International Day of Women in Diplomacy to remind the world that, while women’s numbers in diplomacy are growing, significant barriers and challenges still remain.

One may ask, why is it so important to underline the role of women in diplomacy. I will limit my arguments to three aspects: i) gender equality, ii) because of what they bring in diplomacy, (with special focus on peace and security) and iii) role models for more balanced societies.

I will start with the obvious: gender-equal leadership is implemented with a strong presence of women in leadership roles, including women ambassadors. How can diplomacy flourish if it does not reflect the gender diversity of the nation or the global populations it seeks to serve?

Having said that, one might immediately ask:

Is women’s participation in diplomacy meaningful and worthwhile?

My immediate answer would be: Yes, it is.

Why? Because of their contribution to promoting issues pertaining to civil society, and because of their impact on diplomatic practices and policies that promote peace and security on a global scale.

Issues related to women are inextricably connected with the lives and the security of communities and societies. Evidence collected in relation to several conflict cases has shown that conflict was preceded by a history of violence against women and girls in their societies. Gender violence, domestic violence, and the social marginalization of women, affect the overall behavior of a society and generate risks for its immediate environment and consequently for regional security. Where women are marginalized and disempowered, violence is higher and usually accompanied by other forms of hate that affect the overall behavior of a society.

It was women Ambassadors at the UN who brought the issue of women in conflict situations into the conversation: Sexual slavery, trafficking, the prostitution of children etc, are recurrent during conflicts. For years, the atrocities and appalling abuses committed against women and children in conflict situations were systematically neglected and not an item on the peace and security UN Agenda, in the period before women participated in UNSC working sessions.  It was during the 1990s, initially due to the insistence and championing of a woman diplomat -the US Ambassador to the UN, Madeleine Albright – with the support of other women diplomats at the UN, that these issues were discussed in the context of peace and security.  Some argued that this was cultural and that there was nothing to be done about it. Women diplomats insisted that it was criminal and that the international community bore the responsibility for stopping it.

This precipitated change: After long and persistent efforts, UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, voted on in 2000, incorporated the three dimensions: the protection, promotion and participation of women at all levels of decision-making, as a key component in peace. What was agreed then has still to be fully implemented but building on this Resolution, issues such as enslavement and rape as weapons against opponents, gender violence, the trafficking of women and children, and many more, are now seriously addressed.

Women’s inclusion is inextricably linked to sustainable peace. As the path to peace is through exchanges and dialogue, compromise and negotiation, it is important to achieve a “male-female consensus” as male and female experiences are both part of a situation.

Therefore, ways   to bring women into the process need to be devised. This is not, however, just about formal participation. Women cannot be brought in overnight to simply address the gender balance at a negotiation table. In order to create sustainable peace, ways to bring women into peace processes at different levels need to be introduced. For instance, an example could be set by including women in the team of mediators.  In certain parts of the world where gender segregation is prevalent, female diplomats/negotiators can serve as a vital bridge for bringing women into peace processes at different levels. Female diplomats/negotiators can be effective because they have access to areas and sectors of society that are otherwise restricted to male diplomats. They can have access to women who have been victims and encourage societies to listen to the voices of their vulnerable members, and facilitate it.

Last argument: role models. Societies are different throughout the world, and women’s rights are not understood in the same way everywhere. Women in diplomacy promote role models in the general process of female advancement in any field, and constitute a benchmark on the trajectory toward gender-equality and toward more balanced, inclusive, peaceful societies.

Looking into the future, one may ask how different the world would be if women played a more central role in diplomacy.  I would argue that it would not change the world by itself; women are not better, or inherently more peaceful.  But nor should they be viewed as passive and helpless. It is important that their voices are heard.  Women’s diplomatic skills can certainly contribute no less than men’s to resolving conflicts, fostering peace, and promoting reconciliation and good neighbourly relations.

The world today is facing new challenges and undergoing a tremendous transformation in an environment of continuous uncertainty and change. Contemporary challenges, from war and humanitarian crises to sectarian and violent extremism, from poverty and inequalities to climate change and environmental degradation – to mention just a few of the challenges we face in our complicated and unpredictable world – all come with an increasing need to re-imagine the future and prepare for it.

Therefore, the questions we need to ask now are: How do countries want to shape their future? How do they want to contribute to it?  How do they see their interests being advanced in it? And is there a role for women in this future?

The answer is this: yes, there is a role for women as much as there is one for men.  Empowering women and promoting their active participation in decision-making positions in a spirit of partnership, mutuality and equality within the wider societal arena can only enhance trust and equip societies to better serve national interests for security and prosperity.  Skillful, well-equipped and well-educated diplomats, both male and female, can play an important role in the future we want. Diplomacy has historically been both a function and a determinant of regional and global orders. To be effective, it requires political entities with the willingness to communicate. Illuminating women’s role in diplomacy shows us how diplomacy can work more broadly.

Ekaterini Nassika, Ambassador

Women and diplomacy

It goes without saying that this is another quintessential equality issue. If a woman possesses the desire, the capability and the merit, she must have unhindered, legally-enshrined access to every profession. Within the Greek Foreign Ministry, this has been the reality for at least half a century. Ideally, we should have standardized global metrics—perhaps provided by the UN—for all its member states. Are there women serving in every diplomatic service? At what percentages? Where are women still barred, by law or social convention, from pursuing a career in diplomacy?

Such prejudices have deep roots; I had to deal with them myself in the early days of my career, but not anymore. At the Hellenic Foreign Ministry, we have achieved more than just numerical parity in the diplomatic branch, we have secured equal opportunities for a successful career.

Do women offer something distinct? In diplomacy, in negotiations of all kinds, in mitigating problems confronting our societies, I believe they do. That something different is a less aggressive, less confrontational approach.

To clarify, I believe that women are, for various reasons, naturally closer to the true essence of diplomacy. It is a return to its roots. Women tend towards a more consensual approach to problem-solving, even when dealing with the most intractable issues. We believe in common sense and don’t feel the need to display our strength or show how tough we can be. Unless, of course, the situation demands it!

I don’t want to sugarcoat the reality. Our profession, especially when looked at from the outside, appears far less demanding than it actually is.

My thoughts lately are often with my colleagues in Kyiv, and especially my female colleagues in Tel Aviv, Beirut, Amman, and Riyadh. They provide vital intelligence, represent our country with distinction, negotiate, and protect our fellow citizens abroad—all while being forced frequently into underground shelters. They remain foremost in our minds and held in the highest regard. Well deserved.

Vasiliki Gounari, Ambassador, Permanent Representative of Greece to NATO

The growing presence of women in senior positions within Greek diplomacy is a welcome development. As the first woman to serve as Greece’s Permanent Representative to NATO, I am keenly aware that my own path reflects a broader shift: the steady and meaningful expansion of women’s role in shaping our country’s foreign policy.

The different stages of my career—from work on disarmament and non‑proliferation to the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, and including the honour of being Greece’s first woman Ambassador to the Political and Security Committee—have shown me how essential it is for our diplomatic service to draw on the full range of its talent. These experiences have reinforced my belief that diverse perspectives strengthen our ability to engage, negotiate, and contribute effectively in multilateral settings.

The increasing number of women in positions of high responsibility is a sign of institutional maturity. Their contribution is not simply a marker of progress; it enhances the quality, credibility, and effectiveness of Greek diplomacy, supporting dialogue, cooperation, and the confident representation of our country on the international stage.

My hope is that diplomacy will continue to become more inclusive, making room for all those who wish to serve. I want the next generation—women and men alike—to find the space to contribute, to innovate, and to represent Greece with dedication and vision.

Natalia Panourgia, First Counsellor, Unit for Equality, Office of the Secretary General, Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs

In 2022, during its 76th session, the United Nations General Assembly declared June 24th as the “International Day of Women in Diplomacy” to be observed annually, in recognition of the women’s contribution to international cooperation and peace. In a historically male-dominated field, women diplomats serve with remarkable effectiveness. They often bring new perspectives, creativity and collaborative approaches which substantially enhance the quality and impact of a country’s diplomacy.

The Hellenic Ministry of Foreign Affairs actively champions the meaningful participation of women in diplomacy, both as a key element of our country’s foreign policy and within its own institutional framework. As part of its commitment to gender mainstreaming, the Ministry established a Unit for Equality in 2024 and adopted an Equality Action Plan 2024-2027. This Plan sets forth tangible objectives, including staff training and awareness, the promotion of gender-inclusive language in administrative documents, the development of gender-disaggregated statistics, and the advancement of equal representation in leadership roles. Positive trends are already evident regarding this final objective: the percentage of women serving as heads of Greek Diplomatic Missions abroad increased from 35% in 2023 to almost 38% in 2026.

In a world defined by multiple challenges— armed conflicts, climate crisis, emerging technologies—the equal participation of women in diplomacy ensures more representative, inclusive and resilient policies, ultimately bolstering the quality of our country’s international presence.

 

Saudi-Arabiens Kalkül könnte ein anderes sein, als viele denken. Zwar fliegen Raketen und Drohnen auf Doha, Dubai und auch auf Riad. Doch einiges spricht dafür, dass sich das Königreich vom Irankrieg auch Vorteile erhofft.

Beijing is formally repositioning Hong Kong from a neutral intermediary between Chinese and global capital into a “vanguard” of the state’s financial security architecture.

Lee has redefined the South Korean executive by trading imperial secrecy for radical transparency and focusing on tangible results.

Carney has opted for energetic, pragmatic action – including repairing ties with India – in the face of U.S. instability.

“By undermining Chinese projects [in Afghanistan], the ISI seeks to remind Beijing that Pakistan remains a critical gatekeeper for regional connectivity, especially through CPEC.”

Die Lateinamerika-Expertin spricht im Podcast außerdem über radikale Rechte wie Argentiniens Präsident Milei und darüber, warum der globale Süden eine gerechtere internationale Ordnung braucht.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

The Third Wave of Democratization's international dimension connects domestic democratization processes with the global spread of democracy after 1989. How has democracy promotion, a specific international source, contributed to the Wave of Democratization? And is scholarship well equipped to study the fundamental shifts in democracy promotion caused by the Third Wave of Autocratization? This article answers these questions from two perspectives. First, it assesses the relevance, patterns and effects of international democracy promotion between 1995 and 2024. Second, it takes a meta-perspective and identifies the main characteristics and blind spots of the study of international democracy promotion. Based on these insights, the article makes a conceptual contribution by distinguishing between democracy support and democracy protection. Furthermore, it defines the international scope conditions necessary for effectively promoting democracy during periods of autocratization. Finally, it proposes a new agenda for the study of international democracy promotion after the Third Wave of Democratization.

Als in Belém die 30. Vertragsstaatenkonferenz der Klimarahmenkonvention der Vereinten Nationen (COP30) zusammenkam, stand der umliegende Regenwald im Mittel­punkt des Interesses. Die Tagung wurde daher auch als »Wald-COP« bezeichnet. Als eines ihrer Schlüsselprojekte initiierte die brasilianische Regierung als Gastgeberin die Tropical Forest Forever Facility (TFFF). Es handelt sich dabei um einen Fonds für den Schutz und die Wiederherstellung bestehender Regenwälder, der auf inno­vative Weise multilaterale Zusammenarbeit durch Mischfinanzierung ermöglichen soll. Nach wie vor besteht eine Lücke zwischen der aktuellen Waldfinanzierung und dem, was erforderlich ist, um die Ziele der Rio-Konventionen von 1992 zu erreichen. Deutschland und weitere europäische Staaten haben Investitionen in den Fonds zuge­sagt und könnten dessen Umsetzung mitgestalten. Für die Waldrestaurierung bedarf es allerdings ergänzender Finanzierungsmechanismen, die ausgebaut werden sollten. Dennoch liegt nicht aller Erfolg darin, Gelder verfügbar zu machen. Mechanismen zur Waldfinanzierung müssen das Anliegen, die Kohlenstoffbindung und ‑speiche­rung in Wäldern zu erhöhen, mit Biodiversitäts- und Nachhaltigkeits­zielen in Ein­klang bringen und gleichzeitig die Rechte der lokalen Bevölkerung wahren.

Les frappes menées par les États-Unis et Israël contre l’Iran ont profondément bouleversé l’équilibre géopolitique au Moyen-Orient et au-delà. Si l’opération apparaît, sur le plan militaire, comme un succès incontestable, la véritable question concerne désormais ses conséquences politiques et stratégiques.

Quel premier bilan géopolitique de la guerre déclenchée le 28 février 2026 peut-on dresser ? Quelles dynamiques cette intervention a-t-elle déclenchées et quelles pourraient être ses répercussions à plus long terme ? De multiples dynamiques sont simultanément à l’œuvre : Washington et Tel-Aviv, qui mènent la guerre de concert, pourraient en réalité avoir des objectifs divergents à moyen et long terme. Les pays du Golfe, ciblés par l’Iran, sont hostiles à une instabilité prolongé, quel rôle pourront-ils jouer ? Les Européens de leur côté font à nouveaux preuve de division à propos du conflit. Qu’en est-il pour les autres acteurs majeurs de la scène internationale, en particulier la Russie et la Chine, partenaires de l’Iran ?

Retrouvez mon premier bilan de la situation géopolitique en Iran dans cette vidéo.

L’article Frappes sur l’Iran : un premier bilan géopolitique est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Heute spricht 'fossilfrei' Host Wolf-Peter Schill mit Brigitte Knopf, Gründerin von Zukunft KlimaSozial, über die kürzlich vorgelegten Eckpunkte zum Gebäudemodernisierungsgesetz (formerly known as Gebäudeenergiegesetz) und die vermeintliche neue Freiheit im Heizkeller. Müssen Eigenheimbesitzer*innen ...

The U.S.-Israel war on Iran is testing South Asia’s energy security, remittance economies, and sectarian equilibrium — all at once.