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The OSCE organized an online workshop on the social re-use of confiscated criminal assets in Montenegro on 3 June 2021. The workshop brought together representatives from civil society organizations, law enforcement and the Cadastre and State Property Administration of Montenegro.

The workshop aimed to reinforce the importance of asset re-use for social purposes among government agencies and civil society and to discuss the role of civil society in the fight against organized crime and corruption.

The event was organized in the framework of an OSCE extra-budgetary initiative on asset recovery in South-Eastern Europe led by the OSCE Transnational Threats Department and the Office of the Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities.

During the workshop, national and international experts discussed Montenegro’s legislative framework related to asset recovery, provisions that might allow for the social re-use of assets, and possible revisions of the framework to enable more efficient management and re-use of assets. Experts and representatives of international and regional civil society organizations shared good practices on the re-use of criminal assets for social purposes.

The event is part of a series of national workshops on social re-use organized in five South-Eastern European countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia), which are beneficiaries of the OSCE initiative on asset recovery. The donors of the cross-dimensional project are the United States Department of State, Italy, Germany, and the United Kingdom.

Hunderte EU-Parlamentsabgeordnete und ihre Mitarbeitenden reisen in der kommenden Woche nach Straßburg zur ersten dortigen Sitzung des EU-Parlaments seit dem Ausbruch der COVID-19-Pandemie. Viele sind jedoch der Ansicht, es sei noch zu früh, um an den französischen Standort zurückzukehren.

Heute u.a. mit dabei: Amtsenthebungsverfahren gegen Tschechiens Präsident möglich, zu hohe Stickoxid-Werte in Deutschland, und dubiose Organspenden in Bulgarien.

A világon 172 021 452 ember fertőződött meg eddig a koronavírus-járványban, a halálos áldozatok száma 3 698 538 a baltimore-i Johns Hopkins Egyetem közép-európai idő szerint péntek reggeli adatai szerint.

This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy.

This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy.

This open access book explores the new complexities and ambiguities that epitomize EU-Turkey relations. With a strong focus on the developments in the last decade, the book provides full access to a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted relationship through three entry points: (1) Theories and Concepts, (2) Institutions, and (3) Policies. Part I brings together complementary and competing analytical approaches to study the evolution of EU-Turkey relations, ranging from traditional integration theories to novel concepts. Part II investigates the institutional machinery of EU-Turkey relations by analyzing the roles and perspectives of the European Council, the European Commission, and the European Parliament. Part III offers analyses of the policies most relevant for the relationship: enlargement policy, trade and macroeconomic policies, foreign and security policy, migration and asylum policies, and energy policy. In Part IV, the volume closes with a systematic survey of the conditions under which cooperative trends in EU-Turkey relations could be (re)invigorated. The systematic setup and the balanced combination of distinguished experts from EU- and Turkey-based institutions make this book a fundamental reading for students, researchers, lecturers, and practitioners of EU-Turkey relations, European integration and Turkish foreign policy.

The US Department of Justice is elevating investigations of ransomware attacks to a similar priority as terrorism in the wake of the Colonial Pipeline hack and mounting damage caused by cyber criminals, a senior department official told Reuters. Internal guidance...

2021. április 27-én zajlott le a Magyar Hadtudományi Társaság „Az Egyesült Államok kül- és biztonságpolitikai kilátásai Trump elnöksége után” című online konferenciája.

1. ábra: A transzatlanti kapcsolat jelentősége és átalakulása a 2010-es évtizedben – dia az online előadásból. Saját szerkesztés.

A konferenciát Dr. Nagy László nyugállományú ezredes, a Magyar Hadtudományi Társaság örökös tagja nyitotta meg, melyet Dr. Németh Gergely védelempolitikáért felelős helyettes államtitkár úrnak a konferencia témaköreit összefoglaló felvezetője követett. Dr. Csiki Varga Tamás gondolatébresztő előadásában a transzatlanti kapcsolatokra helyezte fókuszát a Trump, illetve a Biden elnökségek kapcsán. Ezt követően Csizmazia Gábor beszélt a Biden adminisztráció külpolitikájáról Kínával és Oroszországgal összefüggésben, jelentős hangsúlyt fektetve az amerikai belpolitikára is. Ennek kapcsán rendkívül izgalmasnak találtam az amerikai közvéleménynek a külpolitikához való hozzáállásáról szóló összefoglalót. Itt az elmúlt évtizedek azon tendenciájáról hallhattunk, miszerint egyre inkább csökken a külpolitikai kérdések mérlegelt és szakmai elemzése az amerikai társadalomban, valamint hogy erre már egy politikai elit is ráépült, annak is köszönhetően, hogy a Kongresszusból egyre inkább kikerülnek azok a szereplők, akik tekintélyes külpolitikai tapasztalatokkal rendelkeznek, s ezzel párhuzamosan egyre nagyobb hanggal lépnek fel azok, akik a külpolitikai kérdéseket belpolitikai kérdésekként tüntetik fel (pl. az izraeli-palesztin konfliktusnál központi kérdésként jelent meg az a gondolat, hogy ami a Közel-Keleten történik, párhuzamba hozható azzal, ami rendszerszintű rasszizmus címszó alatt történik az afro-amerikaiakkal).

2. ábra: A Biden-adminisztráció külpolitikája – dia az online előadásból. Saját szerkesztés.

 

A konferencián sor került két panelbeszélgetésre is. Az első beszélgetés témája az amerikai katonai jelenlét jövője volt, mely Urbanovics Anna moderálásával zajlott. Résztvevői Etl Alex, Dr. Mártonffy Balázs, valamint Dr. Wagner Péter voltak. Az eszmecsere egy rövid áttekintéssel indult az elmúlt évtizedek amerikai katonai jelenléttel kapcsolatos különböző trendjeiről. Etl Alex felvázolta, hogy az elmúlt évtizedekből a legfontosabb megatrend az indo-csendes-óceáni térség felemelkedése, ezzel párhuzamosan pedig Kína katonai, politikai, gazdasági képességeinek rohamos mértékű növekedése volt. Az Obama adminisztráció hivatalba lépésétől kezdve az Amerikai Egyesült Államok visszatért az ázsiai fókuszhoz, melyet a Bush adminisztráció alatt a szeptember 11-i terrortámadások, illetve az arra adott amerikai válaszok egy időre megszakítottak. A térség azonban a Trump adminisztráció idején is egyre hangsúlyosabbá vált, s a Biden adminisztráció ezt a politikát követve olyan államként azonosította Kínát, mely kihívást jelent a stabil és nyitott nemzetközi rendszerre. Az Egyesült Államok komparatív előnye Kínával szemben az, hogy van egy globális szövetségi rendszere. Annak érdekében viszont, hogy ezt egyben tudja tartani, képesnek kell lennie arra, hogy ennek a szövetségnek minden pontján hitelesen demonstrálja a szövetség egybentartása iránti elköteleződését. Továbbá ahhoz, hogy ezt az indo-csendes-óceáni térségben fenn tudja tartani, az Egyesült Államoknak az erőforrások szűkössége miatt más térségekből kell elvonnia erőforrásokat; ezt láthatjuk az elmúlt évtizedekben pl. az iraki, aztán az afganisztáni kivonulásokkal. Ennek a kontextusában tudjuk értelmezni azt is, hogy az USA távol marad a nagyobb beavatkozástól Szíriában vagy akár Líbia esetében, valamint azt is, hogy megkezdte az elfordulást Európától, melyet egyre inkább önállóságra ösztönöz.

3. ábra. A kínai-kérdés az amerikai belpolitikában – dia az online előadásból. Saját szerkesztés.

Mártonffy Balázs a nukleáris modernizációs folyamatot emelte ki bevezetőjében, továbbá felhívta a figyelmet a kibertérre is, hiszen a Biden adminisztráció egyre több erőforrást szeretne a kiberbiztonságnak nevezett tér felé irányítani. Dr. Wagner Péter az amerikai katonai jelenlét Közel-Keletről való kivonására helyezte a hangsúlyt, mely meglátása szerint kérdéses, hogy be fog-e következni, vagy mindig lesz-e elég érdek ahhoz, hogy legalább száz katona jelen legyen a térségben. A beszélgetésben felmerült az USA katonai hegemóniája fenntartásának kérdése, valamint az európai szövetségesek, azon belül pedig Magyarország haderejének, illetve Magyarország és az USA kapcsolatának változásai is.

4. ábra. Dia az előadásból. Saját szerkesztés.

A második panelbeszélgetés Erdész Viktor főhadnagy moderálásával zajlott le, témája az amerikai haderőfejlesztésben lévő új hangsúlyok, célok és irányok voltak. Résztvevői Prof. Dr. Szenes Zoltán nyugállományú vezérezredes, Dr. Kis-Benedek József nyugállományú ezredes, valamint Molnár Zsolt ezredes úr, a Magyar Honvédség és az Egyesült Államok egyesített vezérkarának, a Virginia állambeli haderőfejlesztési részlegének összekötő főtisztjei voltak. Szó esett az Egyesült Államok jelenlegi vezetésének prioritásairól, mely inkább a diplomáciának szentel nagyobb figyelmet, mintsem a katonai erőnek, mely a republikánus kormány alatt volt jellemző. A Biden adminisztráció eszerint olyan politikát fog folytatni, melynek célja, hogy a liberális demokrácia modellje megerősödjön. Geopolitikai szempontból hangsúlybeli változást figyelhetünk meg; míg a Trump érában első helyen az indo-csendes-óceáni térség állt, második helyen a Közel-Kelet, harmadik helyen pedig Európa, addig a jelenlegi elnökség számára második helyen Európa áll, harmadik helyen pedig a nyugati térség megerősítése. Szó esett továbbá az amerikai haderőfejlesztésről is, melynek keretein belül rendkívüli hangsúlyt fektetnek az űrparancsnokságra, a mesterséges intelligenciára, a robotizációra, drónrendszerek kialakítására, fejlesztésére, valamint a kiberképességekre.

5. ábra. 3 C – costs, capabilities, commitment – dia az online előadásból. Saját szerkesztés.

A számtalan izgalmas témát magában foglaló és további gondolkodásra ösztönző konferenciát Dr. Tálas Péter zárta szavaival, hangsúlyozva abbéli reményét, hogy a következő találkozót már személyes formában tudják megtartani.

Írta: Nagy Abigél

Címlapkép: Washington, 2021. április 29.
Joe Biden amerikai elnök (j) elmondja kongresszusi országértékelő beszédét az amerikai törvényhozás épületében, a Capitoliumban 2021. április 28-án.
(Forrás: MTI/EPA/The Washington Post pool/Melina Mara)

A Az Egyesült Államok kül- és biztonságpolitikai kilátásai Trump elnöksége után – összefoglaló bejegyzés először Biztonságpolitika-én jelent meg.

La fourniture de l'eau potable sera perturbée dans plusieurs quartiers de Cotonou et d'Abomey-Calavi dès ce vendredi à 21 heures en raison des travaux de maintenance.

Des perturbations voire des manques d'eau seront observés dans la fourniture de l'eau potable dans plusieurs quartiers du vendredi 04 au samedi 05 juin de 21 heures à 06 heures du matin, a informé un communiqué de la Société Nationale des Eaux du Bénin (Soneb). Les raisons évoquées sont les travaux de maintenance qui sont prévus sur les unités de production de l'usine d'eau de Godomey. Les quartiers concernés sont Godomey, Cococodji, Cocotomey, Dèkoungbé, Togbin, Fidjrossè, Agla, Akogbato, Houénoussou, Vêdoko, Fifadji, Mènontin, Kindonou, Kouhounou, Zogbo, Houeyiho, Fignegnon, Sainte-Rita, Gbèdjromédé, Wologuèdè. « La SONEB recommande aux populations des quartiers concernés, de faire des réserves d'eau. Elle présente ses excuses à son aimable clientèle et les rassure du rétablissement normal de la fourniture de l'eau potable dès la fin des travaux qui visent à améliorer la qualité des services », a indiqué le communiqué signé de la direction départementale Atlantique Littoral.
M. M.

Die litauische Ministerpräsidentin Ingrida Šimonytė hat am Donnerstag mehr Unterstützung aus Brüssel gefordert, um die Grenze ihres Landes zu Belarus zu schützen. „Wir müssen den Schutz unserer Außengrenze ernsthaft verstärken, damit die illegale Migration nicht zum Problem wird,“ so Šimonytė...

Tous les matins, Les Capitales décrypte pour vous l’info à travers l’Europe

A kormány – az Országgyűlés előzetes állásfoglalását követve – úgy döntött, hogy nem vesz részt az Európai Ügyészség létrehozásában és a megerősített együttműködésben sem – közölte az igazságügyi miniszter.

Varga Judit bejegyzése szerint ez szuverenitási kérdés, mert Brüsszel az Európai Ügyészség felállításával még több hatalmat akar magának a tagállamok kárára. A luxembourgi székhelyű testület kedden kezdte meg működését.

Az ügyészséget létrehozó dokumentum nem felel meg olyan alapvető, elvi szintű és szakmai elvárásoknak, mint a nemzeti önrendelkezés és az alkotmányos berendezkedés teljes tiszteletben tartása – írta. Ismertette: Lengyelország, Dánia, Svédország és Írország sem csatlakozott az ügyészséghez, a négy ország jelezte távolmaradását a szervezettől.

A közlemény szerint az Európai Ügyészséggel kapcsolatban továbbra is sok a kérdőjel, a megoldatlan probléma és rengeteg a hiányosság, az összképet nézve pedig “az egész szervezet működési mechanizmusa kaotikus és bizonytalan”. A magyar kormány egyelőre megfigyelőként, érdeklődve követi, hová vezet az Európai Ügyészség működése – írta a miniszter, aki úgy fogalmazott: “nagy fájdalom lenne az integrációnak, ha csak egy újabb, tagállamokat vegzáló, nemzetek feletti zsarolóeszköz jönne létre.”

Varga kiemelte: bár Magyarország nem csatlakozik a szervezethez, az Európai Ügyészség és a magyar Legfőbb Ügyészség közötti munkamegállapodást már elfogadták, ezzel megelőzve a többi kimaradó tagállamot.

“Elmondható tehát, hogy Magyarország, mint mindig, most is partner, de továbbra is két lábbal a földön állunk és a józan észt követjük döntéseink során” – írta.

A miniszter hangsúlyozta azt is, hogy a korrupcióval szembeni fellépés rendkívül fontos mind európai, mind nemzeti szinten, azonban – mint írta – nem biztos, hogy a megoldás újabb és újabb intézmények létrehozatalában van. Véleménye szerint léteznek más keretek, amelyeken belül megfelelően fel lehet lépni a korrupció ellen. Ennek fő eszközei többi között az Eurojust vagy az Európai Csalás Elleni Hivatal (OLAF) – tette hozzá Varga Judit.

The post Varga: a kormány nem vesz részt az Európai Ügyészség létrehozásában appeared first on .

Le conflit d’intérêts dont est accusé le Premier ministre tchèque, le milliardaire Andrej Babis, a été porté devant le nouveau parquet européen qui a commencé à travailler le 1er juin, a annoncé jeudi (4 juin) un procureur de Prague.

Written by Jana Titievskaia.

© Mar / Adobe Stock

International trade influences biodiversity through scale, composition and technique effects. Land and sea use change alter natural habitats, while emissions from production and transportation contribute to climate change. Among exports, animal-based agri-food products are particularly land-intensive. Trade policy can play a role in tackling these problems through stronger enforcement of biodiversity-related provisions in trade agreements. The EU Biodiversity Strategy 2030 commits to better assessing trade agreements’ potential impact on biodiversity and to better enforce biodiversity-related provisions. The Trade Committee of the European Parliament has adopted an opinion on the trade aspects of the new strategy.

Impacts of trade on biodiversity

Human economic activity has surpassed for years the rate of biosphere regeneration and total biodiversity stock of the planet. A 2012 study by Lenzen et al. linking species threat records with 15 000 commodities and 5 billion supply chains found that 30 % of threats to species were due to international trade, excluding invasive species. Moreover, the existence of tipping points in planetary boundaries means that gradual degradation in one region can lead to unintended destabilisation at the global level e.g. of water cycles. The option value of nature reflects the additional worth of conservation over use for e.g. business purposes. Different species may be instrumental for wellbeing, while extinction is irreversible. Therefore, protection of ecosystems and biodiversity can be viewed as an investment that will yield future returns.

A 2020 study on trade and biodiversity, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Committee on International Trade (INTA), distinguishes between direct and indirect impacts of trade on biodiversity. Direct impacts stem from transportation (e.g. air cargo, road transport and shipping), arrival of alien pests or wildlife trafficking. Indirect impacts can be divided into scale, composition and technique effects. Trade expansion can deplete natural capital as human demands on the biosphere increase (scale effect). Extractive or pollution-intensive activity can concentrate regionally, reflecting comparative advantages (composition effect). Trade liberalisation can contribute to the adoption of environmental technologies and goods, patents or production methods (technique effects).

In practice, land use change is a considerable driver of terrestrial species loss. Between 1986 and 2009, the majority of new cropland was used for exports. The agri-food industry is the world’s largest land user. Animal-based exports (e.g. lamb, beef, and cheese) are more land-intensive per kilogram of food produced than plant-based goods (e.g. rice, bananas and citrus fruit). Trade in raw materials (e.g. mining, quarrying) also influences the levels of biodiversity through emissions and pollution in air, land and waterways. However, the environmental impacts are highly variable and skewed across and within regions, suggesting that environmental mitigation measures and institution-building can considerably reduce adverse impacts.   

European Commission proposal

In 2011, the Commission adopted the EU biodiversity strategy to 2020, which sought to enhance the contribution of trade policy to conserving biodiversity and addressing potential negative impacts of trade. The Commission committed to analyse the impacts on biodiversity in trade sustainability impact assessments and ex-post evaluations, and include biodiversity goals in the trade and sustainable development (TSD) provisions of agreements with partners. In 2020, the Commission adopted a communication on ‘EU Biodiversity Strategy for 2030: Bringing nature back into our lives‘, which calls for at least 30 % of land and 30 % of sea protection in the EU (up by 4 % and 19 %, respectively compared to today) building on the EU Green Deal. On trade, the strategy focuses on implementation and enforcement of these provisions, including through the EU Chief Trade Enforcement Officer. The strategy also commits to an assessment of trade agreements’ impacts on biodiversity (see box). The Commission seeks to further address illegal wildlife trade (following the EU Action Plan addressing wildlife trafficking which will be reviewed in 2021) and to ban EU trade in ivory. The possible revision of the Environmental Crime Directive could broaden its scope and include provisions for types and levels of criminal sanctions. In 2021, the Commission plans to adopt a legislative proposal seeking to avoid or limit EU market entry for imports that contribute to deforestation. Biodiversity has been included among the headline actions in the 2021 trade policy review (new EU trade strategy).

European Parliament position

In April 2021, the INTA committee adopted an opinion on the trade aspects of the EU Biodiversity Strategy for 2030 (rapporteur Saskia Bricmont, Greens/EFA, Belgium). The opinion recommends to the Commission to focus on a ‘process and production method’ (PPM) approach when drawing up measures to fight biodiversity loss, rather than focusing on the product itself, in line with rules of the World Trade Organization. The opinion takes a stand on phasing out fossil fuels subsidies urgently. It also calls on the EU to explore a white list of endangered species to combat illegal trade. The INTA opinion provided concrete suggestions to the Committee on Environment, Public Health and Food Safety (ENVI) report on the biodiversity strategy (rapporteur César Luena, S&D, Spain), which is due to be voted in plenary in June 2021. The Parliament also adopted, in October 2020, a resolution to halt and reverse EU-driven deforestation advocating for mandatory due diligence requirements for products entailing forest and ecosystem risks.

Views

While EU trade agreements foster international trade through tariff liberalisation and abolition of non-tariff barriers, import-based consumption increases ecological footprints. The footprint data foundation displays the ecological footprints of different countries (in productivity weighted biologically productive hectares). Most of the developed world, including EU countries, the United States and China, is in ecological overshoot, while most of South America and important parts of Sub-Saharan Africa have positive biocapacity reserves per capita. The EU tries to limit these adverse effects by including TSD provisions in trade agreements and making developing countries’ access to tariff preferences conditional on the ratification and implementation of multilateral environmental agreements. However, these provisions are not enforceable in the same way as, for example, trade in goods commitments, which has led researchers to criticise their effectiveness. TSD provisions fall under a separate dispute settlement process, with consultations, panel deliberation and issuance of recommendations, but not economic countermeasures. A notable exception is the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA), which includes rebalancing measures (e.g. tariffs) in case of ‘significant divergences’ between parties.

While sustainable development is a key objective in the preamble to the WTO Agreement, biodiversity-focused measures may prove difficult to justify under the general exceptions of Article XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) where causation between the measure and the objective must be demonstrated. For example, the revised EU Renewable Energy Directive (RED II) limits the inclusion of crop-based biofuels with significant indirect land-use change (ILUC) risk in the calculation of Member States’ required minimum share of renewable energy. However, Indonesia and Malaysia have challenged this as discriminatory against palm oil used in biofuel production, notably citing the Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) Agreement and the Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) Agreement, in addition to the national treatment principle under the GATT. Researchers have posited that the EU may invoke the GATT general exceptions defence during the dispute, for instance arguing that the objective of RED II is protecting animal / plant life or health (XX b), or conservation of exhaustible natural resources (XX g).

On 19 May 2021, the Commission published a methodology for assessing the impacts of trade agreements on biodiversity and ecosystems, developed by the Institute for European Environmental Policy (IEEP) and partners. The methodology outlines a staged process for impact assessment, recommending a comprehensive approach, using data, research, existing case studies, expert knowledge and stakeholder interviews. For the most significant biodiversity impacts, it recommends quantified analysis whenever possible. The methodology starts with identifying the trade-related driver(s) for change, i.e. sector(s) where an FTA leads to an increase in economic activity. It then ‘translates’ this change into possible pressure on biodiversity – through land or resource use – and assesses the resulting impact on ecosystems and/or species. The methodology also identifies safeguard measures that can be drawn up to mitigate negative impacts. The methodology has already been used in practice in the context of ex-post assessments for the EU–Andean and EU–Central America trade agreements.

Read this ‘at a glance’ on ‘Trade policy for the Biodiversity Strategy 2030‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Restoring natural habitats as pictured here in Cuba will help to slow down climate change. A new UN-backed study released May 27 says annual investments in nature-based solutions will have to triple by 2030, and increase four-fold by 2050, if the world is to successfully tackle the triple threat of climate, biodiversity and land degradation crises. Credit: UNDP

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 4 2021 (IPS)

The United Nations has been in the forefront of an ongoing battle against the growing hazards of climate change, including the destruction of different species of plants and animals, the danger of rising sea-levels threatening the very existence of small island developing states (SIDS), and the risks of oceans reaching record temperatures endangering aquatic resources.

But that battle was temporarily undermined last year by a devastating pandemic which brought the world to a virtual standstill.

“The COVID-19 pandemic put paid to many plans, including the UN’s ambitious plan to make 2020 the “super year” for buttressing the natural world”, UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned last month.

That ambition, he pointed out, has now been shifted to 2021, and will involve a number of major climate-related international commitments, including a plan to halt the biodiversity crisis; an Oceans Conference to protect marine environments; a global sustainable transport conference; and the first Food Systems Summit, aimed at transforming global food production and consumption.

“The fallout of the assault on our planet is impeding our efforts to eliminate poverty and imperiling food security,” Guterres declared.

Professor Luca Montanarella

In an interview with IPS, Professor Luca Montanarella, co-Chair of the 2018 Assessment Report on Land Degradation and Restoration sponsored by the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES), told IPS the current hazards are well known, and the extent of the destruction is by now fully documented in many independent scientific assessments from the major science-policy interfaces, like the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), IPBES and others.

https://www.ipbes.net/assessment-reports/ldr

The devastating effects and the close interlinkages with human health, he argued, “are now fully understood and visible to all of us following the COVID-19 pandemic. It is now time to act.”

He said the UN’s thematic plans to “Reimagine, Recreate and Restore” degraded ecosystems is the key solution, but it needs to be implemented consequently. There is a high risk to fall back to business-as- usual solutions that will be not solve the problem, he declared.

The young generation is the one that can save this planet, if properly empowered to do so. Are we ready to transfer some of the decision power to them?, he asked

The first signals from the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic are going in the opposite direction. The highest increases in unemployment rates are among women and young workers, he noted.

Mirna Inés Fernández, a member of the Steering Committee of the Global Youth Biodiversity Network (GYBN) and co-founder of its Bolivian chapter, Kaaijayu-GYBN, told IPS the continued degradation of the global environment has been so devastating to the earth’s ecosystems “that our generation has seen the birth of concepts as the Anthropocene and the Planetary Boundaries”.

“Children and youth are the ones to face the biggest mental health impacts related to ecological grief and anxiety, because we realize that the loss of species and ecosystems have reached levels that threaten the biosphere integrity and our life support systems”.

“And we don’t see enough political will to reverse this situation,” she warned.

The world is ready and in desperate need for a real transformative change, “one that allows us to live in equitable and sustainable systems for all”.

What is missing, she said, is political will, adequate allocation of resources and an inclusive decision-making process that will lead to change the status quo that took us to this point.

“We need our world leaders to address the root causes of the multiple ecological crises that we face today: the UNSUSTAINABLE way we extract, produce, consume, and dispose of things, and the UNEQUAL way the benefits and damages of all these economic activities are distributed, as cited in the Youth Manifesto #ForNature”.

“As young people, we can play multiple roles in this global campaign: by spreading the word and getting more people to join and support this global youth movement, by demanding bold actions from our decision makers, or by leading the change by example, making use of the potential that young people have to bring innovative solutions to the table as transformative education and promotion of intergenerational equity”, she declared.

 

 
Excerpts from the interview:

IPS: The UN points out its Decade on Ecosystem Restoration (2021-2030) aims to prevent, halt and reverse the degradation of ecosystems on every continent and in every ocean while it can help to end poverty, combat climate change and prevent a mass extinction. How feasible is this goal? What would prevent the UN from helping the world reach this goal?

Montanarella: Ecosystem restoration needs to go hand in hand with a large social inclusion programmes that will assure employment and sustainable livelihoods to the global population. Otherwise, it will be doomed to failure.

Fernandez: The goal of the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration is quite ambitious and will be very difficult to be reached in only one decade because effective and complete ecosystem restoration is a process that can take various decades.

But it is very important that we have this goal that will guide the efforts to avoid further ecosystem degradation and start restoration efforts of already degraded ecosystems.

I think that one of the most important risks that could prevent the UN helping the world reach this goal is the misuse of restoration related concepts, such as offsetting, net zero/no net loss approaches, and Nature-based solutions.

Without appropriately defined safeguards for biodiversity and human rights, the wrong implementation of ecosystem restoration strategies can promote further perverse monoculture, offsetting and greenwashing schemes.

Countries and companies who want to be considered implementers of the Decade should follow strong safeguards to ensure that the quality of the restoration efforts matches the quantity in the area within the restoration policies and projects

IPS: What are your thoughts on the findings of the Land Degradation and Restoration Assessment (https://www.ipbes.net/assessment-reports/ldr) by IPBES?

Montanarella: The Land Degradation and Restoration Assessment of IPBES, that I had the honour to co-chair jointly with my dear colleague and friend Prof. Robert Scholes who sadly passed away few days ago, clearly indicates the way forward and especially highlights the social and participatory dimension of land degradation.

Land is the basis of our existence on this planet and needs to be protected accordingly. Consumption habits and micro- as well as macroeconomic developments are the key drivers of land degradation and therefore need to be addressed if we want to reverse the current negative trend.

We can do a lot, starting from our individual lifestyles and dietary habits.

Fernandez: I consider that the IPBES Assessment Report on Land Degradation and Restoration a key tool for policy makers and stakeholders to understand the extent and complexity of land degradation worldwide and take informed, appropriate action to address the drivers of land degradation and develop restoration strategies.

The key messages in the assessment, as well as the proposed ambitions and strategies for addressing land degradation, and possible actions and pathways, should be reflected in the outcomes of the Post 2020 Global Biodiversity Framework and on the implementation of the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration.

They should also be taken into account in the development of national targets and commitments related to combating land degradation and restoring ecosystems. I come from Bolivia, a country that has lost more than 5 million ha of an endemic ecoregion “The Chiquitano Forest” due to forest fires in 2019.

After these fires, different actors have developed various approaches to restore the devastated ecosystems. Sadly, many of these initiatives lack a solid scientific basis and could do more harm than good, including introducing invasive species, making space for monoculture plantations or changing the structure of the forest.

This is why efforts like this assessment, that provides the best available science and expertise on land degradation and restoration, are crucial to be shared among the implementers of land restoration strategies and the ones combating land degradation at the national levels.

 

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