Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Ankara’s “techno-nationalist” policies aim to place Turkey among the innovation leaders of the 21st century. The country has already achieved notable progress in its defence industry, launched its own EV brand and is preparing a space mission. But creating “native and national” (yerli ve milli) alternatives to the big global players in artificial intelligence (AI), 5G or semiconductors is not an easy task. With few com­mercial success stories to show, Turkey still needs international partners to develop innovation in the twenty-first century. This is likely to become more challenging under the Trump administration, whose drastic trade policies have complicated the relationships between China, Europe and the United States. With different depend­encies on each of these actors (American digital corporations, Chinese network infra­structure and EU tech norms) Turkey faces a geopolitical trilemma in the field of technology.

Spyros Blavoukos and Panos Politis-Lamprou give a brief overview of the new financial instrument for joint procurement of defence equipment in the field of European defence.

Read the ELIAMEP Explainer here.

As powerful nations turn inwards and multilateral institutions falter, alternative coalitions need to step into the breach to push for global progress. Such flexible and diverse groupings will be most effective if they are based around issues and deploy new tactics to seize every chance to shape international norms. Len Ishmael, Stephan Klingebiel and Andy Sumner explain the concept of ‘like-minded internationalism’.

As powerful nations turn inwards and multilateral institutions falter, alternative coalitions need to step into the breach to push for global progress. Such flexible and diverse groupings will be most effective if they are based around issues and deploy new tactics to seize every chance to shape international norms. Len Ishmael, Stephan Klingebiel and Andy Sumner explain the concept of ‘like-minded internationalism’.

As powerful nations turn inwards and multilateral institutions falter, alternative coalitions need to step into the breach to push for global progress. Such flexible and diverse groupings will be most effective if they are based around issues and deploy new tactics to seize every chance to shape international norms. Len Ishmael, Stephan Klingebiel and Andy Sumner explain the concept of ‘like-minded internationalism’.

This study examines the effects of a nationwide shock-responsive social cash transfer scheme during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a focus on highly risk susceptible informal economy households in Kenya. Leveraging primary in-person survey data in a doubly robust difference-in-differences framework, we find that households receiving shock-responsive cash transfers were less likely to encounter income loss, poverty, and food scarcity compared to households not receiving them. The scheme also reduced the likelihood of engaging in costly risk coping such as selling productive assets. When comparing different pillars of the scheme with varying degrees of shock-responsiveness, we observe that the impacts were statistically significant only when payment cycles were pooled and the transfers were vertically scaled. The study adds to the global policy discussion on developing effective shock-responsive interventions, underscoring the merits of shock-responsive social cash transfers during crises.

This study examines the effects of a nationwide shock-responsive social cash transfer scheme during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a focus on highly risk susceptible informal economy households in Kenya. Leveraging primary in-person survey data in a doubly robust difference-in-differences framework, we find that households receiving shock-responsive cash transfers were less likely to encounter income loss, poverty, and food scarcity compared to households not receiving them. The scheme also reduced the likelihood of engaging in costly risk coping such as selling productive assets. When comparing different pillars of the scheme with varying degrees of shock-responsiveness, we observe that the impacts were statistically significant only when payment cycles were pooled and the transfers were vertically scaled. The study adds to the global policy discussion on developing effective shock-responsive interventions, underscoring the merits of shock-responsive social cash transfers during crises.

This study examines the effects of a nationwide shock-responsive social cash transfer scheme during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a focus on highly risk susceptible informal economy households in Kenya. Leveraging primary in-person survey data in a doubly robust difference-in-differences framework, we find that households receiving shock-responsive cash transfers were less likely to encounter income loss, poverty, and food scarcity compared to households not receiving them. The scheme also reduced the likelihood of engaging in costly risk coping such as selling productive assets. When comparing different pillars of the scheme with varying degrees of shock-responsiveness, we observe that the impacts were statistically significant only when payment cycles were pooled and the transfers were vertically scaled. The study adds to the global policy discussion on developing effective shock-responsive interventions, underscoring the merits of shock-responsive social cash transfers during crises.

Das Konjunkturbarometer des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) macht im Mai einen Sprung und erholt sich von dem Einbruch im April. Mit nun 90,1 Punkten liegt der Barometerwert gut sieben Punkte höher als im Vormonat und damit wieder auf dem Niveau von Februar und März. Die ...

Studie wertet erstmals Statistiken über seit 2017 an Steuerbehörden gemeldete Auslandskonten aus – Steuerverwaltungen und Finanzbehörden zögern bei Veröffentlichung und Bereitstellung der Daten – Die Zuordnung von über Firmenkonstrukte gehaltenen Konten zu ihren eigentlichen Eigentümer*innen scheint ...

Der Terroranschlag in Pahalgam, bei dem am 22. April insgesamt 26 Menschen ermor­det wurden, hat den Kaschmir-Konflikt zwischen Indien und Pakistan zurück auf die internationale Bühne gebracht. Die militärischen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen beiden Ländern und die diplomatische Intervention der USA haben eine Reihe von Dilemmata Indiens im Umgang mit Pakistan offenkundig werden lassen. Auf natio­naler Ebene gelingt es Indien nicht, den Terror in Jammu und Kaschmir dauerhaft ein­zudämmen. Im regionalen Kontext ist das Land trotz seiner konventionellen Überlegen­heit nicht imstande, eine wirksame Abschreckung gegenüber Pakistan aufzubauen. Auf internationaler Ebene ist die Ankündigung von US-Präsident Donald Trump, im Kaschmir-Konflikt zu vermitteln, für Indien ein herber diplomatischer Rückschlag.

This short commentary offers insights into different aspects of legitimacy building using the example of German polar research contributions to the International Polar Years (IPYs). The piece focuses on three aspects of legitimacy building, with polar science 1) being framed as research concerning the climate crisis, 2) as a subject of science communication, and 3) informing policy.

This short commentary offers insights into different aspects of legitimacy building using the example of German polar research contributions to the International Polar Years (IPYs). The piece focuses on three aspects of legitimacy building, with polar science 1) being framed as research concerning the climate crisis, 2) as a subject of science communication, and 3) informing policy.

This short commentary offers insights into different aspects of legitimacy building using the example of German polar research contributions to the International Polar Years (IPYs). The piece focuses on three aspects of legitimacy building, with polar science 1) being framed as research concerning the climate crisis, 2) as a subject of science communication, and 3) informing policy.

In October 2022, the EU established a military assistance mission in support to Ukrainian armed forces (EUMAM Ukraine). This article addresses two questions: First, how did the EU succeed in establishing EUMAM Ukraine, also in view of the fact that earlier attempts to establish an EU military training mission in Ukraine had failed? Second, what explains the mission’s unique design as compared with previously launched EU training missions? While a reformulation of EU member states’ security preferences driven by the heightened threat of an aggressive Russia is certainly necessary to explain the creation of EUMAM Ukraine, we argue that the launch and design of the mission can only be fully understood through a neofunctionalist approach, taking into account the effect of functional pressure and the activism of EU actors. The article shows how the EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy and the European External Action Service seized an initiative from member states and set the foundation for the mission of unprecedented scope and complexity. This finding illustrates the importance of Brussels-based actors in driving EU security and defence policy forward in times of existential security crisis in Europe.

In October 2022, the EU established a military assistance mission in support to Ukrainian armed forces (EUMAM Ukraine). This article addresses two questions: First, how did the EU succeed in establishing EUMAM Ukraine, also in view of the fact that earlier attempts to establish an EU military training mission in Ukraine had failed? Second, what explains the mission’s unique design as compared with previously launched EU training missions? While a reformulation of EU member states’ security preferences driven by the heightened threat of an aggressive Russia is certainly necessary to explain the creation of EUMAM Ukraine, we argue that the launch and design of the mission can only be fully understood through a neofunctionalist approach, taking into account the effect of functional pressure and the activism of EU actors. The article shows how the EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy and the European External Action Service seized an initiative from member states and set the foundation for the mission of unprecedented scope and complexity. This finding illustrates the importance of Brussels-based actors in driving EU security and defence policy forward in times of existential security crisis in Europe.

In October 2022, the EU established a military assistance mission in support to Ukrainian armed forces (EUMAM Ukraine). This article addresses two questions: First, how did the EU succeed in establishing EUMAM Ukraine, also in view of the fact that earlier attempts to establish an EU military training mission in Ukraine had failed? Second, what explains the mission’s unique design as compared with previously launched EU training missions? While a reformulation of EU member states’ security preferences driven by the heightened threat of an aggressive Russia is certainly necessary to explain the creation of EUMAM Ukraine, we argue that the launch and design of the mission can only be fully understood through a neofunctionalist approach, taking into account the effect of functional pressure and the activism of EU actors. The article shows how the EU High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy and the European External Action Service seized an initiative from member states and set the foundation for the mission of unprecedented scope and complexity. This finding illustrates the importance of Brussels-based actors in driving EU security and defence policy forward in times of existential security crisis in Europe.

Wirtschaftsforschung, die Geschichte schreibt: Seit einem Jahrhundert erforschen Menschen am Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) die wirtschaftlichen und sozialwissenschaftlichen Grundlagen unserer Gesellschaft und liefern damit wichtige Impulse für aktuelle Debatten. Mit ...