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Mask Off – Recapping the 2025 World Bank Land Conference

Thu, 05/15/2025 - 07:20

By Andy Currier
OAKLAND, California, USA, May 15 2025 (IPS)

Last week, at its annual Land Conference in Washington D.C., (May 5-8), the World Bank showed allegiance to the new US administration by dropping the pretense of promoting land reform for climate action and confirming that its land agenda is about boosting corporate profits.

Climate Focus Abandoned to Appease Trump

While it had previously announced that the 2025 conference would focus on the “foundational role of securing land tenure and access for climate action,” the Bank scrambled in response to the seismic political shift brought on by the second Trump presidency.

The administration’s “America First” agenda has slashed global development aid, including 85 percent of USAID programs that were unceremoniously and abruptly ended. After exiting the Paris Agreement on climate, Trump also proposed a budget that would further reduce federal climate change programs.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent recently reassured the Bretton Woods Institutions that their largest shareholder would not be pulling out at their Spring Meetings in April 2025. He did, however, specify that the Bank and IMF “must step back from their sprawling and unfocused agendas,” condemning their work on climate, gender, and other social issues.

In response, Bank staff were allegedly instructed not to mention climate or gender at the Spring Meetings, as the institutions cower under US pressure.

Just weeks before the Land Conference started, its website was altered to remove the headline banner on “Securing Land Tenure and Access for Climate Action.” The last-minute shift in messaging – just a year after launching a multi-billion-dollar land initiative – confirms the findings of a recent exposé by the Oakland Institute:

The Bank’s land push was never actually about climate action. Released the week before the conference, the Climatewash report revealed how the Bank intends to open lands to agribusiness, mining of “transition minerals,” and false solutions like carbon credits – fueling dispossession and environmental destruction.

Land Conference homepage in February 2025 (left) and then in May 2025 (right), after focus on climate was scrubbed. Source: The World Bank

At last year’s Land Conference – focused on “Securing Land Tenure and Access for Climate Action” – the Bank unveiled plans to massively expand its influence on land policy around the world through the Global Program on Land Tenure Security and Land Access for Climate Goals.

It announced plans to “ensure 100 million people see greater tenure security… and improve land administration and land access for climate action in 20 countries” over the next five years. Towards these goals, the Bank said it will double its investment in the land sector – from US$5 billion to US$10 billion – and double the number of countries where it will intervene with land projects.

Land Reform to Serve Corporate Interests

Despite the dramatic branding shift, the agenda at last week’s conference did not change and several positive sessions focused on climate action and Indigenous rights were held, including a welcome discussion on the importance of “securing collective lands.” The focus on changing land tenure for “economic growth” and “unlocking private capital,” however, took center stage.

At the opening plenary, Rohitesh Dhawan, President and CEO of the International Council on Mining and Metals (ICMM) – the principal trade association of the mining industry – delivered the keynote.

Given the egregious human rights and environmental record of the mining industry, the ICMM’s prominent platform was both startling and revealing, laying bare the true interests the conference would serve. Dhawan began by explaining why he was “more hopeful than ever” about the bright future so-called “sustainable” mining could provide:

“We can literally move mountains and shift the course of ancient rivers, But should we? In many cases, the answer will be yes, because all things considered, as a society, we may reach consensus that the need for commodities and the opportunity for host countries to prosper, grow, and develop means that mining should go ahead with the least possible disruption to land, impacted people, and nature.”

While Dhawan went on to say that Free, Prior, and Informed, Consent was “front and center in their approach,” and areas like World Heritage Sites were off limits, he assumes communities will eventually come to accept mining on their lands despite the grave social, environmental, and economic toll it has historically inflicted upon them.

In a telling moment, when the opening panel was asked to give an example of a successful co-ownership model between firms and locals, no examples from Africa or Latin America came to mind. These communities continue to push for genuine authority over their lands, but have seen little progress despite these conference hall platitudes and promises.

Later in the week, several sessions focused on securing land for carbon markets, unsurprising given the lead role the Bank plays in promoting this dangerous false climate solution that has failed to reduce emissions. While it has been extensively documented how carbon offsetting primarily benefits predatory actors at the expense of local communities, the Bank continues to champion these schemes.

Other sessions discussed the role land policies can play in “developing” agriculture, another expected focus in light of the Bank’s new plan to double its agri-finance and agribusiness commitments to US$9 billion annually by 2030.

In one event, Malawi was hailed as a land reform success story, despite the role of the Bank in blocking recent efforts to address historical inequities in land ownership, as detailed in the Climatewash report. Instead, the Bank has coerced Malawi to implement policies favorable to agribusiness.

These conferences are largely symbolic and even if the focus was on climate action, the true impact of the Bank’s efforts remains the same. In practice, the Bank’s land programs and policy prescriptions dismantle collective land tenure systems and promote individual titling and land markets as the norm, paving the way for private investment and corporate takeover.

These reforms, often financed through loans taken by governments, force countries into debt while pushing a “structural transformation” that displaces smallholder farmers, undermines food sovereignty, and prioritizes industrial agriculture and extractive industries.

At this critical juncture to address the climate crisis, this impact directly opposes the IPCC’s recommendations around stopping land conversion.

The Bank is now scrambling to appease Trump, who is content to watch the world burn as long as he and his wealthy oligarchs continue to profit. Through its global land reform agenda, the Bank facilitates the dispossession of local communities across the Global South under its past northstar of economic growth.

The mask is now off – and any illusions that these efforts will help secure rights or address the climate crisis have been shattered.

Andy Currier is Policy Analyst at the Oakland Institute.

IPS UN Bureau

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Categories: Africa

UN Warns of Exacerbated Famine and Malnutrition in Gaza

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 20:49

A family in Khan Younis, Gaza. Roughly 2.1 million people in Gaza are in critical need of food assistance. Credit: UNICEF/Mohammed Nateel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 14 2025 (IPS)

Since the dissolution of the ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hamas in March, roughly 2 million Palestinians residing within the Gaza Strip have struggled to survive amid constant barrages of airstrikes from the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and a persisting blockade on humanitarian aid. With essential border crossings in Gaza remaining closed, humanitarian organizations have expressed fear that the Palestinians within the enclave could experience exacerbated rates of famine and malnutrition.

“The risk of famine does not arrive suddenly. It unfolds in places where access to food is blocked, where health systems are decimated, and where children are left without the bare minimum to survive. Hunger and acute malnutrition are a daily reality for children across the Gaza Strip,” said Catherine Russell, the Executive Director of the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). “We have repeatedly warned of this trajectory and call again on all parties to prevent a catastrophe.”

Humanitarian aid and food assistance has been blocked by the IDF since March 2, marking the longest blockade since the war in Gaza broke out in 2023. In late March, all 25 of the bakeries in Gaza, which have been supported by the World Food Programme (WFP), shut down. These bakeries were considered to be a lifeline for Gazans. Around this time, WFP’s entire supply of food parcels and two weeks of food rations were depleted.

According to figures from UNICEF, more than 116,000 metric tons of food assistance, which is enough to feed the entire population for roughly 4 months, is in position to be delivered, waiting on borders to open. Additionally, food prices have soared by 3,000 percent since February, pushing basic items, such as flour, out of reach for the majority of Palestinians within the enclave.

“Families in Gaza are starving while the food they need is sitting at the border. We can’t get it to them because of the renewed conflict and the total ban on humanitarian aid imposed in early March,” said the WFP’s Executive Director Cindy McCain. “It’s imperative that the international community acts urgently to get aid flowing into Gaza again. If we wait until after a famine is confirmed, it will already be too late for many people.”

On May 12, UNICEF and the WFP released a report detailing the current hunger crisis in Gaza. According to the report, food supplies have run critically low and the entire population is facing acute food insecurity. Furthermore, roughly 71,000 children and 17,000 mothers are threatened by acute malnutrition.

Additional figures from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) indicate that approximately 470,000 Gazans are currently facing catastrophic levels of hunger (IPC Phase 5). Furthermore, it is estimated that roughly 60,000 children are in dire need of treatment for malnutrition.

The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that there have been at least 57 child deaths as a result of starvation in Gaza. This estimate is believed to be lower than the actual amount of deaths, with thousands of children being at risk of dying due to starvation in the next 11 months.

Breastfeeding mothers in Gaza have been hit especially hard by the blockade, with thousands struggling to produce enough milk to feed their children. With supplemental nutritional services having been rendered essentially nonfunctional, thousands of children are at a heightened risk of disease. An entire generation of children are projected to face a multitude of long-term health risks including stunted growth, impaired cognitive development, and compromised immune systems.

The current distribution plan presented by Israeli authorities to the United Nations (UN) entails roughly 60 trucks of humanitarian aid entering Gaza per day, which is about one-tenth of the supply delivered during the implementation of the ceasefire. IPC warns that catastrophic levels of hunger are to become widespread between now and September if this plan is implemented.

This proposal seeks to establish several aid hubs exclusively in the south of the enclave. According to UNICEF spokesperson James Elder, this plan would create “an impossible choice between displacement and death”, as the vast majority of civilians would have to abandon their homes to access the supplies they need for survival.

The most vulnerable populations, such as children, the disabled, and the elderly, would face extreme challenges if this plan was to be implemented. “It’s dangerous to ask civilians to go into militarized zones to collect rations…humanitarian aid should never be used as a bargaining chip,” Elder said.

The Trump administration has announced a separate distribution plan for Gaza which has been approved by Israeli authorities but rejected by UN officials. This plan entails the establishment of several distribution centers facilitated by private firms. Israel would not be involved in the distribution of aid but would assist in security services around the perimeters of these centers.

“President Trump has made very clear that one of the most urgent things that needs to happen is humanitarian aid into Gaza, and he has tasked all of his team to do everything possible to accelerate that and to as expeditiously as possible get humanitarian aid in, to the people,” said US ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee.

Israel’s foreign minister Gideon Saar expressed approval for this plan, citing Hamas as a persistent threat that takes advantage of aid deliveries. Many UN officials have denounced this plan, with Olga Cherevko of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) stating that there are monitoring systems in place to ensure that all aid goes to civilians.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Bye-Bye Marriage, Hello Cohabitation

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 14:01

Marriage rates, especially among young adults, have declined substantially over the past seventy-five years. Credit: Shutterstock

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, May 14 2025 (IPS)

Until the middle of the 20th century, marriage between men and women was the societal norm among countries, and the cohabitation of couples was uncommon and stigmatized. In the subsequent decades, however, that situation changed significantly worldwide.

Marriage rates, especially among young adults, have declined substantially over the past seventy-five years. Additionally, women and men who decide to marry are doing so at older ages and having fewer children than in the recent past.

The median ages at first marriage for men and women have been steadily increasing in countries worldwide. The increasing marriage ages are partly due to increased education, employment, and career decisions; the evolving role and improving status of women; lifestyle preferences; and changing societal norms concerning personal relationships between men and women.

Besides marriage at older ages, couples are choosing to have fewer children than they had a half century ago. For example, the world’s average number of births per woman has declined from 5.3 births in 1963 to 2.3 births in 2023. Also, in over half of all countries, representing over two-thirds of the world’s population, fertility rates are below the replacement fertility of 2.1 births per woman.

At the same time that marriage rates have been declining and women are having fewer births, cohabitation, or people living together without being married, has become increasingly acceptable and common in many countries worldwide.

In the United States, for example, the proportions of young adults and older adults living with a partner increased significantly over the past half century. Whereas in 1970 the proportion cohabitating was a fraction of one percent, by 2018 the percentage had increased to nearly 10% among those aged 18 to 24 years and to nearly 15% among those aged 25 to 34 years and those aged 65 years and older (Figure 1).

Source: US Census Bureau.

In 1970, cohabitation preceded about 11% of the marriages in the United States. That percentage increased significantly over the subsequent decades, and currently approximately 75% of marriages are preceded by cohabitation. Also, the large majority of Americans, close to 70%, say cohabitation is acceptable even if a couple doesn’t plan to get married.

With the increasing levels of cohabitation among young adults in the US, the proportion of births to unmarried mothers also increased. Whereas 5% of all births in the United States in 1960 were to unmarried women, the proportion increased to 33% by 2000 and reached approximately 40% by 2021.

Cohabitation is becoming more prevalent in most populations, particularly in Latin America and Western countries. In contrast, cohabitation is less common in some countries, especially in Asia and the Middle East, because of traditional roles and cultural norms. In those countries, such as Indonesia, Jordan, the Philippines, and Egypt, the large majority of adults in ages 18 to 49 years old are married (Figure 2).

Source: World Family Map Report, 2015.

However, even among some traditional countries, cohabitation has increased. For example, despite the religious laws in Iran, increasing numbers of young Iranian couples, especially those living in urban areas, are choosing cohabitation before marriage.

Cohabitation is becoming more prevalent in most populations, particularly in Latin America and Western countries. In contrast, cohabitation is less common in some countries, especially in Asia and the Middle East, because of traditional roles and cultural norms

Non-marital cohabitation is also becoming increasingly common in China, gaining acceptance among young men and women living in urban areas. Similar to many Western countries, cohabitation in China among young adults has been increasing rapidly with older marriage ages, declining fertility levels, and increasing divorce rates.

Also, changes in Chinese laws may contribute to changes in public attitudes toward cohabitation. For example, whereas the Chinese Marriage Law of 1980 referred to “illegal cohabitation”, a 2001 amendment to the law changed the wording to “non-marital cohabitation”.

Similarly, in India, cohabitation is considered a taboo in traditional Indian society. However, over the recent past, cohabitation has become increasingly popular among young men and women in urban centers.

With more Indian women becoming educated, joining the labor force, and gaining financial independence, traditional attitudes toward marriage are shifting towards more acceptance of cohabitation. Again, live-in relationships are being used by many young couples in urban areas to test their compatibility and differences before making a commitment to marriage.

In contrast to many of the traditional countries in Asia and the Middle East, cohabitation across Latin America and the Caribbean has become increasingly prevalent since the 1970s. Also, adults aged 18 to 49 years have relatively low proportions married, often less than 30%.

Because of the comparatively high prevalence of cohabitation in many Latin American countries, the large majority of births in that region are out of wedlock. Between 2016 and 2020, approximately three-quarters of the children born in Latin America are estimated to have been born outside marriage. In countries such as Chile, Costa Rica, and Mexico, the percentages of births born out of wedlock in 2020 were no less than 70 percent (Figure 3).

Source: OECD.

Various factors are behind the increasing trend away from marriage and towards cohabitation. Among those factors are testing personal relationships, assessing compatibility, financial benefits, flexibility, widespread availability of modern contraceptives, disillusionment with the institution of marriage, and avoidance of legal and monetary obligations related to marriage, including the risks of divorce.

Cohabitation offers an opportunity for couples to get to know each other in a shared living environment. It permits couples to assess their compatibility and areas of discordance before deciding whether they wish to enter a marriage or remain cohabitating.

Cohabitation also typically avoids the legal process and formalities of marriage. It provides couples with the flexibility to move on with their lives if their personal relationship doesn’t work out. In addition, some men and women may not want to make a long-term commitment and take on the responsibilities and obligations that marriage typically entails.

While some cohabiting couples may choose to avoid making a long-term commitment, others may view cohabitation as providing a promising path to marriage. In many countries, including Brazil, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States, the large majority of marriages are preceded by cohabitation.

Also, increasingly, in some countries, couples decide to wed after they’ve had children together. Having children for many couples often represents a serious commitment to one’s partner, and marriage provides those couples with a visible way to celebrate their commitment to each other and their family. There are also financial and legal benefits to getting married, including pensions and inheritance matters.

However, some concerns have been raised about the consequences of cohabitation on families. In general, cohabitation is less stable for families with children than marriage and contributes to the rise of single-parent households with fathers missing.

In a global study of over sixty countries, cohabitating couples with children were found to be more likely to break up than married couples. More specifically, in nearly all the countries examined, children born to cohabiting parents were significantly more likely to see their parents break up before age 12 compared to children whose parents were married at their birth.

In sum, over much of the past, marriage between men and women existed as the world’s societal norm, permitting men and women to live together, take part in sex, and have children. After the middle of the 20th century, that societal norm changed significantly, with marriage becoming increasingly replaced or preceded by the cohabitation of men and women and greater numbers of children born out of wedlock.

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications on population issues, including his recent book, “Population Levels, Trends, and Differentials”.

Categories: Africa

A Salt Sermon That Could Kill: When Faith Leaders Preach Misinformation

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 12:12

More than one-third of Nigerian adults suffer from hypertension, a leading risk factor for heart disease, stroke, and kidney failure. Excess salt intake contributes significantly to these conditions. Credit: Shutterstock

By Ifeanyi Nsofor
WASHINGTON DC, May 14 2025 (IPS)

In Nigeria, salt is deeply woven into the fabric of food and culture. It brings out flavor, preserves ingredients, and enhances tradition. But recently, salt has become the centerpiece of dangerous misinformation promoted by one of Nigeria’s most powerful spiritual leaders.

During a now-viral sermon, Pastor Chris Oyakhilome, founder of the global megachurch Christ Embassy, declared that warnings about excess salt are part of a broader conspiracy to harm Africans. He said, “They told you salt is not good so you won’t take salt anymore and then you get sodium deficiency and need their sodium tablets and sodium medication. Wake up, Africa!”

Within days, Nigeria’s Federal Ministry of Health issued a formal advisory contradicting his claims and reinforcing the risks of high salt intake. The ministry emphasized the well-known risks: high blood pressure, heart failure, stroke, and kidney disease. WHO recommends adults consume less than 5 grams of salt daily (about one teaspoon).

But what happens when millions believe the pulpit over public health policy?

A Pattern of Misinformation by Pastor Oyakhilome

Pastor Oyakhilome’s salt remarks are not an isolated incident. He has a troubling record of promoting health-related conspiracy theories that put his followers and the larger Christian community at risk.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, he falsely claimed that 5G technology was responsible for the spread of the virus. Though he later walked it back, the damage was done, fueling confusion and mistrust.

He has also repeatedly mischaracterized COVID-19 vaccines, describing them as tools of genetic manipulation. In one broadcast, he suggested that they alter human DNA, a claim unequivocally refuted by scientists and fact-checkers.

In April 2025, Oyakhilome falsely claimed that Pope Francis had died due to the COVID-19 vaccine. The Vatican quickly debunked this falsehood and confirmed that the 88-year-old pontiff passed away due to complications from a stroke, which led to a coma and heart failure.

Such statements have drawn regulatory action. In 2021, the UK’s broadcasting regulator, Ofcom, fined Oyakhilome’s television channel £25,000 for airing COVID-19 conspiracy theories and unsubstantiated medical claims.

Why Salt Misinformation Matters

The impact of misinformation is compounded in countries like Nigeria, where religious leaders wield enormous influence. According to a 2022 Afrobarometer survey, 60% of Nigerians said they trust religious leaders ‘somewhat’ or ‘a lot’. This is far higher than the trust shown for political leaders or public institutions: the president (27%); members of the National Assembly (19%); and political parties (15%).

Misinformation from the pulpit has real consequences

When salt enters the body in excess, its effects ripple silently across vital organs, often without early warning signs.

It starts with the heart, which must work harder to pump the increased volume of blood retained by the sodium. Over time, this sustained pressure can lead to hypertension and eventually heart failure, with the slow thickening of the heart’s walls and the quiet exhaustion of a vital muscle.

The kidneys, too, struggle under the weight of too much salt. These delicate filters are tasked with removing excess sodium, but when overwhelmed, they begin to break down. This can lead to chronic kidney disease, protein leaking into the urine, and the painful formation of kidney stones. Furthermore, reduced kidney function results in less excess water being removed, which increases blood pressure levels.

The brain is especially vulnerable. Prolonged high blood pressure caused by excess salt can rupture or block these vessels, leading to strokes. Even when no stroke occurs, the reduced blood flow can gradually impair memory and cognitive function.

Meanwhile, the arteries harden. Once elastic and responsive, they lose their ability to expand and contract. The result is a narrowed highway for blood, increasing the risk of heart attacks and peripheral artery disease.

High salt levels irritate the lining of the stomach and may contribute to the growth of Helicobacter pylori, a bacterium strongly linked to gastric cancer. What begins as seasoning at the table may, over years, become fuel for malignancy.

These are not speculative concerns. They are well-established scientific facts. When a high-profile pastor tells millions to increase their salt consumption, it risks undoing years of public health education and investment.

The Role of Faith Leaders in Health Communication

As a public health physician, I understand the importance of cultural context and trusted messengers. Faith leaders can, and often do play powerful roles in promoting healthy behaviors. For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, Pastor Enoch Adeboye (General Overseer of Redeemed Christian Church of God) encouraged christians to receive the COVID-19 vaccine. He said, “It is foolish to keep having faith that God will protect you from an infection when He has made provision for vaccines that can provide a high percentage of protection. I have taken the jab. I prayed about it and got a clear direction from God to go and receive it.”

But when spiritual authority is used to promote pseudoscience, it becomes a dangerous betrayal of trust. We must challenge misinformation, especially when it comes from influential voices. Public health officials must collaborate with faith communities to train leaders on evidence-based health communication. And regulatory agencies must be empowered to hold repeat offenders accountable.

Conclusion: Let Salt Season Food, Not Falsehood

Salt should enhance flavor. Not endanger lives. It is not a cure, and it certainly is not a conspiracy. Leaders with influence, especially in matters of faith, have a duty to uphold truth, not distort it.

As Nigeria and other countries navigate the growing burden of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), we cannot afford sermons that sacrifice science for spectacle. NCDs cause about 29% of all deaths in Nigeria — over 684,000 annually.

Let’s preach health. Let’s defend the truth. Let’s keep misinformation out of our kitchens, and out of our pulpits.

Dr. Ifeanyi M. Nsofor, a public-health physician, global health equity advocate and behavioral-science researcher, serves on the Global Fellows Advisory Board at the Atlantic Institute, Oxford, United Kingdom. You can follow him @Ifeanyi Nsofor, MD on LinkedIn

Categories: Africa

Amidst Choking Garbage, Locals Join Hands to Build a Zero-Waste Bali

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 10:51

Organic waste being composted at a community-led waste management facility in Sesdan village of Gianyar regency, Bali. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

By Stella Paul
GIANYAR, Bali, May 14 2025 (IPS)

It was Christmas Eve last year when visitors across several tourism hotspots in Bali woke up to a ghastly scene they hadn’t expected: layers of cans, bags, bottles, and driftwood covering their favorite sandy beaches, washed up by hours of rain and high tide. So bad was the situation that from Kuta to Legian and Seminyak to Jimbaran—none of the island’s picturesque beaches was clean enough to attract the visitors for a swim.

The incident intensified the debate that had been raging across Bali for quite some time: was the world’s most picture-perfect holiday destination drowning in plastic waste and ocean debris?

“Garbage tides are not new to Bali nowadays. Every year, we see it increasing but around Christmas, when it’s the peak of our tourism season, we did not expect to see this. Nobody expected to see trash on the beach. All day we picked up the trash and cleaned the beach. It was not an easy job, says Siboto Sayeda, 25, who was one of the many locals who volunteered to remove the waste from the beaches. The cleaning drive—organized by a local NGO—went on for two days before tourists could swim again.

Nearly four months later, several beaches, including the beachfront of the ever-popular Kuta beach are still often barraged by a tide of waste.

Sweta Kala—a visitor from northern India’s Punjab who is in Bali for her honeymoon—says that the garbage on the beach has been a huge disappointment. “We chose to come to Bali instead of Goa (a beach destination in western India), but we haven’t been able to swim even once. The entire beach looks dirty. Our friends are advising us to move to Nusa Dua, but we already paid in advance for our entire vacation, she says.

Burn or Landfills? No Easy Solutions

Data from the Bali Central Bureau of Statistics (BPSJ) & Bali Tourism Authority (DISPARDA) shows that nearly 8 million tourists visited the island destination in 2024; of them, six million are foreigners. The total waste generated collectively by the visitors and the locals in the year was nearly 2 million tons. This is a 30 percent increase from the waste generated in 2020, says Fabby Tumiwa, Executive Director of the Institute for Essential Services Reform (IESR), a Jakarta-based energy and environment think tank.

“The causes of increased waste generation include a lack of awareness of waste management in most communities, including tourists visiting Bali. In addition, although district and city governments have regulations related to waste (such as waste sorting), enforcement of regulations and limited waste management infrastructure are still contributing to the increasing volume of waste, Tumiwa says.

Currently, the waste is usually deposited in a landfill, TPA Suwung, a 32-hectare landfill located in the heart of Bali or occasionally burned—especially in beach locations with no wide, motorable roads. However, the landfill is nearing its capacity, and the government is said to be scouting for new landfill sites in other parts of Bali.

A community-led solution movement

Thirty-three kilometers away from Kuta beach, villagers from 10 villages in Gianyar have joined hands to find a solution to the mounting waste – both organic and inorganic.

Named Merah Putih Hijau (Red White Green), the villagers’ group has clear goals: manage waste at the source so that there is no further need for either burning or dumping in the landfills; build a community-led circular economy model based on waste; and promote sustainable farming using organic manure while creating waste-based jobs and income for community members.

Their current efforts of the group, however, are primarily focused on running a waste composting facility Located in Sidan village, the facility is used to sort, compost, and package the organic waste. A visit to the center gives one a full view of those efforts, where a group of six to seven villagers can be seen engaged in various waste management activities. While a two-member team is seen sorting organic waste from inorganic waste, others are seen crushing, filtering, and packaging.

“This is a program run by, for, and of the villagers,” says Dewi Kusumawati, Project Manager at Mera Putih Hijau – it involves every villager’s active participation. “We begin by asking everyone in the village to sort their waste at home. Then, we collect the organic waste and bring it to this 3R-Transfer Depo (TPS3R) waste management facility, where it is used to produce quality compost.”

The history of the waste management program is connected to the official waste management program that, villagers say, hasn’t served its purpose to keep the island truly clean and at times has caused more harm than good.

Seven years ago, in 2017, the government of Indonesia set an ambitious target for waste management in its National Development Plan (Kebijakan dan Strategi Nasional). The target included reducing household waste by 30 percent and the handling of household waste by 70 percent by this year (2025).

As a part of this plan, in 2021 the government provided funding to all regencies to build village-level waste management facilities and accordingly, 129 facilities were built, including 36 in Gianyar Regency. But less than 50 percent of the facilities are well-managed and operated, says Hermitianta Prasetya, a Community Relation Manager at Bumi Sasmaya Foundation, which manages and funds Merah Putih Hijau.

According to Prasetya, the National Development Plan on waste management also included promoting organic farming and in 2019 the government passed a policy called Organic Farming System Provincial Regulation. But, in Bali, the farming sector is heavily dependent on chemical fertilizer and the new regulation didn’t have provisions to help farmers make a clear shift to using organic fertilizer with training or step-by-step technical guidance. As a result, it became very hard to convince farmers to change to more sustainable agricultural practices such as using organic fertilizer.

The other reason behind this program has been curbing the current trend of sending waste to landfills: besides the government-owned landfill at Suwung, which handles 1,500 tons of waste every day, it is reported that there are also some 1,000 illegal open dump sites across the province, which pollute both the island’s water sources and environment.

“Currently, about 70 percent of the waste in Bali is taken to dump into landfills. The remainder is mainly organic waste that can be turned into compost. The Merah Putih Hijau program is trying to change the approach towards waste. So, we ask everyone in the village to sort their waste at home. Then, we collect the organic waste and bring it to this 3R-Transfer Depo (TPS3R) waste management facility, where it is used to produce quality compost. This compost then goes right back to the villagers to use in their farms. So, we are aiming to meet the village’s needs at where they are,” says Dewi Kusumawati, Manager of Merah Putih Hijau.

To help the villagers better understand the difference between organic and inorganic waste, the Merah Putih Hijau team also spends substantial time training villagers in separating organic and inorganic waste, composting, and different aspects of sustainable waste management as well as sustainable agriculture. The team has so far done dozens of trainings, says Kusumawati.

Persisting Plastic Problem

Despite their successful composting initiative, the Merah Putih Hijau team has a long way to go before achieving their dream goal of treating all waste locally. The biggest reason behind that is the ever-increasing volume of plastic and other non-compostable waste.

The team collects both organic and plastic waste. But right now, they do not have the capacity to recycle the inorganic waste. In their composting station, an entire room is filled with bundles of plastic bottles, bags, and other waste. But in the absence of a recycling facility or a program, the waste keeps piling up.

This is a much bigger problem than a village community can handle, admits Prasetya, especially because managing plastic and other inorganic waste needs more effort, including technical expertise and specialized facilities. This cannot be done alone by a village community, and it will require partnership with other actors, including the government and the private business community.

The plan is now to start conversations for building those partnerships that can lead to bigger, stronger waste management initiatives, especially to tackle the plastic waste.

“We are going to create several local networks with hotels, restaurants, and other tourism-based businesses. We are already talking to government officials. Eighty percent of the Balinese population currently earn their livelihood from tourism. And piling garbage is a threat to our tourism and our livelihood. So, there is a common good for us to achieve by partnering and solving the plastic waste together,” Prasteya says.

Considering there are nearly 1300 hotels and restaurants in Giyaniar alone, this is going to be an uphill task for the community group to bring them all into one place and convince them to participate in a collective waste management movement. But Agastya Yatra, the head of the Bumi Sasmaya Foundation, believes that it is possible to do so. The garbage issue, he says, has already been noticed. Now, it’s time to find a solution that works in favor of the locals.

“Eighty percent of our people earn their living from tourism. So, we need solutions that will not affect tourism. We need to keep our tourists happy and for that, we need to keep our villages and beaches clean. This will work only if we join hands and work together,” he says. “Together, if we can segregate waste properly, recycle, and reuse, then slowly but surely, our problem with waste will vanish,” says Yatra.

IPS UN Bureau Report

IPS UN Bureau, IPS UN Bureau Report, Bali

Categories: Africa

‘Our Weak and Corrupt Institutions Acted Too Late to Address Manipulation That Destabilised Democracy’

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 09:07

By CIVICUS
May 14 2025 (IPS)

CIVICUS discusses Romania’s presidential election with Anda Serban, Executive Director of Resource Center for Public Participation (CERE), a civil society organisation (CSO) that focuses on public participation and transparency in decision-making processes.

Romania has experienced a dramatic shift in its political landscape following the presidential election rerun held on 4 May. The Constitutional Court ordered a new election after it annulled the December 2024 vote and disqualified far-right frontrunner Călin Georgescu due to electoral violations and alleged foreign interference. A new far-right candidate, George Simion, took first place in the first round of the rerun election, sending further shockwaves through Romania’s political establishment. A runoff vote between Simion and centrist Bucharest Mayor Nicușor Dan is scheduled for 18 May.

Anda Serban

What factors led to the decision to annul the first election?

Romania’s weak and corrupt institutions acted too late to address manipulation that destabilised our democracy. The court pointed to three main reasons for annulment: foreign interference in political campaigns, authorities failing to act on available information and the risky, short-sighted strategies employed by political parties seeking to undermine their opponents.

Judges found that illegal digital campaigning, foreign interference and campaign finance violations compromised the integrity of the election and decided a full rerun was necessary. Unlike other countries facing similar challenges, Romania’s response has been notably inadequate. While France, Moldova and the USA have tackled similar problems and some steps have been taken at the European level, Romania took far too long to act. In typical Romanian political and bureaucratic fashion, once information came out, politicians did nothing right away. Instead of following clear steps to act quickly, officials waited and tried to see how they could use it to their advantage.

How did this affect public trust in Romania’s democratic institutions?

This crisis exists within a broader context of eroding democratic norms. Trust was already low before the annulment, and with good reason. The government increasingly uses emergency ordinances to legislate, Bucharest’s city hall opens less than three per cent of its proposals for public debate and local authorities systematically ignore civic input. This comes on top of a poorly managed pandemic and a war in Ukraine across our border, with the aggressor’s voice amplified in social media.

Authorities have done nothing to reverse this trend. On the contrary, they have increasingly tried to restrict civic space and human rights. So when the election was suddenly annulled, it became the spark that ignited an already volatile situation. This ongoing institutional failure has had a profound impact on the credibility of the entire electoral process.

The aftermath of the court’s decision further damaged public confidence. Distrust intensified because authorities acted too slowly and inadequately. No senior official was held accountable. Without a public, transparent review, many people didn’t see this annulment as a real defence of democracy.

What role have established political parties played in the crisis?

The current situation stems partly from cynical political calculations by mainstream parties. The Social Democratic Party (PSD) and the National Liberal Party believed they could ride the wave of far-right and sovereigntist sentiment, represented by Georgescu, without serious consequences. They’ve maintained power for over 35 years. They assumed they could face him in a runoff and easily defeat him. But his support proved much stronger than they expected.

This miscalculation has now transformed the political landscape. Georgescu’s disqualification turned him into an anti-system symbol, despite being an insider and having held public jobs. Every candidate tried to claim the anti-system role, some more aggressively than others.

The resulting polarisation is unprecedented. Some Georgescu backers hoped to repeat a situation similar to the attack on the US Capitol on 6 January 2021. We’ve seen some insurrectionary slogans, such as ‘second round back’, fuelled by both real supporters and bots seeking to erode trust in the process.

Who were the leading candidates in the rerun first round?

Although the ballot looked very different from December, the ideological spectrum remained largely conservative. Most candidates appealed to the same pool of Christian-Orthodox voters. The biggest dividing line was foreign policy: some were pro-European Union (EU), others pro-USA, particularly pro-Trump, and a few pushed anti-Ukrainian, pro-Russian narratives.

The race effectively narrowed to five significant contenders. George Simion of the Alliance of Union of Romanians (AUR) emerged as Georgescu’s political heir. No one was able to fully capture Georgescu’s support base, but Simion came closest by copying his style and behaviour. He skipped all three official presidential debates, in one case staging a dramatic walkout with supporters, just as Georgescu did in 2024. While this showed a lack of respect for voters, Simion may have felt he had nothing to gain and only votes to lose. This strategy won him first place with 40.96 per cent of the vote.

Simion and AUR represent a clear threat to Romania’s European orientation. They are conservative on family and immigration, oppose human rights advances and are pro-Russian in foreign policy. The EU is under pressure from many fronts, and Simion’s rise adds to that strain.

The other candidates positioned themselves within this disrupted landscape. Bucharest’s mayor, Nicușor Dan, ran as an independent with the Save Romania Union’s support. He cast himself as the ‘lone wolf’ anti-system figure. During his mayoral term, he built coalitions in the city council for reforms. He received 20.99 per cent of the vote and will now compete with Simion in the runoff.

The three other candidates were Elena Lasconi, Crin Antonescu and Victor Ponta. Lasconi maintained that she should have been the rightful challenger to Georgescu in the previous runoff. She targeted Dan’s voters, accusing him of ‘stealing’ them. Antonescu, in contrast, represented continuity with the governing coalition. He relied on his rhetorical skills to fill the ‘calm statesman’ role Georgescu once sought. He showed a lot of pragmatism, expressing willingness to form any coalition – even with the far right – to stay in power. And Ponta emerged as a troubling surprise. He staged a political comeback with provocative proposals, adopting a Romanian version of Trump’s ‘Make America Great Again’ discourse.

How has disinformation shaped the electoral environment?

Online disinformation is moving at a scale we’ve never seen. In every election, parties try to shape the agenda, but when legions of bots flood social media to do it too, the rules change. Even if all parties use such tactics, it ends up being a matter of who has most resources to spread disinformation.

Media manipulation isn’t new, but its scale is unprecedented. We are constantly analysing campaign visuals and debating images of one candidate shared by another, while armies of trolls are flooding social media with copy-pasted comments on political and non-political posts alike.

Fortunately, civil society is fighting back against these information threats. CSOs are working with teachers to incorporate media literacy in schools, running workshops that equip young people to spot fake news and operating fact-checking services to debunk viral lies. As part of the NGOs for Citizens coalition, CERE launched an offline civic forum focused on TikTok’s role in this campaign to give voters the tools they need to navigate this flood of disinformation.

What are the prospects for the runoff?

Dan now battles for the support of first-round non-voters. Even if he manages to secure most of the votes received by all the other candidates, his electoral prospects appear limited unless he can attract a significant influx of new supporters. The key questions are how many of the 38 per cent who rejected Simeon Dan can persuade to participate and support him, and how effectively an anti-Simeon campaign can mobilise those who previously abstained.

A particularly notable development involves the PSD, Romania’s largest party, which has withdrawn from government and declared neutrality in the runoff, endorsing neither candidate. One optimistic interpretation suggests Dan asked political parties to keep a distance, believing them responsible for the substantial anti-system vote, and perhaps PSD agreed. We must also consider that anti-PSD sentiment has persisted for over a decade, particularly among diaspora voters, making the impact of its potential endorsement uncertain. More likely, however, a weakened PSD is simply distancing itself from the turmoil it helped create, hoping to return strengthened in eight to 10 months. Meanwhile, its loyal voting base now lacks direction, raising questions about whether they will gravitate toward Dan or Simion.

What remains unquestionably clear is that Romania’s continued alignment with Europe hinges entirely on achieving substantial voter participation in this pivotal runoff election.

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SEE ALSO
Romania: ‘People saw this election as an opportunity for change and expressed their dissatisfaction with the status quo’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Luliana Lliescu 28.Dec.2024
Romania: Protests erupt after court annuls presidential elections results CIVICUS Monitor 10.Jan.2025
Romania: Protests in Bucharest over election irregularities; government workers go on strike CIVICUS Monitor 30.Jul.2024

Categories: Africa

Education Cannot Wait Interviews Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 08:30

By External Source
May 14 2025 (IPS-Partners)

Tom Fletcher is the United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, OCHA. He started his official duties on 18 November 2024.

Prior to taking up this role, Fletcher was the Principal of Hertford College at Oxford (2020-2024) and Vice Chair of Oxford University’s Conference of Colleges (2022-2024). He was British Ambassador to Lebanon (2011-2015) and Number 10 Foreign Policy Adviser to three UK Prime Ministers (2007-2011).

Fletcher previously served as Global Strategy Director of the Global Business Coalition for Education (2015-2019) and as chair of the UK Creative Industries Federation (2015-2020). He was awarded a CMG in 2011.

Fletcher has worked closely with the United Nations during his diplomatic career in Africa, the Middle East and Europe, including leading a report on technology for the UN Secretary General (2017). He is the author of ‘The Naked Diplomat’ (2016), ‘Ten Survival Skills for a World in Flux’ (2022), and two novels, ‘The Ambassador’ (2022) and ‘The Assassin’ (2024). He has written for the Financial Times, Prospect and Foreign Policy Magazine, and presented a BBC series on democracy.

Fletcher holds a Master of Arts degree in Modern History (Oxford, 1998). He was Visiting Professor at New York University (2015-2020) and the Emirates Diplomatic Academy (2016-2019). He is fluent in English and French, and has a good working knowledge of Arabic and Swahili.

ECW: How can education – especially for the 234 million crisis-affected children in urgent need of education support – better strengthen efforts to protect civilians, ensure human rights and foster adherence to international humanitarian law?

Tom Fletcher: Education is a frontline necessity in humanitarian crises – not an afterthought or something that can be dealt with later. Everywhere I go, I see how education provides children with a sense of normalcy, safety and hope amid the chaos. Learning is a shield against the threats and trauma of war and disaster. A child in school is less likely to be recruited by armed groups, exploited or harmed – and at its best, education instills values of peaceful coexistence, dignity, respect for each other, and for the agreed rules and laws that benefit everyone.

ECW: As a professor, diplomat and humanitarian, you know education’s transformative power. Today, with crises escalating, funding contracting and priorities competing, why must public and private donors see education as a life-saving intervention, not a secondary need? What are the consequences if we fail to sustain funding through multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait, especially for crisis-affected children in the hardest-hit contexts?

Tom Fletcher: We know that education stabilizes communities, protects children and plants the seeds of peace. Without it, we don’t just skip lessons – we lose generations. It is the deepest tragedy that in a place like Gaza, some 658,000 school-aged children are without formal education because nine out of 10 of their schools are damaged or destroyed by the war. Without a school to go to, these children are more vulnerable, their human rights are undermined, and their futures hang in the balance.

But we are also facing a brutal funding crunch and we are reimagining the entire humanitarian enterprise. At the heart of this humanitarian reset will be three simple ideas: we will be smaller, closer to those we serve and robust in the protection of civilians. Education is one of our most powerful tools in this endeavour, and multilateral funds like Education Cannot Wait – thanks to the vision, courage, tenacity and leadership of Sarah and Gordon Brown, the latter also ECW’s founder – give us the means to deliver hope. Failing to fund education means we don’t just turn our backs on children, but we risk perpetuating the very cycles of poverty and instability we claim to fight.

ECW: The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN-OCHA) drives global efforts to respond to humanitarian crises in Sudan, Ukraine, Gaza and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, among others. Why is education crucial in humanitarian crises, and how does it foster peace, security and economic development for all?

Tom Fletcher: In conflict-affected countries, one in three children – approximately 103 million children – are out of school, which is three times the global rate (Save the Children analysis 27 Dec 2024). Addressing this educational gap is essential: Education promotes understanding and helps young people turn away from the pull of extremist ideologies. In the long run, education drives economic progress by giving girls and boys the tools to build their own futures. That is why, even amidst a war, the classroom can be the most powerful place – a space where children can rediscover hope, dignity and purpose.

In every humanitarian crisis I’ve seen, once people find safety, education is among the first services they seek. It’s where healing begins. It’s where recovery takes root. Education is the antidote to despair and division because it teaches young people how to reclaim their place in the world.

ECW: UN-OCHA plays a key role in support of ECW investments in education in emergencies and protracted crises through its humanitarian coordination system which, alongside UNHCR’s refugee coordination role, is essential to the efficient, effective delivery of quality education in crises. Why are the UN-OCHA and UNHCR coordination systems crucial, and how can they be further strengthened?

Tom Fletcher: Coordination isn’t a bureaucratic nicety – it’s how we save more lives with the resources we have. Alongside UNHCR and our many partners, we form the backbone of a coordinated humanitarian response – to support our frontline colleagues’ efforts to reach people in their hour of greatest need. But we can and must do better. This means handing over decision-making power to partners on the ground who know their communities best, streamlining processes to reduce duplication and investing in local capacity. Our mantra must be: Local where possible and international only when necessary. That’s how we can ensure that education in emergencies arrives quickly in a way that truly meets the needs of the communities we serve.

ECW: We all know that ‘readers are leaders’ and that reading skills are key to every child’s education. What are three books that have most influenced you personally and/or professionally?

Tom Fletcher:
“Ministry of the Future” by Kim Stanley Robinson
“Silk Roads” by Peter Frankopan
“Team of Rivals” by Doris Kearns Goodwin

Categories: Africa

A Natural Disaster that Has Affected More People Worldwide Than Any Other

Wed, 05/14/2025 - 08:08

Livestock in eastern Mauritania are dying due to drought. Credit: UNHCR/Caroline Irby

By Danielle Nierenberg
BALTIMORE, Maryland, May 14 2025 (IPS)

Here’s a question: Over the past 40 years, what natural disaster has affected more people around the globe than any other?

The answer, according the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), is drought.

The past 10 years have been the hottest 10 years on record, and higher temperatures and drier conditions are making more regions vulnerable to drought and arid land degradation, or desertification. This process is “a silent, invisible crisis that is destabilizing communities on a global scale,” according to the U.N. Office for Disaster Risk Reduction.

Globally, the nearly 2 billion people who live in dryland areas are often the first to face hunger, thirst, and the devastating effects of poor soil and environmental decline, says Dr. ML Jat, the Director of Resilient Farm and Food Systems at the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT).

And the next generations will feel the effects: UNICEF predicts that, by 2040, one in four children will live in areas of extremely high water stress. But there is a path toward a better future—there are farming and food-system solutions that allow us to nourish communities in hotter, drier climates.

Indigenous crops, for example, are naturally adapted to the extreme weather in desert regions and can strengthen food security, community health, and local ecosystems. I’ve long admired the work of organizations like Native Seeds/SEARCH, which conserves seeds so they can continue to benefit the peoples in the Southwest and Mexico, and the Arizona Alliance for Climate-Smart Crops, which supports farmers in adopting climate-smart crops and practices that conserve water.

“Wild desert plants have a remarkable number of adaptations to cope with heat, drought, unpredictable rainfall, and poor soils—the sorts of stressful growing conditions we are already seeing and expect to see more of in the future,” Dr. Erin Riordan of the University of Arizona told Food Tank.

And at the same time, there are innovative solutions we can elevate to restore degraded landscapes and combat further desertification! The UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) is supporting several amazing projects in Africa, including the Great Green Wall Initiative, which works across 22 countries to revitalize fertile land and transform lives.

And in Somalia, UNDP is partnering with local leaders to construct reservoirs and dams to improve water access and address deforestation and desertification.

We can’t solve these challenges alone. A fascinating new ICRISAT report looks at the power of microbes to boost crop yields and restore soil health in dryland farming systems. These microbes could include bacteria that improve nitrogen-fixation, which can improve soil fertility, and other microorganisms that can control diseases and crop pests.

And we need a whole-of-society approach to combating desertification—especially in parts of the world that have not traditionally struggled with arid landscapes and water scarcity, because, as we know, natural disasters like drought are affecting more and more people as the climate crisis deepens.

As he always does, author and agro-ecologist Gary Paul Nabhan writes powerfully about what all of us across the entire food system must do to prioritize Indigenous crops and adapt to changing environments.

“If farmers shift what crops they grow, they will need consumers, cooks, and chefs to adapt what they are willing to prepare and eat in the new normal,” he wrote in a great op-ed for us at Food Tank. “It is time to turn the corner from corn and soy monocultures to the sesames, prickly pear cactus, garbanzos, millets and mulberries of the world that desert dwellers have eaten in delicious dishes for millennia.”

How are food and agriculture system leaders in your community working to protect land from becoming degraded? I love hearing stories of creative solutions, like the ones I’ve highlighted here, so please say hello at danielle@foodtank.com and tell me about the microbes, Indigenous crops, and land management techniques that will help us nourish our neighbors and adapt our food systems in hotter, drier climates.

Food Tank is a registered 501(c)(3), and all donations are tax-deductible. Danielle Nierenberg has served as President since the organization began and Bernard Pollack is the Chair of the Board of Directors.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Hungary’s LGBTQI Amendment an Affront to Human Rights, Say Activists

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 12:25

An amendment to Hungary’s constitution includes the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers. Credit: Sara Rampazzo/Unsplash

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A controversial amendment to Hungary’s constitution has left the country’s LGBTQI community both defiant and fearful, rights groups have said.

The amendment, passed by parliament on April 14, includes, among others, the banning and criminalisation of Pride marches and their organisers, with penalties including large fines and, in certain cases, imprisonment.

It also allows for the use of real-time facial recognition technologies for the identification of protestors.

It has been condemned by domestic and international rights groups and members of the European Parliament (MEPs) as an assault on not just the LGBTQI community but wider human rights.

And there are now fears it will lead to a rise in violence against LGBTQI people whose rights have been gradually eroded in recent years under populist prime minister Viktor Orban’s authoritarian regime.

“There is serious concern that this legislative package could lead to an increase in threats, harassment, and violence against LGBTI communities in Hungary. When authorities criminalise Pride organisers and create a chilling effect on peaceful assembly, it not only emboldens hostile rhetoric but also signals impunity for those who wish to intimidate or harm LGBTI people,” Katja Štefanec Gärtner, Communications and Media Officer, ILGA-Europe, told IPS.

“The risks are not theoretical. Pride marches have long been a target for extremist groups, and this legal crackdown sends a dangerous message: that state institutions may no longer protect those marching but instead criminalise them. This creates an unsafe and unpredictable environment for all those standing up for human rights and democratic freedoms,” she added.

The amendment codifies legislation already passed in March banning LGBTQI events. It was met with widespread outrage in the LGBTQI community in Hungary. But there was also defiance, with Pride organisers insisting the event would go ahead.

Budapest’s mayor, Gergely Karácsony, also backed the organisers, pledging last month to help them find a way to hold the event despite the new legislation.

But while LGBTQI activists have said they will not give in to the new law, groups working with the community say some LGBTQI people have been shaken by the legislation.

“Depending on who you speak to, the mood now among the LGBTQI community is one of fear and worry or defiance,” Luca Dudits, press spokesperson for the Hatter Society, one of Hungary’s largest LGBTQI NGOs, told IPS.

“We will see how the new provisions [in the amendment] will affect the lives of LGBTQI people in the upcoming months, especially in June, which is Pride month, with the march taking place on the 28th,” she added, noting that after legislation was passed in 2021 banning the depiction and promotion of “diverse gender identities and sexual orientations” to under 18s, there had been “a wave of violence and discrimination against LGBTQI people”.

“I’m hoping this will not be the case this time. A lot of people have expressed their solidarity and said that they will attend the Pride March for the first time because of this shameful constitutional amendment,” Dudits said.

Outside Hungary, organisations and politicians have also raised the alarm over the legislation.

In a letter sent to the European Commission (EC) on April 16, dozens of LGBTQI and human rights organisations demanded the EC take immediate action to ensure the event can go ahead and that people can safely attend.

They said the ban on LGBTQI events was an attack on EU fundamental rights of freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression and that its provisions marked a significant infringement on privacy and personal freedoms protected under EU law.

Meanwhile, MEPs among a delegation which visited Hungary from April 14-16 attacked the ban and said they were calling on the EC to request the European Court of Justice to suspend the law pending further legal action.

One of the MEPs, Krzysztof Smiszek, of the Polish New Left, said the new law had led to a rise in violent attacks and hate crimes against the LGBTQI community in Hungary.

The government has defended the amendment, with Orban saying after the vote in parliament that it was designed to “protect children’s development, affirming that a person is born either male or female, and standing firm against drugs and foreign interference”.

The amendment also declares that children’s rights take precedence over any other fundamental right (except the right to life) and codifies in the Constitution the recognition of only two sexes – male and female – essentially denying transgender and intersex identities.

It also allows for the suspension of Hungarian citizenship for some dual nationals if they are deemed to pose a threat to Hungary’s security or sovereignty.

Many observers see the ban and the other measures included in the amendment as part of a wider attempt by Orban’s regime to suppress dissent and weaken rights protections as it looks to consolidate its grip on power by scapegoating parts of the population, including not just LGBTQI people but migrants and civil society groups, to appeal to conservative voters.

“Authoritarian governments around the world have discovered a playbook for keeping in power – it involves vilifying certain communities. That’s the logic behind attacks on LGBTQI communities and that’s what’s behind this. I don’t think Orban cares one way or the other about LGBT people; it’s just that they are an easy target,” Neela Ghoshal, Senior Director of Law, Policy, and Research at LGBTQI group Outright International, told IPS.

“Once you prohibit one form of protest or dissent, it becomes easier to prohibit all forms of dissent. I really do think Orban wants to prohibit all forms of dissent. He is seeking absolute power; he is not interested in the traditional architecture of democracy, i.e., checks and balances and accountability,” she added.

Dudits also pointed out the absurdity of the reasoning behind the government’s defence of the amendment.

“It is true that a large majority of society are either male or female. However, there are some people who have sex characteristics (chromosomes, hormones, external and internal sex organs, and body structure) that are common to both sexes. Intersex conditions occur in many different forms and cover a wide range of health conditions. The amendment is therefore even scientifically unsound, contradicting the very biological reality that it claims to be defending so belligerently,” she said.

If picking up voter support is behind the regime’s attacks on its perceived critics, it is unclear to what extent this policy is working.

Parliamentary elections are due to be held in Hungary in April next year and current polls put Orban’s Fidesz party – which has been in power since 2010 – behind the main opposition party, Tisza, amid voter concerns about a struggling economy, a crumbling healthcare system, and alleged government corruption.

Meanwhile, although some MEPs have publicly condemned the amendment, since the parliamentary vote the EC has said only that it needs to analyse the legislative changes to see if they fall foul of EU law but would not hesitate to act if necessary.

Rights groups say EU bodies must take action or risk allowing even greater curbs on freedoms in Hungary under Orban.

“From scapegoating LGBT people to suspending Hungarian citizenship of dual citizens, the Hungarian government is cementing a legal framework that is hostile to the rule of law, equality, and democracy in blatant violation of EU law,” Hugh Williamson, Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch, said in a press release.

“Orban has shown once more his willingness to trample rights and shred protections, and there is no reason to think he won’t continue on this authoritarian path. EU institutions and member states should stand in solidarity with those in Hungary upholding EU values and do everything they can to halt the downward spiral toward authoritarianism,” he added.

Ghoshal said, though, that whatever happens, the LGBTQI community in Hungary would not give up their rights.

“The community has been through cycles of oppression and freedom. The younger members might not be able to remember it, but older members of the community will know what it is like to live under an authoritarian regime; it is in the country’s history. They have also had a taste of freedom too and they will not want to give that up.

“I think there will be a Pride march and I think there could be state violence and arrests there, but the community will remain defiant no matter what,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

UN80 Initiative: Equipping the Organization in an Era of Extraordinary Uncertainty

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 11:35

Credit: UN Photo/Laura Jarriel

By Antonio Guterres
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

Next month marks the 80th anniversary of the United Nations Charter.

The Charter is our roadmap to a better world – our owner’s manual setting out purposes and principles – and our practical guide to advancing the three pillars of our work: peace and security, development and human rights.

Anniversaries are a time to look back and celebrate – but they are even more a time to cast our eyes to the future. It is only natural – especially in a period of turbulence and tumult – to look ahead and ask central questions:

How can we be the most effective Organization that we can be? How can we be more nimble, coordinated and fit to face the challenges of today, the next decade, and indeed the next 80 years?

The UN80 Initiative is anchored in answering these questions – and equipping our organization in an era of extraordinary uncertainty.

Yes, these are times of peril.

But they are also times of profound opportunity and obligation. The mission of the United Nations is more urgent than ever. And it is up to us to intensify our efforts to deliver the Sustainable Development Goals and be laser-focused on implementing the Pact for the Future with its many pathways to strengthen multilateralism.

As indicated in my letter of 11 March, the UN80 Initiative is structured around three key workstreams:

First, we are striving to rapidly identify efficiencies and improvements under current arrangements.

Second, we are reviewing the implementation of all mandates given to us by Member States.

And third, we are undertaking consideration of the need for structural changes and programme realignment across the UN system.

Under the first workstream on efficiencies and improvements, Under-Secretary-General Catherine Pollard is leading a Working Group for the Secretariat that is developing a management strategy to design a new business model for the Organization.

The Working Group is focused on developing cost-reduction and efficiency-enhancement proposals in management and operations across the UN Secretariat.

It is reviewing administrative functions to identify redundancies, streamline processes, and design integrated solutions – with cost-benefit analyses and clear implementation roadmaps.

Priority areas include:

Functional and structural consolidation; Workforce streamlining; Relocating services from high-cost duty stations; Centralizing IT and support services, and expanding automation and digital platforms.

While the Working Group’s immediate focus is on management and operational areas, the rest of the Secretariat will be expected to contribute towards the efficiency agenda.

For example, all Secretariat entities in New York and Geneva have been asked to review their functions to determine if any can be performed from existing, lower-cost locations, or may otherwise be reduced or abolished.

This especially pertains to those functions that do not directly support inter-governmental bodies in New York and Geneva.

With respect to the broader UN system, in April, the High-Level Committee on Management identified potential system-wide efficiency measures in areas such as human resources management, supply chain management and information and communications technologies.

Concrete proposals are now being developed, including identifying services that system organizations can provide quicker, at a lower price or through more competitive contracts.

This brings me to the second workstream: mandate implementation review.

As stated in my 11 March letter, this workstream is about how the UN system implements mandates entrusted by Member States.

We will not review the mandates themselves. Those are yours to decide on. Our job is to examine and report on how we carry them out, and our goal is to simplify and optimize how we do so.

Nearly twenty years ago, in 2006, an analysis of mandates and the “mandate-generation cycle” was carried out by the Secretariat.

A number of problems were identified, including burdensome reporting requirements, overlap between and within organs, an unwieldy and duplicative architecture for implementation, and gaps between mandates and resources.

But let’s be frank. Most of these problems are not only still with us – they have intensified.
We must do better.

Our review will be conducted holistically – looking at the entire universe of mandates, and at the entirety of their implementation. This review, therefore, cannot be limited to the UN Secretariat, but it will start there.

We have already completed an identification of all mandates reflected in the programme budget – and will soon do so for the rest of the system.

The review has so far identified over 3,600 unique mandates for the Secretariat alone. It is now deepening its examination, clustering these mandates using various analytical lenses.

After this analytical work, relevant entities and departments will be invited to identify opportunities for improvements and consolidation of efforts.

This should result in the identification of duplications, redundancies, or opportunities for greater synergy on implementation. Naturally, based on this work, Member States may wish to consider the opportunity to conduct themselves a review of the mandates.

There can be no doubt that the thousands of mandates in place today – and our machinery to implement them – stretch the capacities of Member States, especially those with smaller missions, and the UN system beyond reason.

It is as if we have allowed the formalism and quantity of reports and meetings to become ends in themselves.

The measure of success is not the volume of reports we generate or the number of meetings we convene. The measure of success – the value, purpose and aim of our work – is in the real-world difference we make in the lives of people.

This brings me to the third workstream: structural changes.

Proposals on structural change and programme realignment are likely to emerge from the mandate implementation review. But we have already got the ball rolling by soliciting the views of a number of UN senior leaders.

Their initial submissions – nearly 50 in all – show a high level of ambition and creativity.

Last week, we deepened some of our ideas and thinking about structural changes in a dedicated session of the UN System Chief Executives Board for Coordination.

I felt a strong sense of collective determination and responsibility from the leaders of UN entities – a shared resolve to strengthen the system and assume the challenge of change and renewal – and a united commitment to bring to you, our Member States, concrete and ambitious proposals for a renewed United Nations.

The UN system is highly diverse consisting of organizations with a wide variety of structures and mandates. To advance our three workstreams, I have established seven UN80 clusters – under the coordination of the UN80 Task Force and in close cooperation with the Secretariat Working Group.

Each of the seven clusters bring together the organizations that contribute to a similar specific global objectives and similar areas of work. They will advance efforts in the three UN80 workstreams – identifying efficiencies and improvements, mandate implementation review, and possible structural changes.

They will be managed at the Principals’ level and will consist of the following:

Peace and security, coordinated by DPPA, DPO, OCT, and ODA;

Development in the Secretariat and in development we have two clusters because the work in the Secretariat is very different from the work in the Agencies, but the two clusters will be working very closely together. So, development in the Secretariat is coordinated by DESA, UNCTAD, ECA, and UNEP;

Development (UN System), coordinated by UNDP, UNOPS, UNICEF and DCO;

Humanitarian, coordinated by the Emergency Relief Coordinator, WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, and IOM; Human Rights, coordinated by OHCHR; Training and Research, coordinated by UNU and UNITAR; and finally Specialized Agencies, coordinated by ITU and ILO.

They will be the locomotive force for concrete proposals. And they will operate at the high level of ambition that our times demand – and that also echo in large measure the calls contained in the Pact for the Future.

In all three workstreams, my objective is to move as quickly as possible.

Initiatives impacting on the [Proposed] Programme Budget for 2026 prepared under the coordination of the Secretariat Working Group will be included in the revised estimates for the 2026 budget to be presented in September.

As you know, the budget for 2026, the proposal was already given to ACABQ some time ago and it will be impossible to change it at the present moment. We will revise our proposals and present the revised version in September on time for the process to take place for the approval of the budget before the end of the year.

Additional changes that require more detailed analysis will be presented in the proposal for the Proposed Programme Budget for 2027. We expect meaningful reductions in the overall budget level.

For example, let me describe what is under consideration in the peace and security cluster.

First – resetting DPPA and DPO, merging units, eliminating functional and structural duplications, getting rid of functions that are also exercised in other parts of the system. I believe we’ll be able to eliminate 20% of the posts of the two departments.

Second – a similar exercise of streamlining the civilian part of Peacekeeping.

Third – The consolidation within OCT of all counterterrorism activities spread in the system.

Fourth – a review of the present structure of Regional Offices, Special Representatives and Envoys aiming at a consolidation of the system – with increased functionality and meaningful savings.

The level of reduction of posts that I have outlined for DPPA and DPO must be seen as a reference for the wider UN80 exercise, naturally taking into account the specificities of each area of work.

There might be immediate, one-off costs involved in relocating staff and providing potential termination packages. But by moving posts from high-cost locations, we can reduce our commercial footprint in those cities and reduce our post and non-post costs.

We have already seen considerable savings in New York by terminating the lease of one building and moving staff into other existing premises – and we expect to close two more buildings when their leases expire in 2027 with considerable savings.

While the regular budget is our immediate focus, the efficiency efforts will include the entire Secretariat across all funding streams. This will entail some difficult decisions as we assess structures and processes and seek meaningful efficiencies.

The impact on Member State contributions will be visible for years. But we cannot achieve the efficiencies required unless we also focus on the programmatic areas of our work.

Dedicated outreach with the wider UN system is now underway, and will take profit of the work of the established clusters. Additional proposals resulting from the other workstreams will be submitted to Member States for consideration as appropriate.

Many changes will require the approval by the General Assembly this year and next. I will consult closely and regularly with Member States on progress, seeking guidance on the way forward, and presenting concrete proposals for discussion and decision-making when appropriate.

We know that some of these changes will be painful for our UN family. Staff and their representatives are being consulted and heard. Our concern is to be humane and professional in dealing with any aspect of the required restructuring.

The UN80 Initiative is a significant opportunity to strengthen the UN system and deliver for those who depend on us.

It is central for implementing the Pact for the Future. It is crucial for advancing the Sustainable Development Goals. The needs of the people we serve must remain our guiding star.

We must always stick to principles. We must never compromise core values. We must forever uphold the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.

We will advance all this work so that our three pillars – peace and security, development and human rights – are mutually reinforced, and the geographical balance of our workforce and our gender and disability strategies will be preserved.

And we will be ever mindful of the interests of all Member States – developing countries, in particular. Your active engagement and support for the UN80 Initiative is vital to ensure that efforts are inclusive, innovative, and representative of the needs of all Member States.

The success of the UN80 Initiative depends on all of us living up to our shared and complementary responsibilities. Many decisions ultimately are in your hands as Member States. Many of you have agreed that this must be the moment to be bold and ambitious.

That is what our Organization needs – and that is what our times demand. Make no mistake – uncomfortable and difficult decisions lie ahead.

It may be easier – and even tempting – to ignore them or kick the can down the road.
But that road is a dead end. We cannot afford to act in any other way than with the highest level of ambition and common purpose.

Let us seize this momentum with urgency and determination, and work together to build the strongest and most effective United Nations for today and tomorrow.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

UN Secretary-General’s briefing to delegates on the UN80 initiative.

Categories: Africa

UN’s Proposed Structural Changes Laid Out in a “Strictly Confidential” Internal Document

Tue, 05/13/2025 - 08:10

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 13 2025 (IPS)

A six-page internal document, marked “STRICTLY CONFIDENTIAL” on every single page – indicating restricted access to protect sensitive information– is one of the most comprehensive “compilation of non-attributable suggestions by the UN80 Task Force” on the proposed restructuring of the world body.

The memo says “the progressive proliferation of UN agencies, funds, and programs has led to a fragmented development system, with overlapping mandates, inefficient use of resources, and inconsistent delivery of services”.

Excerpts from the document.

• Outdated working methods leading to inefficiencies while intergovernmental meetings are not making use of modern tools and technologies.

• Overlapping agendas – such as between ECOSOC and its functional commissions and expert bodies, and those of the General Assembly and its Second and Third Committees – leading to duplication of efforts.

• Geopolitical shifts and substantial reductions in foreign aid budgets challenging the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Organization and

• the continued inflation of Under-Secretaries-General (USG), Assistant Secretaries-General (ASG) and Directors (D) positions.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres

Ambassador Anwarul K. Chowdhury, a former Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the UN (2002-2007) and Permanent Representative of Bangladesh to the UN (1996-2001), told IPS Secretary-General Antonio Guterres would be remembered for introducing fancy nomenclature for his initiatives such as “Pact for the Future” which got acronymized as POTF and UN 2.0 and now UN80.

“It is difficult to understand why the long overdue structural and programmatic reforms of the UN system need to be timed with the organization’s 80th anniversary. Expectedly, such anniversary-rationaled and liquidity-crunch-panic-driven, window-dressing reform agenda would face major challenges before it takes off.”

Since it was launched at the beginning of last March, the UN80 initiative has not been discussed with the UN Member States who would decide its fate or civil society, or most importantly, , its staff the backbone of the organization, and its staff members who are expected to be most directly affected in a major way, said Ambassador Chowdhury, who was also the Chairman of the UN General Assembly’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee (1997-1998)

“These so-called structural reforms have been on the agenda of at least for the last four Secretaries-General but without having much significant impact, except acronym-changing, mandate-creeping and structure-tweaking”.

The internal confidential memo has identified systemic dysfunctions, namely, mandate overlap, bureaucratic sprawl, slow decision-making, and a disconnect between headquarters and field realities.

The multiplication of senior posts and competition among entities have undermined collaboration and confused partners on the ground, he said.

“I believe the UN is resilient enough to overcome the multiple crises it has been facing for years. The SG needs to show determination and solidarity with the staff under his leadership without succumbing to the undue pressures.”

DOGE-UN like efforts needs to be dodged effectively by the leadership of the UN. It is not a make-or-break situation. The SG needs to speak openly and publicly with the staff as a part of the initiative to wither the storm, said Ambassador Chowdhury.

As a senior UN official conversant with the issues said recently “Restructuring and merging UN entities are not a panacea for the UN’s problems. They should be embarked upon only if they lead to a more effective and efficient organization.”

“I agree fully with him and emphasize that the UN should take this challenge as an opportunity to change”, he declared.

Samir Sanbar, a former Assistant Secretary-General and head of the UN’s one-time Department of Public Information (DPI) told IPS: “Reform and Restructuring” were terms habitually and conveniently used to erode international civil service and undercut relevant potential initiatives by the Secretary-General whose vague role in the Charter allows for varied interpretations by different Secretaries General.

The “big five” permanent members (P5) may disagree in politics yet discreetly agree to influence basic decisions inside the Secretariat. The United Nations clearly needs the big powers to survive yet it needs the developing countries to succeed, he argued.

Meanwhile, the document also refers to Systemic solutions:

• Advance a more streamlined, impactful, and fiscally responsible organization by building on three core principles: integration to foster greater mandate coherence, consolidation to improve functional efficiency, and coordination to enhance overall effectiveness.

• Move towards a more integrated and collaborative model whose footprint reflects fiscal responsibility.

• Rationalize programmes/entities implementing similar mandates to eliminate redundancy and ensure a strategic reduction of the UN’s presence in high-cost locations to ensure long-term financial sustainability.

• Position reforms as proactive measures to enhance UN agility and responsiveness that extends beyond measures for cost-cutting or austerity.

• Ensure a system-wide commitment to delivering the UN’s mandate in ways that are principled, forward-looking, innovative and effective.

• Increase scale for greater impact.

• Reduce number of high-level posts (D1 and above)

Peace & Security

Merge multiple entities into a single Peace and Security entity.

— Establish a UN Peace & Security Department managing political, peace & peacebuilding engagement globally, including DPPA, DOS, DPO, ODA, UNODC, OCT, OSAA.

— Establish a single Department of Political Affairs and Peace Operations by merging DPPA and DPO, headed by a single USG. Consolidate substantive/technical support functions for peace in one structural location.

— [Partial merger] Comprehensive restructuring of DPO and DPPA, further consolidating their regional divisions and policy divisions to eliminate redundancies, improve coordination, and enhance the relevance of policies.

–Consider moving Peace and Security resources closer to the field.

— Consider a regional approach and decentralisation policy for Secretariat entities. Send the regional and policy offices for DPA, DPKO, OCHA to their respective regions to be nearer the areas they cover, just like the Agencies, Funds and Programmes have done. The USG, ASG with respective front offices, as well as offices that directly support the GA, various committees and the Security Council, should remain in New York.

— Consider strategic relocation of peace and security personnel closer to field missions to improve responsiveness and effectiveness.

— Decentralize a significant percentage of political, peace & peacebuilding resources to regional levels and UNCTs.

— Consolidate Special Envoy and Special Advisor mandates to eliminate overlaps, such as UNOCA overlapping mandate with MINUSCA and MONUSCO; and, the SRSG for Horn of Africa and SRSG for the Great Lakes’ overlapping mandates with the countries they cover. Consider a possible merger of UNOAU and the Great Lakes Office.

–Establish a single Office for Counter-Terrorism, by merging OCT and UNODC’s counterterrorism related policy functions or a broader merger of the two entities.

— Establish a single Office for Disarmament Affairs with USG/High Representative for Disarmament relocating and also serving as Director-General of UNOG. Integrate ODA’s regional programmatic capacities into UN’s regional hubs or broader regional UN presences.

–Strengthen coordination between UNIDIR and OPCW. Consider merging UNIDIR with UNITAR and further consolidate with other research & training institutes.

Humanitarian Affairs

Merge multiple entities into a single humanitarian entity.

— Create a streamlined “UN Humanitarian Response and Protection Organization”, by integrating OCHA, UNHCR and IOM, leveraging WFP’s expertise for material assistance procurement, distribution and logistics.

— Establish a UN Humanitarian Operations Department managing UN-wide humanitarian preparedness and response, including OCHA, WFP, UNRWA and a UN Refugee & Migration Agency (merging UNHCR and IOM). Consider whether UNDP Crisis Bureau should be consolidated into Department.

— Merge operational responsibilities and capabilities of major operational agencies (WFP, UNHCR, UNICEF, WHO) in humanitarian and conflict affected contexts.

–Merge Rome-based agencies’ operational capacity.

–Align programmes for overlapping agencies: UNHCR and IOM; WFP and FAO; etc.

–Consider whether OCHA should remain in New York or move to ensure field operations are much more localized with implementing partners.

Sustainable Development

–Consolidate and reduce the number of UN development system entities.

— Establish a UN Sustainable Development Department that consolidates relevant entities to ensure cohesive and integrated support for the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, including: (Secretariat entities) DCO, DESA, UNDRR, UN-OHRLLS and (other entities) UNDP, UNCDF, UNV, UNRISD, FAO, IFAD, UN-Habitat, WHO, UN-Women, UNESCO, UNICEF, UNEP, WB, IMF, WTO, UNOPS, UNICEF, UNIDO, UNESCO.

— Migrate financially non-viable entities. For example, UNAIDS, under severe financial pressure and with a sunset clause of 2030, could transition into another, larger entity such as WHO or UNDP.

— Merge UNDP and UNOPS, creating a single entity to seamlessly integrate strategic planning with project implementation. Integrate the International Computing Centre (ICC) to provide efficient and tailored IT support.

–Integrate UNFCCC into UNEP to create a stronger global environment authority and consolidating the administrative functions under UNON’s existing support structure for UNEP. Consider whether COP in current form should be discontinued.

— Strategic integration of UNAIDS into WHO, creating a more unified and efficient global health authority. o Merge UN WOMEN and UNFPA to create a powerful new entity focused on advancing gender equality and reproductive health and rights.

–Align select UNICEF programmes with this new entity, especially those focused on adolescent girls’ well-being and gender-based violence prevention and response. o Center the structural reform proposals around our four basic pillars, each with a geographic focus (Nairobi/ Africa should be the center of development agencies, including UNDP/ UNICEF/ UNFPA).

Strengthen coordination among development entities, including:

— Enhance coordination between the UNEP and UN-Habitat to promote sustainable urban development.

— Enhance coordination between UNCTAD and ITC to effectively integrate policy expertise with capacity-building, resulting in more impactful programmes.

–Reorganizing UNDP’s Regional Bureaux around countries’ shared development challenges rather than traditional geographic regions would improve programme relevance, resource allocation, and partnerships with multilateral banks.

— Consolidate Functional Commissions under ECOSOC; rotate Functional Commission meetings to be held among Regional Commissions or hold them in Nairobi; consider replacing annual with biennial sessions.

Human Rights

–Merge multiple entities into a single human rights entity.

— Establish a unified “Office for the Protection of Vulnerable Populations” by consolidating offices dealing with protection issues affecting vulnerable populations (CAAC, SVC, VAC, SEA) within OHCHR.

— Consolidate the specialized protection mandates and offices in OHCHR, with each area headed at Director level, reporting to ASG/OHCHR.

— Establish a UN Human Rights Department led by High Commissioner for Human Rights, coordinating human rights promotion and protection across the UN system, including servicing the UN human rights mechanisms and integrating human rights into sustainable development, peace & security and humanitarian engagement.

–Merge protection mandates (CAAC, SVC, VAC, Genocide Prevention & Responsibility to Protect into the Department. Reduce senior posts by replacing existing 4 USGs + 1 ASG with 1 ASG + 1 D2 + 2 D1s, thereby lowering costs, and redistribute existing resources from respective offices across the Department – prioritizing use of RB resources to fulfill existing mandates

Resident Coordinators system

–Streamline coordination arrangements at country, regional and global levels by transitioning current coordination arrangements, including fixed RCs, RCOs with rigidly defined staff capacities and a large DCO headquarters and regional presence into a smaller and more focused support structure.

–Explore rotational leadership among UN Country Team heads to maintain UN coherence without fixed infrastructure, supported by an agile and lean DCO that would support the UNSDG as its Secretariat. Only in cases of humanitarian emergencies, dedicated RC/HCs would be necessary to deploy, given the complexity of these settings.

–Boost coordination/leadership role of RC/HC, including clearer oversight of agencies in country and a prioritised country strategy. • Strengthen coordination between the UN Resident Coordinator System and the Regional Economic Commissions to foster integrated regional development strategies, improve data sharing and enhance policy advocacy.

–Consider a strategic reduction of the Resident Coordinator System’s presence in countries to optimize resource allocation and promote greater national ownership of development initiatives.

–Consider a fundamental re-orientation of the UN system’s country-level engagement, including by folding in peace and political missions and ensuring that RCs can utilize pooled funds to reconfigure and tailor engagement based on changes on the ground.

Cross-cutting proposals Structural

–Establish an Executive Secretariat supporting the Secretary-General’s leadership and coordination of the UN system by managing all corporate services, including: administration, management, communications, human resources, policy, strategic planning, secretariat support to Charter-based organs. The Executive Secretariat would include EOSG, DGACM, DGC, DMSPC, OLA, DSS, OIOS, Ethics Office, Ombuds, Administration of Justice, UNON, UNOV, UNOP & UNOG.

–Establish a unified ‘Normative Policy Hub’, which could consolidate several functions: o Elements of OHRLLS focused on development advocacy, into other entities’ global policy functions.

— Other small Secretariat offices with thematic mandates on human rights, civic space, migration policy, and innovation, where mandate complementarity exists.

–Streamline/merge thematic Special Envoy offices, including the Office of the Special Envoy for Africa and the Office of the SRSG to the African Union; the Office of the Tech Envoy; Offices of Special Envoys / Advisers with narrow or duplicated mandates, e.g. Indigenous Issues, Small Island States.

–Conduct cost-benefit analyses for merging entities serving similar sectors or audiences (e.g., digital, youth-focused initiatives); consider integrating them into unified units with shared resources.

Other proposals

–Revisit the frequency of intergovernmental meetings; streamline reporting processes; explore alternative information-sharing tools and formats such as policy briefs or dashboards like SDG tools instead of written annual reports by the Secretary-General; digitize processes using real-time platforms and data tools, to better support hybrid and virtual meetings.

–Before creating new offices, make all efforts to delegate functions to existing structures.

–Avoid creating new coordination mechanisms (especially multi-layer coordination) and strengthen existing coordination mechanisms.

–More coherent approach to future: climate change/AI/cyber/big tech/data: consolidate various units into centralized capacity under a USG for the future.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

The Indus Water Treaty Suspension: A Wake-Up Call for Asia–Pacific Unity ?

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 20:38

Confluence of the Indus and Zanskar Rivers Credit: martinho Smart/shutterstock.com

By Sinéad Barry and Emma Whitaker
May 12 2025 (IPS)

On April 23, India suspended the Indus Water Treaty (IWT), a 65-year-old agreement that had been a rare symbol of cooperation between India and Pakistan despite decades of hostility. The suspension came a day after militants attacked civilians in Jammu and Kashmir, a disputed region, killing 26 people, most of them Indian tourists. India accused Pakistan of supporting “cross-border terrorism” and responded by halting the treaty. Pakistan denied involvement in the attack and called India’s move an “act of war.”

The IWT, signed in 1960, was a landmark agreement that allowed the two countries to share the water of the Indus River system. It gave India control over the eastern tributaries (Ravi, Sutlej, and Beas), and Pakistan control over the western tributaries (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab). Beyond water-sharing, the treaty established mechanisms for data sharing, technical cooperation and dispute resolution. For decades, the treaty was celebrated as a triumph of diplomacy and environmental cooperation. But its suspension now threatens to unravel this legacy, with devastating consequences – especially for Pakistan.

Why the IWT Matters

Pakistan’s economy depends heavily on agriculture, which employs nearly 70% of its rural workforce. The Indus River irrigates 80% of the country’s farmland, making it a lifeline for millions. If India were to divert or reduce water flows, it could cripple Pakistan’s agriculture, triggering widespread food insecurity and economic instability. The stakes are high, and the consequences of failing to manage shared water resources responsibly would ripple far beyond Pakistan’s borders.

The timing of the IWT’s suspension couldn’t be worse. Climate and environmental risks are escalating across the Asia–Pacific region, with extreme weather events becoming more frequent and severe. Between 2008-2023, floods displaced 57 million people in India alone. In Pakistan, floods have not only destroyed homes but have also degraded soil quality, leaving farmers unable to grow enough crops to survive. These pressures are driving migration to cities, where migrants face exploitative conditions and often accrue large debts.

Climate Risks and Regional Instability

The link between climate change and regional instability is becoming impossible to ignore. In Central Asia, a 2021 clash over transboundary water resources between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan left 50 dead and displaced 10,000 others. In the Pacific, rising sea levels are forcing entire communities to relocate, sparking tensions in countries like Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands. Meanwhile, large-scale infrastructure projects, such as hydroelectric dams in Southeast Asia, are displacing thousands and straining relations between countries like Laos, Thailand and Vietnam.

The demand for critical minerals to build renewable energy sources is adding another layer of complexity. Competition between China and the U.S over these resources is heightening global tensions. Critical mineral mining is also fuelling exploitation and violence in mining regions, like the Philippines and Indonesia. These examples highlight a troubling reality: climate and environmental risks are not just environmental issues – they are also security issues.

The Case for Regional Cooperation

Responding to these challenges requires a collective approach. Climate risks don’t respect national borders, and attempting to tackle them in isolation is a losing strategy. Cooperation offers a way to pool resources, share knowledge, and build resilience. For low-income countries in particular, regional solidarity—through climate finance, data sharing and technological transfer—could mean the difference between survival or collapse.

But cooperation isn’t just about survival; it’s also about seizing opportunities. Joint climate action can strengthen regional ties, foster peace and create shared prosperity. Cross-border collaboration on climate and environmental issues can connect institutions, research communities, and civil society, laying the groundwork to tackle future challenges. By working together, the Asia–Pacific region can turn shared challenges into shared strengths.

The suspension of the IWT is a wake-up call. At a time when cooperation is more critical than ever, we cannot afford to let geopolitical tensions derail climate action. The Asia–Pacific region faces immense challenges, but it also holds immense potential. By prioritising collaboration over confrontation, the climate crisis could provide an opportunity for peace, resilience, and shared prosperity. The path forward won’t be easy, but it’s the only path worth taking.

Sinéad Barry is an Analyst at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.
Emma Whitaker is a Senior Advisor at adelphi’s Climate Diplomacy and Security programme.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from the original with their permission.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Former Energy Ministers from Saint Lucia and Uruguay Named REN21 Renewable Energy Champions

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 13:18

Dr James Fletcher (left) and Ramón Méndez Galain (right) at the launch of the REN21 Renewable Energy Champions Initiative in Miami. Credit: Alison Kentish/IPS

By Alison Kentish
MIAMI, Florida, USA, May 12 2025 (IPS)

The Renewable Energy Policy Network for the 21st Century (REN21), a global network that advances renewable energy through collaboration and knowledge sharing, has named Dr James Fletcher of Saint Lucia and Dr Ramón Méndez Galain of Uruguay as its first Renewable Energy Champions.

The accomplished former energy ministers were introduced as REN21 RE Champions on May 9, at the 17th Caribbean Renewable Energy Forum in Miami. They were recognised for their exemplary leadership in driving energy transition in their respective countries and region.

The RE Champions Initiative will connect experienced policymakers with peers globally to share knowledge, practical guidance, and successes and inspire much-needed action.

Fletcher, who led Saint Lucia’s Ministry of Sustainable Development and Energy, described joining the initiative as “one of the easiest decisions I ever had to make.”

He reiterated the urgency of energy reform in the Caribbean, where electricity costs often go as high as 35 to 40 U.S. cents per kilowatt-hour – a major barrier to competitiveness.

“If we can crack that, if we can get that transition to happen quickly, every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive on all of our islands,” he said.

“If we can crack that, if we can get this transition to happen quickly,” Fletcher told IPS, “every single economic sector in our region becomes competitive.”

Dr. Méndez Galain, a physicist who was the architect of Uruguay’s transformation to a grid powered by 98 percent renewables, spoke to IPS about that country’s journey. He emphasised the importance of political consensus in achieving lasting change and said he is happy to share his experience and expertise with peers.

“One of the first and most important things we succeeded in doing was to have a long-term agreement that was backed by the entire Uruguayan political system. This was crucial and allowed us to have continuity in the process,” Méndez Galain said. He added, “We proved that a power system can work only thanks to the complementarity of different resources. It was a technical issue, but it was not rocket science. At the end of the day, it was relatively simple to solve.”

Uruguay’s transition, he noted, slashed electricity production costs by half and created 50,000 jobs, about 3 percent of the country’s workforce. “We proved that energy transition can work, but it would not happen spontaneously. You have to really make changes in the policies, regulations, laws, and institutional framework in the markets. This is what we are trying to share with our current ministers and officials from our region,” he said.

Fletcher, the Caribbean Community’s Climate Change envoy, pointed to Uruguay’s success as proof that even grid systems reliant on intermittent sources like wind and solar can remain stable and efficient. “What Ramón has been able to show is that it can be done with intermittent renewables, because one of the things that keeps being hammered at us is that if you only have intermittent sources of electricity, you cannot do this. He’s shown in Uruguay that he can do it. That it can be done,” he said.

Both champions emphasised the power of South-South collaboration and the need to scale this model to other regions.

“Establishing these partnerships through an organisation like REN21—with its global reach—was a no-brainer,” Fletcher said. “At the end of the day, our goal is to ensure that we see a complete phase-out of fossil fuels.”

Méndez Galain expressed enthusiasm for collaborating with his Saint Lucian colleague and the REN21 network.

“Having the chance to work with people like Fletcher – it’s incredible to me because he is an inspiring guy,” he said. “REN21 is a powerful network that embraces and boosts everything that we can say with tremendous potential links to organisations that can help governments to do their jobs.”

REN21’s Senior Advisor, Laura Williamson, told the launch that the RE Champions Initiative bridges the gap between technology, policy, and leadership.

“It is built around champions who bring real-world experience, who have overcome challenges to achieve remarkable results in their own countries and can offer strategic partnerships to accelerate energy transition.”

“We have the technology; we have the resources. But what is really missing is the exchange of knowledge, the capability of partnerships, and the connections,” she said in a sit-down with IPS. “It’s really to demonstrate how connecting the decision-makers to the data, to the stories, to the experiences, can drive energy transition. Also to demonstrate that this is possible, so let’s do it.”

The initiative is fully funded by philanthropic contributions and champions volunteer their time and expertise. REN21 plans to expand the programme to include experts from Asia and Africa, strengthening cross-regional collaboration and unlocking shared solutions across the Global South.

The REN21 Champions say while a sustainable energy future is within reach, accelerating progress will require greater urgency—and connection and collaboration will serve as the catalysts to drive it forward.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Staff Union Demands Full & Active Participation in Ongoing Negotiations on UN Reforms

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 05:54

A demonstration within the confines of the UN Secretariat in New York.

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, May 12 2025 (IPS)

As discussions on the restructuring of the United Nations– including a possible merger of UN agencies and staff lay-offs system-wide — continue at the highest levels of the Secretariat—the Staff Union (UNSU) is demanding an active presence in the ongoing talks.

A proposed resolution, which is expected to be adopted at the UNSU general meeting on May 14, is very specific in its demands.

The Staff Council:

1. Calls upon the Secretary-General to formally include the United Nations Staff Union (UNSU) as a full participant in all aspects of the UN80 Initiative, including by having designated representatives of the Union in the UN80 Task Force, notably in its Working Group, with a view to ensure staff representation in the deliberation and decision-making processes.

2. Requests that the Staff Union be granted equal consultative status within the Task Force, including its Working Group, alongside other stakeholders, to provide input on matters directly impacting staff welfare, organizational efficiency and institutional reform.

3. Emphasizes that Staff Union involvement in change management process with such a global scale/impact is critical to provide insights into daily operations and identify potential inefficiencies and challenges for improving the effectiveness of the organization.

Noting further that, this would inherently foster ownership, reduce resistance and ensure smooth implementation that would promote a culture of continuous improvement, driving long term success.

4. Emphasizes the precedent of Staff Union involvement in pivotal institutional decisions during extraordinary circumstances, such as the pandemic, and requests this to be acknowledged as a guiding principle for ongoing and future consultations.

5. Recommends that the Secretariat report to the appropriate administrative and advisory bodies on measures taken to implement this resolution, ensuring compliance with existing staff-management consultation frameworks

UN staffers outside the Secretariat building.

Currently, over 6,400 staffers work in the 39-storeyed Secretariat building in New York, according to one report.

Guy Candusso, a former First Vice-President of the UN Staff Union, told IPS there is value to have staff engaged in the early stages of the reform process.

“I have seen that sometimes staff have come up with better ideas than management. However, over the years, staff consultations have been marginalized to be more like information briefings (after the real decisions were made),” he said.

Meanwhile, the Staff Council:

1. Emphasizes that, as a matter of principle, staff members should not be paid less for work performed at the same or higher level than they are currently performing or have previously performed;

2. Calls upon the Office of Human Resources (OHR) to withdraw the Guidelines and revised versions in light of their unjustified and arbitrary measures and the negative impact on staff that they entail;

3. Requests the immediate reinstatement of earlier guidelines and practices whereas heads of entity are given the discretion to award step-upon recruitment, in line with Staff Rule 3.3(b), in a manner commensurate with a candidate or Staff Member’s experience;

4. Urges OHR to consult with and integrate the perspectives of staff members, hiring managers, heads of entity, and Member States prior to issuing or reissuing any further related guidance;

5. Further urges OHR to immediately inform all Secretariat staff members in a clear and concise broadcast, as well as a town hall meeting, explaining the implications of the Guidelines, should they remain in place for any period following the adoption of this resolution, and to communicate expeditiously about further consultation and revision of the Guidelines;

6. Instructs the leadership to share this resolution with the Chef de Cabinet, the Under-Secretaries-General of the Department of Management Strategy, Policy and Compliance and the Department of Operational Support, as well as the Assistant Secretary-General of the Office of Human Resources and all heads of office/departments represented in the Staff Council; and

7. Further instructs the leadership to circulate this resolution via an email broadcast to all members of the United Nations Staff Union.

Asked for a response on an earlier story on Staff Union demands, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told IPS last week: “We fully understand that the current situation is a cause of concern, and anxiety, for many of our staff.”

“It is important to note that we are in the initial phase of formulating positions and proposals. Consultations have taken place, and they will continue to do so, as the insights of staff are valued and will be carefully considered.”

At the global town hall meeting in March 2025, the Secretary-General emphasized that the UN80 Initiative is a management-led effort. However, he of course committed to consulting with staff representatives through the Staff-Management Committee (SMC) on decisions impacting the staff.

In April, during the annual meeting of the SMC, management briefed the staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative. Also in April, a dedicated UN80 Initiative page was created on iSeek, inviting staff at large to submit ideas via a suggestion box. The responsive was impressive as over 1,400 suggestions have been received. Management will review all of the suggestions, said Dujarric.

A dedicated extraordinary SMC meeting will be held in June to further amplify consultation with staff representatives on the UN80 Initiative, he assured.

Meanwhile the UNSU has also conducted a general survey of its constituents between 11 March and 11 April 2025.

An Executive Summary of the results read:

– A total of 1,271 responses were received, which resulted in a response rate of 15.88 %1 . Overall, the survey has a confidence level of 95% with a margin of error of +/- 2.5%.

From a statistical perspective, those results are considered highly representative. It should also be noted that the majority of respondents (85%) were based in New York, with 33% in the General Service, 60% in the professional and 7% in other job categories.

– Only 31% of respondents believed that there were credible mechanisms to ensure accountability within their departments.

– Budget cuts (87%), organizational restructuring (56,8%) and changes in leadership/priorities (27.6%) were seen as the greatest risks to job security for the — respondents. Only 31.6% of respondents felt secure in their current position.

– Only 25% believed that the hiring process is transparent, or merit based (27%). 62% of respondents did not foresee any possibilities for career progression and 60% did not feel there is enough support for career development and support to staff to transition to new roles.

– Of note, 77% of respondents had primary hybrid working arrangements (mix of on-site and remote), with a majority (61.3%) working two days a week from home.

– The main benefits of telecommuting for the respondents are avoiding telecommuting time and/or costs (79.5%), better work-life balance (78.4%) and improved efficiency and productivity (69.3%).

A majority of respondents (60%) believed that the existing flexible open-plan/hot desking and shared workplace arrangements should not be maintained, and that cubicles or private offices are seen as the main optimal on-site workplace arrangement (42%).

On a positive note, 60% of respondents felt that occupational safety and health measures were adequately addressed in the workplace. However, only 34% of respondents felt that existing mechanisms are effective in addressing discrimination based on race in the workplace, with 28% having observed such incidents.

Furthermore, 45% of respondents believed that the workplace is accessible and inclusive for staff with disabilities.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

Transitioning to a Circular Economy: The Future We Cannot Afford to Delay

Mon, 05/12/2025 - 05:36

Philippines ranks among the top contributors of marine litter in Asia. By transitioning to a circular economy, the country is fighting plastics pollution and climate crises. Photo Credit: Jilson Tiu / UNDP Philippines

The World Circular Economy Forum (WCEF2025) will take place at São Paulo, Brazil, from 13 to 14 May 2025. In addition, accelerator sessions will be held by WCEF collaborators on 15 and 16 May, online and around the globe.

By Marcos Neto
NEW YORK, May 12 2025 (IPS)

From environmental degradation to biodiversity loss and mounting waste, we are facing the dire consequences of a reckless economic model that extracts, consumes, and discards. But there is an urgent alternative—one that is not just possible, but essential.

The circular economy is more than an environmental fix; it’s a smarter, more resilient strategy for sustainable development. It has the power to revolutionize how we produce, consume, and thrive within the planet’s limits. This could be the most critical economic transformation of our era.

Today, our global economy remains overwhelmingly linear: we extract, consume, and discard. As a result, we generate more than 2 billion tonnes of waste annually, a figure projected to rise to 3.4 billion tonnes by 2050. Meanwhile, resource extraction has tripled since 1970, driving 90% of biodiversity loss, and 55% of all greenhouse gas emissions. It is responsible for 40% of particulate matter health related impacts, driving us to exceed safe planetary boundary limits beyond which current and future generations cannot continue to develop and thrive.

The current system is not only unsustainable but also unraveling the very foundation of development.

Circular economies grow by reducing resource use. They focus on reusing, regenerating, and minimizing waste in all sectors, like agriculture, energy, and consumer goods. This ensures a fair transition to a low-carbon, sustainable future. Switching to a circular model could bring $4.5 trillion in economic benefits by 2030, cut emissions, create stable jobs, and open new green markets.

To realize this future, five interconnected changes must be implemented immediately.

1. Policy leadership to shift the economic paradigm.

Other regulatory measures are instruments such as extended producer responsibility (EPR) and standards to ensure that products are durable, repairable, recyclable and safe. In Viet Nam, the Government has integrated circular economy principles into national policies, with the promulgation of a National Action Plan on Circular Economy, the promotion of eco-design as well as EPR mechanisms for electronics, plastics, textiles, and science and technologies for agriculture.

2. Data and metrics to guide decisions.

International Resource Panel

Global Environment Outlook

In the Dominican Republic, the Rescate Ozama (“Rescue the Ozama”) project conducted extensive research on plastic pollution in the Ozama River, collecting data on waste types, volumes, and local management practices to support informed decision-making and develop targeted interventions.

3. Incentives that reward circular innovation.

In Serbia, the ‘Circular Communities’ project, with the support of UNDP, awards grants to innovative ideas that contribute to the development of national and local circular economy strategic frameworks. More than 60 innovative initiatives were supported in the last 3 years, ranging from producing interior design materials from waste glass to involving informal waste pickers in the film industry’s waste management.

4. Infrastructure for circular ecosystems.

In many developing countries, the lack of infrastructure remains a major barrier, with over 2 billion people without access to basic waste collection. To address such challenges, India’s Plastic Waste Management initiative is developing a replicable model for cities that integrates innovation, social inclusion, and environmental leadership to reduce waste, enhance resource efficiency, and establish closed-loop recycling systems through Material Recovery Facilities.

5. A cultural shift toward regenerative consumption.

over 13,000 chemicals

These shifts are not abstract ideals: they are already taking root, often led by countries in the Global South demonstrating bold vision and practical solutions. In fact, Indigenous Peoples have implemented circular solutions for millennia, whereby nothing is discarded but instead embraced as raw material for the next cycle of growth and renewal, drawing on lessons from ‘nature’s economy’.

This month, the World Circular Economy Forum 2025 will gather forward-looking thinkers and doers and present the game-changers in the circular economy sphere in São Paulo, Brazil. Not only to reflect on progress and share best practices and experiences but to forge the partnerships that will carry this vision forward. We stand at a crossroads: a throwaway economy on one side, and a circular, inclusive, resilient future on the other. Let us choose wisely. The future is not linear—and neither is the path to a better world.

WCEF2025 is organized jointly by the Finnish Innovation Fund Sitra, FIESP (Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo), CNI (Brazilian National Industry Confederation) and SENAI-SP (Brazilian National Industrial Learning Service), in close collaboration with international partner organizations, including United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Free of charge, open to all online.

IPS UN Bureau

Excerpt:

Marcos Neto is UN Assistant Secretary General and Director of UNDP’s Bureau for Policy and Programme Support.

Categories: Africa

In Zimbabwe, Farmers Are Leading Scientific Research on Conservation Agriculture

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 16:10

Migren Matanga grew up shying away from small and traditional grains in Rushinga, in northern Zimbabwe. The 58-year-old mother of four from Toruzumba village relied on maize and cotton, one of the major cash crops in the area at the time. It was not until the late 2010s that the smallholder farmer realised the need […]

Categories: Africa

Rights with No Age Limit: Hopes for a Convention on the Rights of Older People

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 11:52

Cover photo by Defensoría del Pueblo de Bolivia

By Samuel King and Inés M. Pousadela
BRUSSELS, Belgium / MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 9 2025 (IPS)

The world’s population is ageing. Global life expectancy has leapt to 73.3 years, up from under 65 in 1995. Around the world, there are now 1.1 billion people aged 60-plus, expected to rise to 1.4 billion by 2030 and 2.1 billion by 2050.

This demographic shift is a triumph, reflecting public health successes, medical advances and better nutrition. But it brings human rights challenges.

Ageism casts older people as burdens, despite the enormous social contribution many older people make through family roles, community service and volunteering. Prejudice fuels widespread human rights violations, including age discrimination, economic exclusion, denial of services, inadequate social security, neglect and violence.

The impacts are particularly brutal for those facing discrimination for other reasons. Older women, LGBTQI+ elders, disabled seniors and older people from other excluded groups suffer compounded vulnerabilities. During conflicts and climate disasters, older people face disproportionate hardships but receive disproportionately little attention or protection.

These challenges aren’t limited to wealthy countries such as Japan, where more than one in 10 people are now aged 80 and over. Global south countries are experiencing population ageing too, and often at a much faster pace than occurred historically in the global north. Many people face the daunting prospect of becoming old in societies with limited infrastructure and social protection systems to support them.

Despite these escalating challenges, no global human rights treaty specifically protects older people. The current international framework is a patchwork that looks increasingly out of step as global demographics shift.

The first significant international breakthrough came in 2015, when the Organization of American States adopted the Inter-American Convention on Protecting the Human Rights of Older Persons. This landmark treaty explicitly recognises older people as rights-bearers and establishes protections against discrimination, neglect and exploitation. It demonstrates how legal frameworks can evolve to address challenges faced by ageing populations, although implementation remains uneven across signatory countries.

Globally, the World Health Organization’s Decade of Healthy Ageing (2021-2030) represents progress in promoting age-friendly environments and responsive healthcare systems. But it’s a voluntary framework without legally enforceable protections. Only a binding treaty can deliver human rights guarantees.

That’s why the UN Human Rights Council’s decision on 3 April to establish an intergovernmental working group to draft a convention on older persons’ rights offers real hope. In the current fractured geopolitical landscape, the resolution’s adoption by consensus is encouraging.

This positive step came as a result of over a decade of dogged advocacy through the Open-ended Working Group on Ageing, established by the UN General Assembly in 2010. Through 14 sessions, states, civil society and national human rights institutions built an overwhelming case for action, culminating in an August 2024 recommendation to develop a treaty. Strategic cross-border campaigning and coalition-building by civil society organisations such as AGE Platform Europe, Amnesty International and HelpAge International were instrumental in advancing the cause.

Now the crucial phase of transforming principles into binding legal protection begins. The Human Rights Council resolution sets out the path forward. The first meeting of the drafting working group is due before the year’s end. Once drafted, the text will advance through the UN system for consideration and adoption. If adopted, this convention will follow in the footsteps of those on the rights of children in 1989 and people with disabilities in 2006, which have significantly advanced protections for their target groups.

This convention offers a rare opportunity to redefine how societies value their older members. The journey from declaration to implementation will demand persistent civil society advocacy, first to ensure the text of the convention delivers meaningful, enforceable protections rather than mere aspirational statements, and then to prevent the dilution of protections through limited implementation. But the potential reward is profound: a world where advancing age enhances rather than diminishes human dignity and rights.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition and Inés M. Pousadela is Senior Research Specialist at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, writer at CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

Categories: Africa

From Pledges to Action: EU Ocean Leadership on the Line

Fri, 05/09/2025 - 07:14

With the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) set to take place June 9-13 in Nice, and co-chaired by France and Costa Rica, Europe’s environmental leadership is under the spotlight. The EU has made ambitious pledges on ocean protection, but its progress on ratifying the landmark High Seas Treaty has been slow. So far, only a handful of member states have signed on, threatening to hinder progress on a landmark agreement for ocean protection.

By Pascal Lamy and Geneviève Pons
PARIS / BRUSSELS , May 9 2025 (IPS)

If one so wished, it would be entirely possible to spend a lifetime travelling from one international environmental conference to the next, without ever returning home. But the relentless pace of these meetings does not always translate into equally rapid action.

Instead, the result is often painfully slow progress, watered down commitments and timelines that can stretch into years if not decades. Public frustration is mounting, tired of broken promises. It wants action to tackle the climate and biodiversity crises before it is too late.

In this void of global environmental leadership, the European Union has an opportunity to step up on the stewardship of our planet’s greatest shared resource: the ocean.

Credit: Josh Sorenson

The ocean is Earth’s life support system. It covers over 70% of our planet, regulates the climate by absorbing carbon dioxide, produces at least half of the oxygen we breathe, sustains millions of livelihoods, provides food for billions, and holds mysteries we’ve only just begun to uncover.

Yet, despite its fundamental role in planetary health and human survival, the ocean remains under constant assault from climate change, pollution, overfishing, and habitat destruction.

Most alarmingly, vast areas of the ocean — especially the High Seas — remain dangerously under protected.

That is why it is both remarkable and welcome that, as EU Council President Antonio Costa highlighted, all 27 EU Heads of State and Government reached – for the very first time – ambitious conclusions on the ocean at the March 2025 European Council.

Among these was a commitment to swiftly ratify the new High Seas Treaty, a landmark international agreement finalized in 2023 after nearly two decades of negotiations.

This treaty, also known as the Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) Agreement, is a cornerstone of marine conservation and was hailed as a major victory for multilateralism. It holds enormous potential to protect marine life in High Seas — the two-thirds of the ocean that lie beyond national borders. But treaties do not protect ecosystems — countries do.

And unless 60 nations ratify the agreement so it can enter into force, its historic potential will remain nothing more than words on paper.

Here, the EU has a chance to lead by example — and by numbers. With its 27 member states, it holds the key to being a game-changer in accelerating the process of entry into force. The EU finalized its ratification in June 2024, but progress among individual member states has lagged.

As of now, only France and Spain have formally deposited their ratification instruments with the United Nations. Several others are close, but the overall momentum is insufficient. In a positive development aimed at facilitating ratification and preparing for implementation, the EU Commission has recently proposed a Directive for transposing the BBNJ Agreement into EU law.

Member states must urgently speed up their national processes to complete their ratification and send a strong signal of global leadership. This urgency and roadmap are outlined in detail in Europe Jacques Delors’ most recent policy brief, which highlights the key institutional, legal, and diplomatic levers available to the EU and its member states.

The stakes could not be higher. 40% of EU citizens live in coastal areas, which contribute around 40% of the EU’s GDP. The EU, together with its overseas territories, also has the largest Exclusive Economic Zone in the world. From economic stability to energy security and food supply, the ocean is inextricably tied to Europe’s prosperity. A degraded ocean means a less secure, less resilient, and less prosperous Europe.

True leadership means more than making bold declarations, it is about delivering results.

This June, the 3rd UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) will take place on European soil — in Nice. The Conference has been designated as the key political moment to secure the 60 ratifications needed to trigger the Treaty’s entry into force.

Achieving this goal is essential not only to uphold the EU leadership and credibility on ocean governance, but also to meet broader international commitments — including the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s goal of protecting 30% of the ocean by 2030 (30×30).

The EU must intensify its ‘blue diplomacy’, leveraging initiatives like the High Ambition Coalition for the High Seas Treaty, which it helped establish, to drive global ratification and implementation efforts of its 52 members. This conference needs to prove that once again environmental multilateralism can still deliver when it matters most.

The EU has set an ambitious course on ocean governance. The imminent launch of the European Ocean Pact, which builds on the foundations laid by the Manifesto for a European Ocean Pact initiated by Europe Jacques Delors and Oceano Azul Foundation, and the recent EU Council conclusions on the Ocean, are strong signals of intent.

With the global order in flux and geopolitical alliances shifting rapidly, the EU must work together and embrace its role as both a stabilizing force and a champion of the ocean. Delivering on the High Seas Treaty — through swift ratification, diligent preparation for implementation, and the establishment of a robust governance framework — will be a defining moment for the EU. It is a test of its credibility, leadership, and vision for the future.

The world is watching. The ocean is waiting. And the clock is ticking.

Pascal Lamy is the Vice-President of Europe Jacques Delors and former Director-General of the WTO. Geneviève Pons is the Vice-President and Director General of Europe Jacques Delors and a leading advocate for ocean conservation.

IPS UN Bureau

Categories: Africa

Armed Gangs Expand Their Control in the Centre Department of Haiti

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 20:38

Wide shot of the site for displaced people hosted at Marie-Jeanne school in Port-au-Prince, where 7,000 people live in overcrowded and desperate conditions, seeking safety amidst the ongoing armed violence in Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Patrice Noel

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Following a series of brutal altercations in the communes of Mirebalais and Saut d’Eau in Haiti back in late March, local gangs have taken over both communes, spurring heightened displacement and insecurity. This is indicative of the continuing deterioration of the humanitarian situation in Haiti as these armed gangs expand their control beyond Port-au-Prince.

On May 2, the White House issued a statement that declared the Viv Ansamn and Gran Grif gangs as terrorist organizations, attributing the core of Haiti’s issues to their activities. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also emphasized the threats that these coalitions pose to Haitian and American national security.

“Their [the gangs’] ultimate goal is creating a gang-controlled state where illicit trafficking and other criminal activities operate freely and terrorize Haitian citizens. Terrorist designations play a critical role in our fight against these vicious groups and are an effective way to curtail support for their terrorist activities. Engaging in transactions with members of these groups entails risk in relation to counterterrorism sanctions authorities, not only for Haitians but also for U.S. lawful permanent residents and U.S. citizens,” said Rubio.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) issued a report on April 29 that detailed the current conditions in the capital and the Centre Department. An attack in early April resulted in the escape of over 515 inmates at a Mirebalais prison. UNICEF states that the clashes in this region have led to numerous civilian deaths, multiple lootings, and the destruction of a police station.

On April 25, an operation was carried out by law enforcement in Mirebalais in hopes of regaining control of the Centre Department. It is believed that during this operation, eight armed individuals were killed and three firearms were seized. However, this operation was largely unsuccessful in eliminating gang presence in this area. Furthermore, Haitian officials have noted an attempt by the Viv Ansamn gang to gain control of the Devarrieux area, which borders the commune of Lascahobas.

According to UNICEF, heightened gang activity in the Centre Department has complicated relief efforts by humanitarian organizations. Currently, authorities have prohibited humanitarian organizations from accessing sections of the road that connect Hinche to Mirebalais, Lascahobas, and Belladère. Due to relatively stable security conditions between Hinche and Cange-Boucan-Carré, humanitarian movement has been approved between these communes.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has recorded over one million civilian displacements since the eruption of hostilities in 2023. In the Centre Department, IOM estimates approximately 51,000 civilian displacements, including 27,000 children.

Additional figures from IOM indicate that the Dominican Republic has considerably increased its rate of deportation of Haitian migrants. In the Belladère and Ouanaminthe communes, which are located along the borders between the two nations, over 20,000 Haitian migrants in April. This marks the highest monthly total recorded this year.
Humanitarian organizations have expressed concern over these deportations due to the highly vulnerable nature of these migrants. IOM reports that the majority of these populations consist of women, children, and newborns, who are disproportionately affected by gang violence.

“The situation in Haiti is becoming increasingly dire. Each day, deportations and gang violence worsen an already fragile situation,” said IOM Director General Amy Pope.

These deportations have compromised relief efforts as over 12,500 Haitian refugees are scattered across 95 newly established displacement shelters, the majority of which are bereft of basic services, such as food access, clean water, and healthcare. Due to increased gang activity in Mirebalais, IOM states that Belladère has essentially been isolated from the rest of Haiti.

“This is a compounded crisis spreading beyond the capital, with cross-border expulsions and internal displacement converging in places like Belladère,” said Grégoire Goodstein, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Haiti. “Delivering assistance is becoming increasingly difficult as humanitarian actors find themselves trapped alongside the very people they are trying to help.”

Additionally, Haiti’s healthcare system has been overwhelmed by recent surges in hostility. According to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), the healthcare system is particularly strained in Port-Au-Prince, where 42 percent of medical facilities remain closed. It is estimated that roughly 2 out of 5 Haitians urgently require access to medical care.

Sexual violence has also run rampant in Haiti. According to figures from the United Nations (UN), more than 333 women and girls have been subjected to gender-based violence from gang members, with 96 percent of these cases being rape. Furthermore, trafficking and forced recruitment remain common, especially in Port-Au-Prince.

Underfunding across multiple sectors has made it difficult for Haitian communities to access the tools they need to survive. Due to persisting structural barriers and societal taboos, many perpetrators of violence receive impunity. The amount of humanitarian aid is inadequate as relief teams are understaffed to handle the sheer scale of needs.

The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) states that the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Haiti is less than 7 percent funded, with only USD 61 million having been raised out of the USD 908 million required. The UN and its partners urge donor contributions as the situation continues to deteriorate.

IPS UN Bureau Report

Categories: Africa

The Taliban Took Everything – Even My Hope

Thu, 05/08/2025 - 17:19

Once a lifeline for women and families, the Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA)—one of the country’s oldest NGOs—has been forced to shut down its centers nationwide under Taliban orders. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, May 8 2025 (IPS)

Rukhsar (pseudonym), 27, is a widow and sole breadwinner for a family of five. She recounts her life story under Taliban rule, a reality faced by thousands of women in Afghanistan.

Every time I picked up a pen, I would write about turning failure into success, rising up after falling, and the highs that follow life’s lows. Each time I wrote, my mood, soul, and mind came alive, fueled by the words of my achievements.

With every victory achieved and each milestone reached, I redoubled my efforts. Like a mountaineer dreaming of reaching the summit, my hope of realizing my dreams grew with each passing day.

But this time, my dreams have crumbled, and I am left defeated.

I, too, once had a stable life, but the winds of fate blew it apart. Shattering my dreams.

Exactly seven years ago, I began a relationship with a kind and brave person, Yusuf, who was my source of security while I in turn took care of patients in a hospital. As nurses, our days were spent caring for the people of our country. We dedicated ourselves to our sacred duty with passion and enthusiasm.

It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan

In the midst of life’s joys, Yusuf and I were blessed with two children, Iman and Ayat. They made our life shine brighter.

However, just when everything appeared to flourish, we began to hear rumblings in the distance. The Taliban had begun a fight to take back Afghanistan. We heard about districts falling in neighboring provinces such as Balkh, and the deaths, and disappearances of our loved ones.

As the days passed by, the intensity of the war between the government and Taliban fighters increased. We were all in a state of panic, fearing that we could become victims of the conflict. The war was getting closer to the city with each passing moment.

One day Yusuf urged me not to go to work. He went instead. He kissed our children goodbye, tears in his eyes. Thas was the last time we saw him alive.

After he left, I kept calling him at short intervals to ask if everything was fine with him, and each time he called back without delay. However, my call to him in the afternoon went unanswered; neither did he return the call. That triggered off restlessness in my mind. It soon took hold of me entirely and was no longer controllable.

At the peak of my desperation, and exhaustion, Yusuf’s father told me he had received a call from an unfamiliar number. Yusuf was no longer with us, he announced. He was brutally killed by a tyrannical, ruthless, bloodthirsty, and oppressive group.

The date is forever edged in my memory. It was June 16, 2021.

The grief of losing Yusuf brought sleepless nights, memories that haunted me every moment, and a deep loneliness that nothing could fill. I was entrapped in emotional and mental struggles from which I could not escape.

Days and months went by, and problems kept piling up one after the other with no respite. There was no psychological support, I was caught midst of increasing financial struggles, and I constantly worried about how to provide for our children, which were now entirely under my care. I had to find a way out.

I returned to my former work place at the hospital in Mazar-i-Sharif, but someone new took up my place. I returned home empty-handed. All around me was despair and fear.

All the while, I was under increasing pressure from my family to consider a second marriage. No one could really understand the pain I was enduring. My husband Yusuf was gone but his love was still alive. It was the only thing besides the children, which gave me hope. I started looking for work and eventually got one as a midwife at Afghanistan Family Guidance Association (AFGA), one of the oldest NGOs in Afghanistan.

It was in 2023. I had an eight-hour job and was now earning monthly salary of over 9,500 Afghanis, which enabled me to support my children and financially support my late husband’s parents as well. I was excited and nervous about the new phase in my life.

We provided services to the most vulnerable clients who were suffering from impact of earthquakes, floods, and drought.

Nevertheless, every day I heard news about how the Taliban regime was planning to shut down various organizations that support women and families, as well as banning women from schools and universities. At my workplace, we could foresee that thousands of families would soon be left without help.

A flood of bad news kept inundating us each day about measures that adversely affected women’s situation. It felt like being a woman in itself was a crime in Afghanistan. We could not study or go to the parks. Women were flogged on the mere of suspicion sleeping with anyone other than their husbands. Young girls were forced into marriage and women committed suicide. We are probably the most oppressed people in the history of Afghanistan.

However, my colleagues and I took comfort in the fact, that since we were working in the medical field as essential members of society, we assumed we were indispensable.

We still maintained high hopes that our work in the medical field would continue, even though officials from the brutal and oppressive unit, the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, continuously monitored us. For one hour every Thursday, these officers would give us religious lessons as if we were not Muslim.

We were working mainly with women patients, yet we were made to cover our faces with masks and to maintain our hijabs. We were prohibited from speaking loudly, and from engaging in any conversation with the male companions of the patients. The restrictions kept increasing, but I had to stay strong for my family.

Despite all the bullying and oppression, we continued to work because serving our patients brought us peace of mind, not to mention the deep satisfaction and relief of being able to provide financial support to our families.

On the morning of December 3, 2024, I heard the news about the closure of medical institutions. It was incredibly painful, like a dagger thrust into my heart. I spent the entire day in tears and sorrow. In the small shelter where I worked, we were all crushed by grief.

That day passed by and we did not know how we had managed to get through it. We concluded to each other at the end of the day that, “We might be the last generation of medical professionals.”

On January 3rd, at 9:08 AM, I received a call from a colleague at the Kabul central office. She informed me that Mullah Hibatullah Akhundzada, the misogynist Taliban leader, had issued a decree to close down healthcentres funded by foreign donors. They were, according to him, aimed at curtailing the increase of the Muslim population.

My blood ran cold. My colleagues and I nevertheless entertained the hope that the decree would be reversed. It did not happen.

Just a week later, we were notified by email that AFGA had to close due to Taliban’s new restrictions.

At that moment, as I read the email, it felt like the ground had been cut from under my feet. My mind became consumed by thoughts of Ayat and Iman, wondering what to do next and which door to knock on.

I was not alone. Similar thoughts must have been coursing through the minds of 270 Afghan women working in 23 provinces. I also lost every shred of hope for the future. I had no idea what I could do next.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Categories: Africa

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