Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE

A protester holding a sign declaring the death of democracy during social protests against the authoritarian policies of Peru's President Dina Boluarte in downtown Lima, July 2024. Credit: Walter Hupiu / IPS

By Mariela Jara
LIMA, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

“We are facing a deeply conservative government that is opening the doors to all kinds of setbacks. We have a failed state with a democracy that is no longer a democracy,” said Gina Vargas, a Peruvian feminist internationally recognized for her contributions to women’s rights.

In an interview with IPS from her home in Lima, Vargas shared her perspective on Peru, a country of 34 million inhabitants, which is undergoing a profound political crisis that is weakening its democratic institutions, ultimately harming the rights of the most vulnerable populations, such as women and the LGBTI+ community.

The female population is just over 17 million, according to the government’s National Institute of Statistics and Computing, while a 2019 study by the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights estimated that LGBTI+ adults could reach 1.7 million.“The conservatives are taking away everything they believe goes against their traditional principles, while the reality for Peruvian women is one of discrimination, violence, femicide, sexual abuse of girls, and the denial of therapeutic abortion”: Gina Vargas.

Vargas, one of the founders of the feminist Flora Tristán Peruvian Women’s Center, one of the oldest organizations in Latin American feminism, argued that the conservative forces, which manifest as the far-right in Peru, are seeking to reclaim what they lost in terms of their values over the last three decades.

This period began with the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action, which established norms and mechanisms for the advancement of women.

In September 1995, 30 years ago, the Fourth World Conference on Women: Action for Equality, Development, and Peace, convened by the United Nations, was held in Beijing, China. Representatives from 189 countries participated, not only from governments but also from women’s and feminist movements.

A sociologist, Gina Vargas will turn 80 in July. She coordinated the participation of Latin American and Caribbean civil society organizations in the global forum, as well as their contributions to the Platform, which outlines the commitments of states regarding 12 areas of action on the status of women worldwide.

She highlighted that within this framework, mechanisms were established at the highest level to promote equal rights, which in Peru’s case is currently the Ministry of Women and Vulnerable Populations (MIMP). However, this ministry will be diluted in a regressive wave through an upcoming merger with the Ministry of Inclusion and Social Development.

“The conservatives are taking away everything they believe goes against their traditional principles, while the reality for Peruvian women is one of discrimination, violence, femicide, sexual abuse of girls, and the denial of therapeutic abortion,” she lamented.

Peruvian feminist Gina Vargas believes that democracy no longer exists in Peru and that the growing influence of conservative groups is harming the rights of women and sexual diversity. Pictured third from the left during the launch of the 46th anniversary of the non-governmental Flora Tristán Center, of which she is one of the founders, on January 30. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

According to official figures, 170 femicides occurred nationwide in 2024. The number for the last three years rises to 450 when including victims from 2022 and 2023. Peru has a law against violence toward women and family members, and it has incorporated the crime of femicide into the Penal Code.

These are serious issues that three decades ago were weakly addressed by the state or absent from its agenda. But Vargas emphasized that the Beijing Platform left a set of commitments to be fulfilled and expanded, as has happened in many countries.

“But in Peru, we are facing brutal resistance in a context where there is no balance of power, and the Legislature passes laws to co-opt democratic institutions in their desire to control the country,” she stressed.

The legislative Congress of the Republic has an approval rate of 5%, and President Dina Boluarte’s administration has 6%, according to recent polls, reflecting one of the most discredited periods for state branches in the country.

Both branches of government are seen as colluding for personal interests, closely linked to corruption, and unable to address citizen insecurity and poverty, two of the most pressing issues in this South American and Andean nation.

Vargas warned: “We are facing a failed state, with the rise of fundamentalism, authoritarianism, and the imposition of the right-wing. What is not good for democracy is definitely not good for us or for sexual diversity.”

A banner featuring victims of femicide in Peru during a demonstration in Lima. Peru suffered 170 femicides in 2024, reflecting the severe violation of women’s human rights. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

Fear of Losing Rights

Antonella Martel, a 29-year-old psychologist, grew up in a country that already had a favorable framework for women’s rights and guaranteed gender equality, established in the 1979 Constitution and maintained in the current one from 1993.

She is aware that she has had more opportunities than her mother and grandmothers. “Now, traditional roles for women and men are being questioned; they are no longer normalized as before. There are also laws against gender-based violence, although access to justice is complicated,” she told IPS.

In the current context, she fears that the rights gained could be lost. “There is distrust in institutions that are not allies of women’s struggles and do not play a protective role for their rights,” she said.

One of her biggest concerns is that the setbacks and the disappearance of the Ministry of Women through its merger with another ministry will weaken the state’s action against violence. “We women face this problem every day, and it could get worse,” she warned.

Maria Ysabel Cedano, a lawyer with the Demus organization and the non-governmental Lifs, criticized the lack of protection for the rights of the LGBTI population. “Lesbians are not invisible because we are hidden in the closet, but because no one wants to see you or let you be seen,” she stated. Credit: Mariela Jara / IPS

They Don’t Want to See Us

María Ysabel Cedano, a 59-year-old lawyer from the feminist human rights organization Demus and an associate of the non-governmental Independent Feminist Socialist Lesbians (Lifs), believes that the world is experiencing a new fascist stage, which in Peru has its own version in Fujimorism and its conservative political allies, whether ideologically right-wing or left-wing.

The late Alberto Fujimori ruled autocratically between 1990 and 2000 and established an ultra-conservative movement that now manifests in the Popular Force party, the leading legislative group led by his daughter Keiko Fujimori.

Fujimori was the only head of state to attend the Beijing Conference, where he promoted his new National Population Policy and birth control measures. It was later revealed that this included the  forced, mass, and non-consensual sterilization of poor and indigenous people, especially in rural areas, a practice that victimized around 300,000 women.

“We are witnessing the hijacking of democracy as a political horizon, a system that, despite its flaws, allowed us to expand freedoms and rights such as equality and non-discrimination, access to justice, and those related to women, which have been the result of sustained struggles,” Cedano reflected in an interview with IPS.

She explained that anti-rights groups have not been satisfied with taking over the state as a spoil through corruption but are operating as a regime that attacks everything opposing their beliefs, seeking to impose totalitarian thinking.

In late 2024, the institution Transparencia issued a report on 20 laws passed by this Congress of the Republic that weakened democracy, favored the actions of criminal groups, and undermined human and environmental rights.

“They don’t need typical wars with lethal weapons; they have developed technological mechanisms to appropriate minds and hearts through denialism and disinformation,” she emphasized.

Cedano talked about Argentina, where libertarian President Javier Milei is dismantling progress in rights, and the massive rejection by the population on February 1. Along with her LIFS collective, she joined the solidarity sit-in in front of the Argentine embassy.

“Argentina generates and radiates indignation. It experienced and enjoyed dignity and knows what it has lost, whereas in Peru we don’t know it because we’ve never had anything,” she said regarding rights for the LGBTI+ population.

She adds there are no laws on gender identity or equal marriage. “In reality, we survive without enjoying rights; we live in a so-called democracy without being citizens,” she added.

The lesbian activist also denounced that they have been stigmatized and accused of atrocities such as wanting to homosexualize children, using them to attack comprehensive sexual education in schools.

She noted that the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights study reveals that 71% of the population perceives that lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and trans people suffer discrimination. “We swell the lists of suicides, bullying, school dropouts, and sexual assaults. They want us to live in the ghetto, on the margins,” she asserted.

In a context where democratic institutions are unable to guarantee people’s rights and the Ministry of Women, as the governing body for gender equality, is about to disappear through the merger, the prospects for the rights of non-heterosexual people are at greater risk.

“Lesbians are not invisible because we are hidden in the closet, but because no one wants to see you or let you be seen. They make you feel guilty and responsible for the consequences of living fully in the light… and that results in multiple and terrible acts of violence,” Cedano stressed.

Flashback to 2020 protests against a rigged election. Credit: Andrew Keymaster/Unsplash

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

In the months leading up to presidential elections at the end of January, Belarus’s authoritarian leader Alexander Lukashenko ordered the release of hundreds of political prisoners. Some observers saw this as a sign that the man who had led the former Soviet state for the last three decades could be planning a relaxation of his regime’s brutal repressions in return for a lessening of Western sanctions.

But having secured an inevitable further term in office, human rights groups and Belarusians who have survived persecution under his regime say they see no signs he is preparing to loosen his iron grip on the state.

“If we have learned anything from the last four years, it is that repression in Belarus is not lessening, despite the fact that Lukashenko has everything under his power. There are no protests, people have been forced into exile, there are no legal ways for rights groups to do their work, yet the repression continues,” Anastasiia Kruope, Assistant Researcher, Europe and Central Asia, at Human Rights Watch (HRW), told IPS.

In August 2020, hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in Belarus to protest against what they saw as the rigged result of an election which had just returned Lukashenko, who has ruled the country since 1994, to power.

Security forces launched a violent crackdown on those involved. Over the next six months, tens of thousands were detained and at least 11 people were killed.

Although the protests eventually stopped, repression has continued, with any form of dissent severely punished. There have been mass arrests, imprisonment, and torture for those deemed to be opposing the regime, while secret police and party loyalists have been installed in institutions as official ideological gatekeepers to ensure people toe the government line.

Independent media has been muzzled—almost 400 journalists have been arrested in the last four years—and much of the NGO sector has been effectively shuttered through repressive legislation on foreign funding and authorities’ misuse of anti-terror and anti-extremism laws. The closures of these groups have impacted everything from human rights work to vital healthcare services.

But while the wider international community largely sees Belarus as a pariah state—Lukashenko has the explicit political support of Moscow, and China maintains close ties with the country—and the West has imposed sanctions on individuals in Belarus, there has been no let-up in government efforts to bring the population to heel.

However, the slew of releases of political prisoners, which began last summer and went right up to the elections, had prompted speculation that Lukashenko may be looking to repair relations with the West, especially as the conflict in Ukraine—Lukashenko has backed Russia and allowed Moscow to use Belarus to launch assaults on Ukraine—appears to be heading towards some kind of, at least temporary, end, and he looks to extract his country from ever-increasing dependence on Moscow.

But people who live in Belarus, and some who have fled into exile, told IPS they are not expecting the pervasive climate of fear that Lukashenko has spread to cement his control in the country to lift any time soon.

“Usually the human rights situation in Belarus after elections becomes calmer, with fewer arrests. But it doesn’t look that way this time. We are still getting information about repressions,” Natallia Satsunkevich, a human rights defender with the Belarussian NGO Viasna, told IPS.

She said Lukashenko could even decide to intensify his crackdown on opponents of his regime.

“Of course [he could], the repressive machine is huge and works fast. Police are still looking for and arresting people that participated in protests in 2020,” Satsunkevich said.

Others who have suffered under Lukashenko agree.

“Any expectations that the repression will ease are just wishful thinking,” Lidziya Tarasenka, co-founder of The Belarussian Medical Solidarity Foundation (Bymedsol), which operates outside Belarus helping doctors who have left the country, told IPS.

Tarasenka, who worked in healthcare in the capital, Minsk, before fleeing the country after the 2020 protests, said she saw no sign that repression in Belarus was easing off.

“First of all, the number of political prisoners that have been released is less than the number of those newly imprisoned. The government has learned their lessons and is trying to make new prosecutions as unnoticeable as possible, but the process is in full swing. Secondly, there is a whole army of different police/secret services and so on, their number is growing and they have to be doing something. [Repression] cannot be stopped that easily,” she said.

Some Belarussians who spoke to IPS gave some insight into the regime’s persecutions.

Sviatlana (NOT REAL NAME) fled Belarus last year after she feared she was about to be arrested. Her work in healthcare had brought her into contact with former political prisoners, some of whom had been tortured in prison, and she had given some money for treatment to help their recovery. She managed to escape, but she fears now that her former colleagues will be targeted by the security services simply for having worked with her.

“I’m expecting there will be repressions against the staff and management at my work now,” she told IPS.

Kruope added that while Belarusians not actively opposing the regime could try to adopt a “keep your head down and don’t make any trouble” approach to ensuring they avoid any repressions, even that carried no guarantees.

“One thing people have to watch out for is that you never know what might suddenly become a problem. You may have, in the past, liked a social media comment or followed someone, not even for their political views, or simply followed a media outlet that is then declared a terrorist group or something, and now find yourself in trouble. It is difficult to know what activity might suddenly become a criminal offense,” she said.

So far, it is unclear what Lukashenko may be planning as he begins his latest term in office. But the initial signs suggest he is not planning any kind of rapprochement with the West in the immediate future.

In a press conference immediately after his election win and as western leaders threatened more sanctions and dismissed the elections as a “sham,” he pointedly said, “I don’t give a damn about the West.”

However, even if repressions continue, rights defenders have not given up hope that things will improve in the future.

“I personally believe that one day Belarusians will live in a free and democratic country,” said Satsunkevich.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Around 600 million Africans still lack reliable access to electricity, which is nearly half the continent's population and more than 80 per cent of the global electricity access gap. Credit: Raphael Pouget / Climate Visuals Countdown via UNDP

By Yacoub El Hillo
ASMARA, Eritrea, Feb 10 2025 (IPS)

At night, when the world lights up, large swathes of Africa remain cloaked in darkness—a stark reminder of the continent’s lack of reliable access to electricity.

This access is one of the key ingredients to accelerating the continent’s progress – powering homes, schools, hospitals, and businesses, towards unlocking the continent’s full potential. For millions of Africans, the absence of affordable and reliable access to electricity isn’t just about lighting a room —it’s about access to education, economic growth, and a better quality of life.

Africa’s story in terms of its reliable access to electricity can be seen through the lens of three key data points: 600, 300, and 55.5. These figures highlight the challenge, the goal, and the opportunity shaping the continent’s access to electricity and overall energy future.

“600 million” illustrates the scale of the issue—over half of Africa’s population still lacks reliable access to electricity. “300” reflects the ambition of Africa’s target to turn the page on this access—Mission 300 aims to provide power to 300 million people by 2030. “55.5” underscores the opportunity—more than 55 per cent of Africa’s energy already comes from renewable sources, paving the way for long-term development.

Around 600 million Africans still lack reliable access to electricity, which is nearly half the continent’s population and more than 80 per cent of the global electricity access gap. While nations in Northern Africa and countries like Ghana, Gabon, and South Africa have made progress in tackling the issue, challenges remain in the Central Africa and the Sahel regions. For example, Burundi and South Sudan have low levels of electricity access, according to 2022 data.

For African communities, access to affordable energy is a lifeline. It transforms everyday life, especially in isolated and vulnerable areas. Reliable, affordable, and sustainable energy creates quality jobs, protects livelihoods, boosts security to bring durable peace and promotes economic growth.

Access to energy, also breaks down barriers for women and girls, enabling them to pursue opportunities that were previously out of reach, from starting small businesses to accessing information and education online.

For instance, farmers can use energy to power irrigation systems, extending growing seasons and boosting agricultural output. Manufacturers benefit from consistent power for their operations, leading to higher production rates and reduced downtime that could usher in an age of industrialization and prosperity.

Reliable and affordable access to energy also provide Africa with the policy space to take control of its own development path, mobilizing domestic capital while attracting international investment.

Most recent data with highest coverage. Credit: Global SDG Database

300 million by 2030: Africa’s 2030 energy vision

Through an initiative called “Mission 300”, the World Bank Group, the African Development Bank Group and the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative are working with partners to expand electricity access to 300 million people throughout the continent by 2030.

To achieve this goal, the initiative focuses on improving Africa’s energy sector by enhancing infrastructure, updating policies, and attracting private investment.

UN teams on the ground are working closely with governments and other partners through this engagement. In Guinea, the UN, led by the Resident Coordinator (RC), is supporting the development of hydroelectric dams and solar power plants, providing clean, reliable electricity that reach more than 34,000 people per project.

In Burundi, the UN’s work centres on renewable energy projects that would support the country in bringing in investors while expanding the electricity distribution network to underserved areas.

The RC in Djibouti is calling to expand solar panel use in homes and businesses to boost energy efficiency and to reduce electricity costs while supporting innovative solutions. Access to reliable, affordable energy provides families with more spending power, stimulating job creation and accelerating development.

In Guinea, the UN, led by the RC, is supporting the development of hydroelectric dams and solar power plants. Credit: UNICEF

UN teams across Africa are also supporting climate-friendly and sustainable means to generate energy. For example, there are initiatives to boost renewable energy production in Botswana, studies to harness offshore energy in Mauritius and innovative clean energy financing projects in Madagascar.

The Joint SDG Fund supports start-ups and small and medium-sized companies in Madagascar through the Integrated Financing of Sustainable Energy programme to promote innovation in renewable energy.

55.5 per cent renewable energy share – Africa leads the way

In terms of energy access, Africa—with its abundant resources and growing population—must have the autonomy to shape an energy mix that addresses its development needs while staying true to its global environmental commitments. Fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gas currently play critical roles in several African economies.

Without the ability to utilize these resources, the continent not only faces economic slowdowns but also the challenge of leaving millions in the dark. This would pose a significant setback to the achievement of the 2030 Agenda. Therefore, UN teams across the continent supports African countries in advocating for a balanced energy mix that is tailored to the realities on the ground.

An important part of this balance is Africa’s use of renewable energy. The continent is demonstrating strong leadership in this area, with 55.5 per cent of its total final energy consumption coming from renewable sources based on 2021 data. This trend outpaces Europe (15.3 per cent), Northern America (12.4 per cent) and Asia (16.8 per cent) per the Global SDG Database.

In fact, many of the African countries with least access to electricity have the highest share of renewable energy in their final energy consumption. This presents a potent opportunity for the rollout of renewable energy on the continent.

And with Africa holding 30 per cent of the world’s essential minerals for renewable technologies and 60 per cent of the world’s best solar resources, the continent possesses enormous potential to fuel its future growth with clean energy.

Yet, Africa only received 2 per cent of global renewable energy investments in the last 20 years, far below what’s needed to accelerate change. This year, we have an opportunity to help turn this trend. The new generation of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement are due to be submitted ahead of COP30 in Belem, Brazil, 10-21 November 2025.

The UN system is committed to help countries ensure that their NDCs are economy-wide and can act as investment plans for sustainable development. UN Resident Coordinators in Africa are galvanizing their UN Country Teams under the UNDP Climate Promise umbrella to support the development of these NDCs and to attract investment.

Africa Energy Summit for #PoweringAfrica

Against this backdrop, the Africa Energy Summit in Tanzania on 27 and 28 January provided a timely opportunity to reflect on how expanding electricity access can transform lives and drive sustainable development across the continent.

The Summit offered a platform for Africa to showcase its leadership in creating an affordable, clean energy future—not only for the continent but as an inspiration for the world.

Yacoub El Hillo is UN DCO Regional Director for Africa.

Source: UN Sustainable Development Group

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Women vanish from public life under Taliban rule. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
Feb 7 2025 (IPS)

Since the Taliban regained power in Afghanistan in 2021, girls and women have been systematically banned from education, making Afghanistan the only country in the world that denies schooling to girls over the age of 12. The situation continues to deteriorate, with even primary school enrollment for girls in decline, according to UNESCO.

With female teachers barred from instructing boys, a shortage of educators has further deepened the crisis.

In this bleak landscape, online education has emerged as the only hope for an estimated 1.4 million Afghan girls over the age of 12, desperate to continue learning. Yet, this alternative is fraught with formidable obstacles.

 

Barriers to Online Learning

Afghanistan’s poor internet infrastructure and unstable electricity supply make remote education unreliable.

While the situation of electricity in urban centres is relatively better than in the rural areas, it still does not guarantee easy access to online learning to everyone. The amount of money needed for equipment such as computers, tablets and smartphones is beyond what most low-income Afghans families can afford.

Besides that, due to impromptu power outages in Afghanistan, online learning is problematic. Electricity can suddenly go off without prior notice and often for several hours. Frequent instances of such events make it increasingly difficult to hold online lessons and students are unable to download learning material from the internet or do their assignments.

In Afghanistan, online education courses do not have universal recognition, and no public entity provides them.

Besides the poor infrastructure, parents are afraid that the Taliban may be secretly tracking online education, and if caught, their daughters could bring substantial difficulties to the whole family.

An Afghan father who has an 18-year-old daughter expressed his despair. “My daughter has always wished to study law, he said, “in order to fight for justice for women in a country where women’s rights are routinely ignored, but now she cannot study peacefully at her own home”.

He went on to outline the typical problems, “we don’t have electricity, the internet is down, and if the Taliban find out that she is studying online, her life might be in danger, and we all will be in trouble”.

More often than not, the home environment does not allow for uninterrupted studies, especially in large families due to congestion of space.

 

Online learning is the only path to education for Afghan women and girls over 12. Credit: Learning Together.

 

A Network of Learning, Despite the Risks

Many of these online educational institutions, about 33 altogether, are available across several countries in the West and in the South Asian region, with four operating inside Afghanistan.

They provide quality education in a vast range of subject areas such as medical sciences, economics, engineering, computer science and information technology, business management, law, art, and social sciences.

Mainstream media platforms such as television, radio and newspapers are under the tight censorship of the Taliban, and therefore of little use as sources of beneficial information. But fortunately, students can conveniently turn to social media platforms, such as Facebook, Instagram and Telegram for additional supplementary information.

However, even though faced with numerous challenges in pursuing online education, it has nevertheless produced positive outcomes, which has kept hopes alive for a better future for girls who unfortunately, have been abandoned by the Taliban.

Among the individual success stories is Raihana, one of the few girls who has had the opportunity to study economics at an online university.

“Despite all the difficulties and challenges “I have experienced during this time she says, “I remain hopeful”.

According to Raihana, studying online allows her to connect with other students globally and it enables her gain different perspectives.

“I want to tell other girls never to give up, even if the conditions seem difficult”, she says.

“Adding further, “every day, I think about how I will one day return to society and help my community so that more girls have the right to education”.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Credit: Sergei Gapon/AFP via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Feb 7 2025 (IPS)

Alexander Lukashenko will soon begin his seventh term as president of Belarus. The official result of the 26 January election gave him 86.8 per cent of the vote, following an election held in a climate of fear. Only token opposition candidates were allowed, most of who came out in support of Lukashenko. Anyone who might have offered a credible challenge is in jail or in exile.

No repeat of 2020

In office since 1994 as the so far only president of independent Belarus, Lukashenko is by far Europe’s longest-serving head of state. The 1994 vote that brought the former Soviet official to power was the country’s only legitimate election. Each since has been designed to favour Lukashenko.

He only faced a serious threat in 2020, when an outsider candidate, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, was able to run a campaign that captured the popular imagination. Lukashenko’s response was to arrest opponents, repress protests, restrict the internet, deny access for electoral observers and then blatantly steal the election.

When people took to the street in mass protests against electoral fraud, Belarus seemed on the brink of a democratic revolution. But Lukashenko’s government launched a brutal defence, using security forces to violently attack protesters and arresting over a thousand people. It dissolved opposition political parties and raided and shut down civil society organisations: over a thousand have been forcibly liquidated since 2020.

Lukashenko’s regime has gone after those in exile, kidnapping and allegedly killing Belarusians abroad. Belarus is among the 10 states most engaged in transnational repression. They authorities have also deprived the estimated 300,000 people who’ve fled since 2020 of their ability to vote.

By embracing repression, Lukashenko made a choice to abandon his policy of balancing between the European Union (EU) and Russia. When the EU imposed sanctions in response to the 2020 election fraud, Russia offered a package of loans. In 2022, when Russia launched its full-scale assault on Ukraine, some of its forces entered Ukraine from Belarus.

Shortly after Russia began its full-scale invasion, a constitutional referendum held in Belarus, marked by the same lack of democracy as its elections, formally ended the country’s neutrality and non-nuclear status. In December 2024, the two states signed a security treaty allowing the use of Russian nuclear weapons in the event of aggression against Belarus, and Lukashenko confirmed that the country hosts dozens of Russian nuclear warheads.

Belarus has also been accused of instrumentalising migrants to try to destabilise neighbouring countries. In 2021, it relaxed its visa rules for people from Middle Eastern and North African countries and encouraged flights to Belarus. Thousands were taken to the borders with Lithuania and Poland and left to try to cross them in desperate conditions, freezing and without essentials, subjected to security force violence on both sides. Migrants were unwitting pawns in Lukashenko’s game to strike back at his neighbours. Attempted crossings and human rights violations have continued since.

Renewed crackdown

Just to be on the safe side, Lukashenko launched another crackdown in the months leading up to the election. The intent was clearly to ensure there’d be no repeat of the expression of opposition and protests of 2020.

Starting in July 2024, Lukashenko pardoned around 250 political prisoners, releasing them from jail. His likely aim was to soften international criticism in the run-up to the vote. But these weren’t the high-profile prisoners serving long sentences, such as Nobel Peace Prize winner Ales Bialiatski, a founder of the Viasna Human Rights Centre, who received a 10-year sentence in 2023, or protest leader Maria Kolesnikova, sentenced to 11 years in 2021. Those pardoned had to publicly acknowledge their guilt and repent.

The freed jail spaces were quickly filled, with over a hundred friends and relatives of political prisoners detained. In February 2024, authorities detained at least 12 lawyers who’d defended political prisoners. In December, they arrested seven independent journalists. Belarus has the world’s fourth highest number of jailed journalists.

People have been jailed merely for following Telegram channels deemed ‘extremist’ or making social media comments. Over 1,700 people reportedly faced charges for political activities in 2024. Prison conditions are harsh. People may be forced to do hard labour, kept in solitary confinement, sent to freezing punishment cells, denied access to their families and have medical care withheld.

On election day, Lukashenko’s dictatorial style was on full display. He held a press conference where he promised to ‘deal with’ opposition activists in exile and said they were endangering their families in Belarus, adding that some opponents ‘chose’ to go to prison. He also didn’t rule out the prospect of running for an eighth term in 2030.

Time for change

Lukashenko promises more of the same: continuing autocracy and closed civic space. For generations of Belarusians who’ve known nothing but his rule, and with opposition voices so ruthlessly suppressed, it may be hard to imagine anything else. The possibilities opened up in 2020 have been ruthlessly shut down.

But the wheels of history will keep turning, and the 70-year-old dictator won’t last forever. Some kind of cessation of hostilities in Ukraine may well come this year, forcing Lukashenko to make friends beyond Vladimir Putin. If Russia winds down its booming war economy, the ensuing economic shock in Belarus, which largely depends on Russia, could trigger public anger.

Meanwhile, potentially increased scrutiny could come from the International Criminal Court: in September 2024, the government of Lithuania requested an investigation into crimes against humanity allegedly committed by Belarusian authorities. If this move gains momentum, Lukashenko could find himself in an uncomfortable spotlight. States could also intensify sanctions: Canada and the UK have done so following the election.

If Belarus attempts to reengage with them, democratic states should insist that no thaw in relations is possible without tangible human rights progress . This should start with the release of all political prisoners, guarantees for the safety of exiled activists and a reversal of attacks on civic space.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org.

 

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An infant and young Child Feeding Nutrition programme in the Sidama region of Ethiopia, which has been considerably affected by climate-induced disasters. Credit: UNICEF/Bethelhem Assefa

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 7 2025 (IPS)

Over the past few years, climate shocks have become more frequent and have devastated economies and agriculture systems, exacerbating widespread malnutrition and hunger. It has become increasingly apparent that the utilization of sustainable agriculture practices and disaster risk management systems are crucial to fulfill growing needs as natural resources continue to dwindle.

The Paris Agreement, an international treaty which seeks to limit average global temperatures to 2°C, was adopted by the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP21) in 2015. A new analysis conducted by climatologist Professor James Hansen states that due to the rapidly accelerating nature of the climate crisis, previous climate goals are now considered impossible to achieve.

“The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPPC) defined a scenario which gives a 50% chance to keep warming under 2°C – that scenario is now impossible. The 2C target is dead, because the global energy use is rising, and it will continue to rise,” said Hansen. He adds that global temperatures are likely to reach 2°C by 2045. It is estimated that this will trigger a rise in sea levels by several meters, the melting of polar caps, and irreversible damage to critical ecosystems around the world.

On January 28, the World Food Programme (WFP) released an update to their climate change policies detailing the urgency of effective climate action as it relates to worldwide food production. This release expands upon the 2017 version, underscoring the international setbacks that have contributed to the worsening climate crisis.

WFP’s policy update states that these changes will exacerbate the hunger crisis for the most food-insecure populations. Climate-induced disasters, such as heat waves and tropical storms will disproportionately affect women, children, displaced persons, and people with disabilities. It is estimated that rising global temperatures will cause approximately 12.5 million girls to drop out of school, which significantly undermines their capability to cope with food insecurity and malnutrition in their communities.

On January 27, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) released a report titled, Latin America and the Caribbean Regional Overview of Food Security and Nutrition 2024, highlighting the wide scale devastation that the climate crisis had brought upon people in rural communities in Latin America and the Caribbean. Of the countries studied in this analysis, 20 reported facing a high frequency of natural disasters and 14 were considered highly vulnerable to malnutrition and food insecurity. In 2023, it is estimated that climate-induced disasters drove roughly 72 million people into emergency levels of hunger.

“Climate shocks are making it increasingly difficult for families across Latin America and the Caribbean to produce, transport, and access food. Frequent storms and floods are destroying homes and farmland, while drought and erratic rainfall are wiping out crops before they can grow,” said Lola Castro, WFP’s Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean.

In 2024, the El Niño weather phenomenon triggered extensive heat waves and droughts across Argentina, Mexico, Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic, causing an increase in the prices of corn, which is a staple crop. Additionally, heavy rainfall in Ecuador caused a 32 to 54 percent increase in wholesale prices of corn, making food inaccessible for numerous communities.

“In more rural areas they don’t have a lot of resources to be able to weather a poor harvest. You don’t generate as much income. There’s not as much nutritious food around, so they sell what they can, and then they purchase the cheapest thing that’ll fill them up,” said Ivy Blackmore, a researcher with the University of Missouri who analyzed nutrition and agriculture among rural communities in Ecuador.

As extreme weather makes healthier food options inaccessible, communities in climate-sensitive areas have gravitated towards cheaper, unhealthier food sources. This is particularly apparent in Latin America, where the cost of a healthy diet is the highest in the world. As a result, child and adult obesity has risen significantly since 2000 in these areas.

“Overweight and obesity are growing challenges in the region and key risk factors for non-communicable diseases. A healthy diet is the foundation for health, well-being, and optimal growth and development,” said Jarbas Barbosa, Director of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO).

According to FAO’s studies, in the Caribbean approximately 50 percent of the population, or 22.2 million people, were unable to afford a healthy and balanced diet.

In Mesoamerica, roughly 26.3 percent were unable to meet their nutrition needs. South America has the highest numbers, with 113.6 million people unable to afford proper nutrition.

WFP’s report concludes that there must be immediate climate change adaptation on a governmental level. WFP is currently working with smallholder farmers and distributors to incorporate more resource-efficient technologies for food production in an effort to cut down on greenhouse gas emissions and prevent excessive wastage. Additionally, they are working with women and young people, who have been historically excluded from jobs in marketing and technology, to support socio-economic growth in these communities.

WFP is aiming to increase government funding for food-security measures, sustainable technologies, and risk management systems. Through the Green Climate Fund and Adaptation Fund and other government-financed investments, WFP seeks to facilitate agriculture practices with a smaller carbon footprint and help the most disaster-vulnerable communities prepare for and face losses from extreme-weather phenomenon.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Much of Gaza has been destroyed in the current conflict. Credit: UNICEF/Eyad El Baba, February 2025

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Feb 7 2025 (IPS)

Even after Trump declared that he wanted to take back the Panama Canal, acquire Greenland by force, if necessary, and rename the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America, I could not, like many others, imagine that his madness could reach a new unfathomable height.

At his news conference on February 4, with Prime Minister Netanyahu standing beside him, sporting a sinister grin, Trump announced that the US would take over Gaza, ship the Palestinians like sheep to Jordan and Egypt, build such a mesmerizing Riviera along the Mediterranean Sea and, voilà, bring peace and prosperity to the whole region. ‘What a wonderful and visionary plan that nobody could have possibly conceived but him.’

Of course, his bluster is short of any details. A display of bravado and raw exercise of power is what he wants to project, and to hell with the ramifications of his brazen plan that would set the region on fire, the likes of which is hard to envisage. Though no sensible person believes that Trump can effectuate such a perilous undertaking, mentioning it alone sent shivers down the spine of every Palestinian.

The message to them is simple: forget about the establishment of an independent Palestinian state. This land is the ancestral land of the Jewish people and it must be restored to its rightful owners. Oh, you Palestinians, be prepared now for the second Nakba (catastrophe), but this time, do not worry; the exodus will be well organized; you will settle in Jordan and Egypt and live happily ever after.

What Trump does not grasp, which is no surprise, is that even though much of Gaza lies in ruin, and it will take years and billions to rebuild, this is their land. They can rebuild their homes, restore the infrastructure, tend to their farms, and restructure their businesses, but they cannot replace their land.

Their attachment is to the land, which they cannot relinquish, substitute, or be compensated for. This is where they belong, where their ancestors lived and died, where their cultural heritage resides, and where they still dream of having a better and brighter future and living with dignity, which even the President of the US cannot usurp with impunity. The ramifications of Trump’s brutally brazen plan for Gaza transcends any nightmare that Trump or Netanyahu can envision.

The exodus of the Palestinians would immediately and ominously destabilize the region. Jordan, in particular, will be the first to be destabilized as an influx of Palestinians would shake the foundation of the country, which is already saddled with nearly one million refugees from Syria and Iraq.

Jordan’s internal instability could potentially lead to conflict with Israel, with whom it shares a 350-kilometer-long border, and precipitate the infiltration of weapons and terrorists. This would wreak havoc on Israel and risk the peace treaty between the two countries that served as the anchor for stability.

Egypt, too, views Trump’s ‘ingenious idea’ as preposterous. Notwithstanding American aid to Egypt, President Sisi vehemently rejected Trump’s plan because it would have dire regional consequences that would not spare Egypt and potentially send Israeli-Egyptian peace asunder.

Trump and Netanyahu’s alignment in this regard is extremely treacherous. Instead of building a new structure of regional peace, Trump will plunge the region into widespread violence and wars, denying both Israelis and Palestinians a day of peace.

And rather than expanding the Abraham Accords, he could potentially unravel them, making the prospect of a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace a pipedream while giving Iran’s axis of resistance a new lease on life. To be sure, Trump’s plan is strategically incomprehensible and horrifically ominous.

It is hard to exaggerate what the impact on the Palestinians would be should Trump’s plan come to fruition. The displacement of the Palestinians will be catastrophic on many fronts, which most likely has not even crossed his mind. Uprooting more than 2.2 million Palestinians from their homeland is cruel and forbidding and will create an unprecedented humanitarian crisis.

It will bring to life the mass displacement of Palestinians in 1948, as the memory of those dark days continues to haunt the Palestinians to this day. Many current residents of Gaza are descendants of those original refugees. Moreover, it will destroy family ties, obliterate their cultural identity, and subject them to the horror of resettlement, in lands where they are unwelcome.

Palestinian radicalism will intensify, which will make the current violent conflict look like a rehearsal. Trump completely ignored Hamas, which remains a powerful force in Gaza, and will further validate its narrative that the Israelis are irredeemable foes seeking to eradicate all Palestinians and that only violent resistance is the answer to Israel’s insatiable lust for more Palestinian land.

Another generation of Palestinians will be poisoned, whose mission in life will be nothing but revenge and retribution for what has befallen their people.

For Netanyahu and his fascist government, Trump’s idea of ethnic cleansing in Gaza of all Palestinians is a dream come true. This, along with the creeping, if not outright, annexation of the West Bank, would finally realize his dream of “greater Israel” as a God-given right; Trump, the Messiah, has come to deliver what God had promised the Jews. Genesis 17:8 (NIV) states, “The whole land of Canaan [Israel], where you now reside as a foreigner, I will give as an everlasting possession to you and your descendants after you; and I will be their God.”

Everyone, especially Trump and Netanyahu, should remember this: the displacement of the Palestinians from Gaza will vanquish any prospect of a two-state solution, as no one has come up yet with any new viable idea that would end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict peacefully short of a two-state solution. The alternative is perpetual bloodshed to satisfy the corrupt Netanyahu-led government, whose thirst for Palestinian blood is insatiable.

After 77 years of Israel’s existence, Netanyahu and his gang of right-wing extremists seem to have learned nothing. Israel has every right to exist in peace and security, but it cannot build itself on the ashes of the Palestinians. The Palestinians will resist for generations if they must and will never forsake their inherent right to statehood, which is enshrined by UNSC Resolution 181, the same resolution that granted the Jews in Palestine the same right.

Trump believes that he can do whatever pleases him. One thing he will learn the hard way is that he is not the ruler of the world; he cannot take or dish out territories that do not belong to him. He has no jurisdiction; it is against international law, defies reason, and is devoid of any moral tenet.

The Palestinians have endured occupation, blockade, displacement, expulsion, and dehumanization, and suffered decades-long horrific pain and sorrow, but they have endured. They remained resilient and resolute because their thirst for freedom is absolute. No American president, including Trump, can bend their will.

Dr. Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at New York University (NYU). He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.
alon@alonben-meir.com

IPS UN Bureau

 

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U.S. Embassy Charge de Affairs Andy Lentz dances with teenagers during a World Aids Day Commemorations in Dar es Salaam. Credit: Kizito Shigela/IPS

By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Feb 7 2025 (IPS)

At 9 a.m. on Monday, Mariam Msemwa clutched her clinic card tightly as she stood in line at Bagamoyo District Hospital’s HIV Clinic in Tanzania’s coastal region. The 19-year-old had been here many times before, picking up monthly doses of antiretroviral (ARV) drugs that kept her alive. But today was different.When she reached the counter, the nurse flatly told her. “There’s no more free medication, ” she said. “You’ll have to buy it yourself.”

Msemwa felt the words like a punch to her chest. Buy it? With what? Her mother, a street vegetable hawker, could barely afford their next meal. The ARVs had always been free, provided under a U.S.-funded program. But now that lifeline was gone.

“I don’t know what to do,” Msemwa said. “Without this medicine, I’m going to die.”

A Lifeline Cut Off

For years, Tanzania’s fight against HIV had relied heavily on funding from the President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), a U.S. initiative that had injected over USD 110 billion into fighting HIV/AIDS worldwide since 2003. The program funded everything—medication, testing, community outreach, and home-based care.

But in early 2025, with the return of Donald Trump to the White House, an executive order froze all new foreign aid spending. In a matter of days, USD 450 million in annual PEPFAR funding for Tanzania vanished, cutting off free ARVs for nearly 1.2 million Tanzanians.

Catherine Joachim, acting executive director of the Tanzania Commission for AIDS (TACAIDS), had spent weeks in frantic meetings, her phone constantly buzzing with calls from worried health officials and aid workers.

A community health worker provides counselling to a street cook in Bagamoyo before testing for HIV AIDS. Credit: Kizito Shigela/IPS

“This is a serious blow which ushers in  a complete collapse of our HIV response,” she said. “For nearly two decades, PEPFAR kept people alive. Now, they will probably suffer.”

The fallout was immediate. Clinics that once provided free ARVs had run out. Home-based care programs were shutting down. And across the country, patients were being turned away with nowhere to go.

“I had a mother come in yesterday,” said Abdallah Suleiman a treatment literacy trainer for people living with HIV in the historical town of Bagamoyo . “She was begging for just a few pills for her son, who’s been on ARVs since birth. I had nothing to give her. Nothing.”

End of Free Care

It’s nearly midday at the bustling Mbezi bus terminal in Dar es Salaam, and Helena Mkwasi is standing over a pot of boiling water, stirring maize flour into a thick, stiff ugali. Smoke curls around her as she moves quickly, balancing the demands of her small food stall with the worries that never leave her.

“I wake up early, light the fire, and rush to the market for meat, cooking oil, tomatoes—whatever I can afford that day,” she says, adjusting the colorful khanga wrapped around her waist. Business is slow, as usual. The money she makes is just enough to buy food for her two children.

But these days, money isn’t her biggest concern.

“For years, I’ve been getting my ARVs for free,” she said. “Now they’re saying that has stopped. I don’t know how I’ll survive.”

Mkwasi was diagnosed with HIV when she was 19. She doesn’t remember much from that day, only the way her heart pounded as the nurse explained viral loads and CD4 counts. She thought it was a death sentence. Then she started on antiretroviral therapy, and the medicine worked. Her health improved. She had her children safely. She built a routine—cooking ugali, serving customers, taking her pills every evening with a cup of warm water.

“Without the medicine, I’ll get sick again. I won’t be able to work,” she says, glancing at the bubbling pot. “Then what happens to my kids?”

Around her, the bus terminal hums with life. Conductors shout out destinations, men weave between traffic selling bananas and bottled water, and the air smells of grilled meat and diesel fumes. Mkwasi wipes sweat from her forehead and keeps stirring, but the weight of uncertainty lingers.

A Worsening Crisis

The numbers painted a grim picture. Without ARVs, HIV-positive individuals risk developing full-blown AIDS, making them vulnerable to deadly infections like tuberculosis and pneumonia. Health experts warned that Tanzania could see at least 30,000 additional HIV-related deaths in the next two years if the crisis wasn’t resolved.

Deogratius Rutatwa, CEO of the National Council of People Living With HIV/AIDS, sat at his desk, staring at the endless reports detailing the worsening situation. His phone, still warm from his last call, kept ringing.

“This is a disaster,” he said, rubbing his temples. “PEPFAR wasn’t just about giving out medicine—it funded education, prevention, community support. Now, everything is gone.”

His inbox was flooded with desperate messages from community organizations. What do we do now? they asked. But Rutatwa had no answers.

“I wish the people making these decisions could see what’s happening here,” he said. “They talk about budgets and policies, but on the ground, it’s about a mother walking miles to get her child tested. It’s about a teenager who just found out he’s positive and needs help, not rejection. It’s about keeping people alive.”

Live or Die

Mary Tarimo had dedicated her life to helping HIV patients stay on treatment. As a home-based care supervisor at the Bagamoyo hospital’s HIV department, she spent her days navigating the dusty streets of Dar es Salaam, checking in on patients, ensuring they orally took their medication.

Now, she was watching helplessly as people who had been stable for years began to relapse.

“There’s a woman I’ve been caring for since 2015,” Tarimo said. “She never missed a dose. But now, she’s stopped taking her medicine.”

The woman, a mother of three who made a living as a street cook, had broken down in tears just days earlier.

“She told me, ‘Mama Tarimo, I have to choose between feeding my children and buying my medicine,’” Tarimo recalled. “How do you respond to that? What kind of choice is that?”

Across the Bagamoyo town, the same tragedy was unfolding. People were showing up at hospitals with fevers, night sweats—the first signs of opportunistic infections. Some, ashamed that they could no longer afford their treatment, simply stopped coming.

“I met a man last weekend—he was diagnosed in 2010. Never missed a single appointment,” Tarimo said. “Now, he’s scared. He told me, ‘I feel like I’m back where I started.’”

She paused, shaking her head. “The worst part? We spent decades building this program, making sure people knew that HIV isn’t a death sentence if you stay on treatment. And now, just like that, we’re watching all of it fall apart.”

Searching for Solutions

Despite the bleak outlook, Joachim refused to give up.

“We are not just sitting back and watching this happen,” she said. “We’re talking to other international partners, private donors, and our own government to find alternative funding.”

The Ministry of Health had pledged to reallocate part of its budget to keep ARVs flowing, and there was hope that other donor countries might step in.

“We are looking at every possible solution,” Joachim said. “People have a right to treatment. We will do everything we can to make sure they get it.”

But experts warned that Tanzania’s national health budget simply couldn’t cover the $260 per patient per year needed for ARVs. For many, the cost—ranging between USD 15 and USD 20 per month—was almost impossible to afford.

“The reality is, without external support, we cannot bridge this gap,” Rutatwa admitted. “And that means lives will be lost.”

A Race Against Time

Back at Bagamoyo Hospital, Tatu sat on a bench, staring at the floor. She had no idea what to do next.

“I don’t want to die,” she whispered. “I just want my medicine.”

As she stood up to leave, she glanced around at the others in the waiting room—young, old, mothers with babies, men with hollow eyes. They were all waiting for something that was no longer there.

For now, Tanzania was scrambling to find a solution. But for the millions who relied on PEPFAR, time was running out.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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The international community must take action to address the CO2 emissions of the carbon aristocracy as climate change analysis makes it clear that there is no alternative. Credit: Bigstock

By Philippe Benoit
WASHINGTON DC, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

For centuries, innumerable countries were ruled by an entrenched, typically inherited, political class: the “aristocracy.” The term comes from the Ancient Greek words “aristos”, meaning best, and “kratia,” meaning power. As a result of long and hard-fought democratic struggles, these aristocracies have largely dwindled worldwide (albeit, not everywhere).

Today, we are seeing the emergence of a new aristocracy in another arena: the millionaires whose consumption privileges produce per capita CO2 emissions incompatible with global climate goals. Like the aristocrats of the past, they are spread around the world. Meeting global emissions goals will require addressing the privileges of these worldwide wealthy big emitters, what can be called the “carbon aristocrats.”

According to Oxfam, the world’s richest 1% are responsible for 15% of global emissions. [By comparison, the world’s poorest 50% produce 8% of global emissions.] This class is mostly made up of millionaires, who now total nearly 60 million globally and are projected to grow in number to over 65 million by 2028 (according to the UBS Wealth Report).

According to Oxfam, the world’s richest 1% are responsible for 15% of global emissions. [By comparison, the world’s poorest 50% produce 8% of global emissions.] This class is mostly made up of millionaires, who now total nearly 60 million globally and are projected to grow in number to over 65 million by 2028

The United States has the most with 22 million, followed by China at nearly 7 million. Significantly, about 34% of the world’s millionaires live outside the U.S. and Western Europe, including not only China, but also South-East Asia, the Middle East and Latin America. In fact, 10 of the 15 countries with the projected fastest growth in millionaires are emerging economies. Millionaires have increasingly become a worldwide phenomenon.

The aristocrats of the past were united by many common behaviors. From the Channel to Moscow, they often spoke French better than their own country’s native tongue. Their children were frequently sent abroad to elite boarding schools in Switzerland and the United Kingdom. They vacationed together on the Cote d’Azur.

Similarly, the carbon aristocrats of today are united by what they have in common notwithstanding differing nationalities, namely a shared extravagant lifestyle and a corresponding sense of entitlement to emit large amounts of CO2. From private planes to superyachts to multiple mansions, this class of emitters shares consumption patterns that are the reserved domain of the privileged wealthy.

The unsurprising result is an inordinately high per capita level of CO2 emissions. If all these carbon aristocrats were to gather in their own exclusive nation, it would constitute the second highest CO2 emitting country in the world, behind only China with its 1.4 billion people and more than the United States with its 335 million.

Significantly, climate operates differently than economics. While the rich and their capital can generate income for the middle-class, workers and even the poor, climate is more akin to a type of zero-sum game.

The more carbon that the wealthy emit, the less carbon there is available for others consistent with limiting climate change. Like political power which was hoarded by the aristocrats of the past to the detriment of others, the carbon budget is currently being grabbed by this carbon-entitled aristocracy.

In response, I, like others, have advocated for a carbon tax targeting luxury-consumption related emissions — perhaps better termed a “carbon extravagance tax” to reflect the fundamentally gratuitous character of emissions from superyachts and similar activities in contrast to those generated by essential needs such as producing food and heating homes.

This analysis builds on the seminal work of Professor Henry Shue who back in 1992 argued for differentiating between emissions from vital subsistence activities and discretionary luxury ones.

The world has changed a great deal since then. Not only have emissions climbed dramatically over the past 30 years, there are also a lot more millionaires with high per capita emissions.

As the number of these millionaires continues to grow year upon year, including notably in the emerging economies of the Global South, it has become evident that, more than a country-based or even OECD-oriented measure, what is required is an effort targeting carbon-entitled aristocrats worldwide.

Notably, some form of internationally coordinated carbon extravagance taxes, regulations and more is needed given the cross-border mobility of the carbon-entitled aristocrats with their planes, superyachts and multiple mansions.

But the opposition to these types of measures will surely be formidable as these modern carbon aristocrats, like the aristocrats of the past, look to hold on to their privilege … in this case to emit large amounts of CO2. It’s a resistance potentially uniting the very rich and powerful of the United States with the governing elites of China, Saudi Arabia, Russia, India and elsewhere in an anti-regulatory effort.

Unfortunately, given current emissions trends, there isn’t the time to wait for voluntary action on their part. Rather, the challenge is to change the emissions patterns and, perhaps most importantly, the carbon-entitled mindset of these aristocrats.

The international community needs to consider initiatives and measures to tackle these CO2 emissions of the carbon aristocracy because the climate change analysis indicates there is no other choice.

Philippe Benoit is Managing Director at Global Infrastructure Advisory Services 2050 (www.gias2050.com) and publishes extensively on international energy and climate change issues.

13-year-old Fiyha Al Tayeb Nasser a child rights activist and president of the girls' or Saleema club speaks to mothers and caregivers at Aljabalin hospital about the dangers of early marriage and female genital mutilation. Credit: UNICEF

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

February 6 is the International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). A practice deemed a gross violation of human rights, tragically the practice persists across multiple countries in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. Over 230 million women and girls alive today have been subjected to this gruesome practice, and experts warn that at least 27 million more could endure this by 2030.

This year’s theme: “Stepping up the pace: Strengthening alliances and building movements to end female genital mutilation,” spotlights that collective action from multiple groups and stakeholders is paramount. Both UNICEF and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) call the joint efforts of survivors, advocates, women and girls, men and boys, community leaders, governments, the private sector, and donors, to address the issue.

The efforts of survivors, activists and grassroots movements must be upheld and unimpeded, with leaders and communities making sure to respect. To that end, investing in these groups is key to scaling up effective interventions and producing results, which governments, donors and the private sector should pledge to commit to.

Through the UNICEF-UNFPA Joint Programme on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, nearly 7 million girls and women received prevention and protective services related to FGM. So far, 20,000 grassroots organizations have been integrated into networks working towards ending FGM. The programme has been implemented in 18 countries, including Burkina Faso, The Gambia, Egypt, Nigeria, Sudan, and Indonesia.

In a joint statement, the heads of UNFPA, UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO) reaffirm their commitment to work together to tackle the issue and abolish FGM once and for all. The organizations acknowledge that significant progress has been made in raising awareness and building up public consensus against FGM, noting the decline in countries like Kenya and Uganda. This has been achieved through the strength of multi-sectoral partnerships and social change.

“Yet the fragility of progress made has also become starkly evident,” the statement reads. “In the Gambia, for example, attempts to repeal the ban on female genital mutilation persist, even after an initial proposal to do so was rejected by its parliament last year. Such efforts could gravely undermine the rights, health, and dignity of future generations of girls and women, jeopardizing the tireless work over decades to change attitudes and mobilize communities.”

The Gambia made international news last year when attempts were made to repeal the amendment in the Women’s (Amendment) Act 2011 which criminalizes FGM. Although the repeal was successfully prevented, this signaled that women’s rights still faced challenges, especially in a country where 73 percent of girls aged 15-19 have undergone FGM.

For their part, UNICEF, UNFPA and civil society partners in Gambia launched a campaign that brought the voices of survivors to the forefront to challenge this repeal.

UNICEF’s Gambia Representative Nafisa Binta Shafique told IPS that since this challenge, they has been working closely with government partners including the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Welfare to develop a revised FGM National Strategy and Action Plan, which will be “grounded in amplifying women’s leadership and engaging with men, boys and religious leaders in the country’s effort to end FGM”.

“Every child, every girl and women, has the right to be protected,” Shafique said. “Together, we are working to break down social barriers and taboos to ensure transformative and sustainable change that protects every woman and girl.”

UNICEF, UNFPA, and WHO are also calling for greater accountability “at all levels” to ensure countries uphold their commitment to human rights and invest in the implementation of strategies that protect girls at risk and ensure justice for survivors.

Accountability should be directed at governments and community leaders who do not push for the ban of FGM and do not challenge its pervasiveness. Accountability should also be directed to the medical practitioners that administer FGM in these countries, as recent evidence shows at 66 percent of girls received it at the hands of a doctor or a nurse. These health personnel should be held accountable for administering a practice that has proven to be detrimental to women and girls’ overall health and has resulted in physical and psychological trauma.

The current rate of decline has to increase drastically in order to meet the Sustainable Development Goal of ending FGM by or before 2030. Seven out of the 31 countries with national data are on track to meet this goal. UNICEF projects that the rate of decline has to be 27 times faster in order for these countries to meet that goal on time.

International intergovernmental organizations like UNFPA and UNCIEF have the resources to provide safe reproductive health practices for women and girls and to promote these messages on bigger platforms. The work of civil society and grassroots organizations are the bedrock to build up support and raise awareness within local communities.

Frontline Women’s Fund, a nonprofit that promotes women’s rights and protections through building connections between frontline women’s groups and donors, is one such group which has made FGM one of its key issues. Through a dedicated fund, the Efua Dorkenoo Fund to End Female Genital Mutilation, the group provides direct funding and visibility to civil society groups that deal with this issue. Among its grantees is the Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP), who were active in protecting the FGM ban last year alongside other women- and youth-led civil society groups, and have continued their work building awareness for reproductive health rights.

The fund’s director, Jarai Sabally said that Frontline Women’s Fund work to support and amplify the voices of activists, survivors and grassroots leaders who are in the best positions to ensure real change by calling for abolishing FGM in their own communities.

“Ending female genital mutilation is not just about eliminating a harmful traditional practice—it is about reclaiming bodily autonomy, dignity, and justice for women and girls,” said Sabally. “The urgency of this issue is only heightened by a rising global trend of patriarchal conservatism, ushering in new legal challenges to women’s and girls’ civil rights.”

“As we commemorate Zero Tolerance Day, we must recognize that women’s bodies are not symbols for patriarchal nationalism to control. The fight to end FGM is part of the larger struggle for human rights—dismantling systems that seek to define women’s and girls’ worth through violence and subjugation.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Two weeks after Goma was captured by the Rwandan-backed M23 rebels, many families who lost their loved ones are begging for peace. Some of them have had no news of their loved ones, while others have already identified their relatives, civilians and soldiers, who died during the fighting in the city.

Credit: UNICEF

By Attiya Waris and Ben Phillips
NAIROBI / BANGKOK, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

Why can’t there be education for every child? Why can’t there be healthcare for everyone who needs it? Why can’t everyone be freed from hunger and deprivation? Though these are promised to all as rights, people are repeatedly told that there is no money.

The wonderful news is that this is false: there is money, we know where it is going missing, we know how to get hold of it, and this year brings vital new opportunities for progress.

Across the world, US$492 billion is lost to tax abuse by the rich and powerful a year: two-thirds, US$347.6 billion, is lost to multinational corporations shifting profit offshore to underpay tax; one-third, US$144.8 billion, is lost to wealthy individuals hiding their wealth offshore.

This revelation, set out in the latest State of Tax Justice report, is shocking and appalling. But it can and should also be recognised as cause for hope: we have a world to win.

Taxation is technical and complex, and this technical complexity is often weaponised to claim that any policies to raise revenues from the wealthy won’t work. But expert economic analysis that the G20 has commissioned shows that wealth taxes would be effective in unlocking vital resources to tackle poverty and fulfil the Sustainable Development Goals.

Indeed, some countries are already taking action to do this. Spain has successfully introduced a wealth tax on the richest 0.5%. Calculations by the Tax Justice Network have demonstrated that the world could raise US $2.1 trillion by copying Spain’s example.

Likewise, the policy framework required to prevent profit shifting by multinational enterprises is known – a combination that needs to include them having to register who owns them, having to report on the tax they paid in each country they operate in, and having to pay tax in the places where they generate profit.

The major challenge then is ultimately less technical and more political. But even for this political challenge, a path through can be seen.

This year, countries finally begin negotiations on a United Nations Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, which will include “commitments on equitable taxation of multinational enterprises [and] addressing tax evasion and avoidance by high-net worth individuals and ensuring their effective taxation.”

This year, too, momentum will be further boosted by the International Conference on Financing for Development, hosted 30th June to 3rd July by Spain, the draft outcome document of which includes commitments to ensuring that “profit shifting” by multinational enterprises is tackled so that they “pay taxes to the countries where economic activity occurs and value is created”, and to “strengthening the taxation of high-net-worth Individuals.”

Taxing the wealthy has been shown to be hugely popular across countries. And civil society campaigning is picking up pace. Building on the wave of mobiisation for tax justice worldwide, over forty organisations from across the world have united a joint campaign to “tax the super-rich”.

Their common platform calls for:

• Implementing ambitious tax rates on the richest people that are high enough to reduce inequality
• Using revenues raised to invest ending poverty, reducing inequality, and tackling the world’s most pressing social and environmental issues
• Ensuring global cooperation to curb illicit financial flows that allow the super-rich to evade tax responsibility
• Shifting decision-making on taxation to a fair and globally inclusive forum, ensuring that all countries – particularly poorer ones – have an equal voice

For too long it has been normalised that whilst international law and national constitutions promise people inalienable rights, the resourcing needed to realise those rights is denied. But what does it mean for a child to be promised a notional right to an education if there is no school nearby, if fees prevent her attending, if there are not enough teachers, or if the conditions of the school make learning impossible?

What does it mean for a person to be promised a notional right to health if health centres are not staffed with enough nurses and doctors – and medicines? Fiscal policy is the instrument that makes the promise of rights a lived reality.

The extent of resources that can be deployed, and the measures that can secure those resources, are not mysteries, they are political choices.

Securing the resources needed to deliver on rights will not be easy. The concentration of wealth has also brought a concentration of power. But that is another reason why taxing the super-rich in each country across the world is vital: it won’t only raise essential revenue to provide essential services and prevent the most vulnerable from slipping deeper into poverty; it will also help restore democracy.

Attiya Waris is Professor of Fiscal Law at the University of Nairobi and UN Independent Expert on foreign debt, other international financial obligations, and human rights.

Ben Phillips is the author of “How to Fight Inequality”.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Coly Seck (at microphone), Chair of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and Permanent Representative of the Republic of Senegal to the United Nations, briefs reporters with Members of the newly-elected Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP Bureau). At fourth from right is Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations. Credit: UN Photo: Manuel Elías

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2025 (IPS)

A new executive order from the United States White House calls for withdrawing support from major UN entities and a review of all international intergovernmental organizations which the United States is a member of. The U.S.’s orders against the UN Palestine Refugee Agency also do not bode well for ongoing ceasefire negotiations in Gaza.

President Donald Trumps comments that the “US will take over the Gaza Strip and we will do a job with it, too. We’ll own it,” have also been widely criticized.

On Tuesday, the White House issued an executive order, where they announced that they will pull out from the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) effective immediately and called for a review of its membership in UN and other intergovernmental organizations. The executive order singles out other UN entities that needed “further scrutiny”—the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA); and the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). The executive order suspended all funding to these organizations.

The executive order also cites that UNESCO has failed to address “mounting arrears” and reform, also noting that it has demonstrated anti-Israeli sentiments over the last decade. A review of the U.S.’s membership in UNESCO would assess whether it supports the country’s interests, and would include an analysis of anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli sentiment within the organization.

The United States announced that no funds or grants would go towards the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), citing corruption within the organization and the infiltration of terrorist groups such as Hamas.

UN Secretary-General Spokesperson Stéphane Dujarric told reporters on Tuesday that in light of the United States’ decision, this would not change the UN’s “commitment to supporting UNRWA in its work”, or the HRC’s importance as a part of the “overall human rights architecture within the United Nations”.

“It has been clear for us that U.S. support for the United Nations has saved countless lives and global security,” said Dujarric. “The Secretary-General is looking forward to speaking with President (Donald) Trump, he looks forward to continuing what was a very, I think, frank and productive relationship during the first term. He looks to strengthening the relationship in the turbulent times that we live in.”

On Wednesday the newly-elected chair of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, Ambassador Coly Seck, Permanent Representative of Senegal, told a told a press conference that it condemned the ban by Israel on UNWRA .

“We strongly condemn Israel’s ban UNWRA which obstructs vital humanitarian cooperation in direct violation of the UN mandate and General Assembly resolutions in stabilizing the ceasefire and supporting Gaza’s recovery. This ban imposed immediately after the ceasefire, deal will deepen Gaza suffering.”

The suspension of aid funding from the United States is already impacting humanitarian operations across different agencies. Dujarric said that the U.S. had committed 15 million USD to the trust fund, of which 1.7 million has already been spent. This leaves 13.3 million frozen and unusable at this time.

Pio Smith, Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) told reporters in Geneva that they had to suspend the programs funded by US grants, which included funds that were already committed to the agency. Smith warned that the lack of funding would impact programs in places such as Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Worldwide, more than half of UNFPA’s facilities, 596 out of 982, would be impacted by this funding pause.

Vivian van de Perre, the Deputy Head of its UN Mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, told reporters in New York on Wednesday that the recent pause in funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has forced humanitarian partners on the ground to suspend their work. “…Many of the partners, including IOM (the International Organization for Migration), which is a key partner for us, need to stop their work due to the USAID stop-work order,” she said.

The executive order, along with Trump’s announcement that the U.S. would move into and claim Gaza cast a shadow of doubt over ongoing ceasefire negotiations.

UN Human Rights Commissioner Volker Türk said that the priority now must be to move to the next phase of the ceasefire, which calls for the release of all hostages and arbitrarily detained prisoners, an end to the war, and the reconstruction of Gaza.

“The suffering of people in the [occupied Palestinian territories] and Israel has been unbearable. Palestinians and Israelis need peace and security, on the basis of full dignity and equality,” Türk said in a statement. “International law is very clear. The right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law and must be protected by all States, as the International Court of Justice recently underlined afresh. Any forcible transfer in or deportation of people from occupied territory is strictly prohibited.”

The forcible removal of 2.2 million Palestinians from Gaza that Trump is calling for has been decried and been called a violation of international humanitarian law.

“Any forced displacement of people is tantamount to ethnic cleansing,” said Dujarric when asked about Trump’s remarks. “…In our search for solutions, we must not make the problem worse. Whatever solutions we find need to be rooted in the bedrock of international law.”

Riyad Mansour, Permanent Observer of the State of Palestine to the United Nations, briefing reporters after the opening session of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, added his condemnation of Trump’s plan.

Mansour said with regard to the idea of “kicking the Palestinian people out from the Gaza Strip, I just want to tell you that during the last 24 hours, statements from heads of states, of Egypt, of Jordan, of the State of Palestine, of Saudi Arabia and many countries, including countries who spoke in the debate in the room behind us during the meeting of the committee, condemn these efforts.”

He said Trump’s plan has been met with a “global consensus on not allowing forced transfer to take place, ethnic cleansing to take place. We Palestinians love every part of the State of Palestine. We love the Gaza Strip. It is part of our DNA.”

The march of Palestinians from the south to the north of the Gaza Strip following the ceasefire was proof of the people’s committment to rebuild their own homes, Mansour said.

“More than 400,000 of them to go to the rubbles in the northern Gaza in order to start cleaning around their destroyed homes.”

At the White House, Trump’s aids attempted a row back on his comments. Secretary of State Marco Rubio reportedly told journalists that it Trump was proposing to rebuil Gaza, and his press secretary Karoline Leavitt, said “the president has not committed to putting boots on the ground in Gaza.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Jean-Victor Harvel Jean-Baptiste, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of Haiti, addresses the Security Council on the current situation in Haiti. Credit: UN Photo/ Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

The humanitarian situation in Haiti continues to deteriorate as armed gangs expand their control in Port-Au-Prince and escalate acts of violence throughout the nation. Due to heightened insecurity, civilian displacement has reached new peaks, with hunger, disease, and the economic crisis having grown worse. With access to basic services diminished, approximately 5.5 million Haitians are dependent on humanitarian aid for survival. However, relief efforts have been severely hampered due to safety risks, restricted mobility and the vast scale of needs.

On January 27, the Viv Ansamn armed gang invaded a neighborhood in Kenscoff, a town that borders Haiti’s capital city, Port-Au-Prince. Viv Ansamn members attacked civilians and set numerous homes ablaze. The eight-day assault resulted in 50 civilian casualties and dozens of additional injuries. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that over 1,660 residents were displaced.

Haitian National Police (HNP) spokesperson Michel-Ange Louis Jeune informed reporters that police forces had managed to apprehend and kill at least 20 gang members so far, and that additional security measures were being taken to ensure accountability and protect the community from reprisals. However, police and government responses were criticized by civilians as many believed that the attacks were preventable.

Earlier this week, intelligence warnings from the Ministries of Interior and Justice received intelligence warnings that reported that there was a strong likelihood of gang violence breaking out in the capital and surrounding areas. Additionally, many civilians reported that plans of the attacks were posted onto social media days in advance.

Haitian Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé confirmed that intelligence personnel, the Prime Minister’s Office, the Ministry of Justice and Public Security, and the Ministry of the Interior and Local Authorities were all informed of Viv Ansamn’s intention to attack in Kenscoff. Despite this, law enforcement failed to mobilize and respond effectively.

“It was announced on all the social media platforms. On Jan. 23 the Kenscoff police station was aware. On Jan. 25 the mayor’s office issued a curfew notice. The police said they had means and could respond. Today… the gangs have been reinforced in Kafoubèt. They came with ammunition on horseback, they’ve taken a church as their headquarters, and the population is out in the streets, for how long we don’t know. The police have shown that they are powerless,” said Marie Yolène Gilles, a human rights advocate who had been investigating the attacks in Kenscoff.

On February 3, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) issued a situation report in which they detailed the heightened insecurity in the Port-Au-Prince Metropolitan Area (ZMPAP). According to their estimates, ZMPAP remains the epicenter of violence and displacement in Haiti, with armed gangs controlling over 85 percent of the capital city.

The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) states that approximately 1.2 million children are in need of humanitarian assistance in the area. Gang recruitments of children has soared by over 70 percent in the last year, with roughly 50 percent of all gang members in ZMPAP being children. This rise has been attributed to the absence of protection services and other means of survival for children.

The humanitarian crisis in Haiti has been exacerbated by an escalation of civilian displacements. New figures from the IOM indicate that there have been over 1,041,000 internal civilian displacements, with many having been displaced multiple times. This marks a nearly threefold increase in displacement since 2023, with numbers having doubled in ZMPAP alone.

IOM states that approximately 83 percent of Haitians rely on host communities for shelter and protection. 200,000 Haitians who had fled to neighboring countries were deported back to Haiti last year, further straining the availability of resources in the crowded displacement shelters.

It is estimated that children account for nearly 50 percent of all internally displaced Haitians. According to UNICEF, displaced children are particularly vulnerable to violence, including sexual violence, exploitation, and abuse. UNICEF states that within the past year, instances of sexual violence subjected on children had risen by 1,000 percent.

Disease outbreaks have also run rampant since the start of the gang wars in Haiti. According to UNICEF, unsanitary living conditions in displacement shelters and the onset of famine has resulted in a highly fertile breeding ground for cholera. As of now, there have been at least 88,000 recorded cases of cholera, which disproportionately affects children.

Sustained gang violence has created ripple effects that have damaged multiple sectors of Haiti’s economy. In a report from Mercy Corps titled Impact of Gang Violence on Food Systems in Haiti, Haiti’s agricultural sector has been hit particularly hard. Due to gang violence restricting mobility, seizing farmland, and impeding cargo flights, food production has seen significant losses. This has resulted in a 40 percent rise in inflation and an overall deepening of poverty and hunger.

A report published by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) in October 2024 predicts that widespread food insecurity will affect Haiti until at least May of this year. According to the Integrated Phase Classification (IPC), the vast majority of the country is set to face “crisis” (IPC Level 3) and “emergency” (IPC Level 4) levels of hunger, which are the two most severe forms.

Additionally, it is estimated that humanitarian food assistance will be ineffective in helping the most vulnerable populations recover from famine. Mercy Corps predicts that approximately 2.0-2.5 million people will not be reached, with coverage falling below 4 percent.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By CIVICUS
Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region with Hone Mandefro, advocacy director at the Amhara Association of America, and Henok Ashagray, PhD candidate and project officer at the Centre for Human Rights at the University of Pretoria.

Henok Ashagray – Hone Mandefro

Violent clashes continue between Amhara Fano militias and Ethiopian government forces across the Amhara region, with incidents reported in 56 locations. The most affected areas include East Gojjam, North Wollo and South Wollo, with civilian casualties reported in at least 13 locations and airstrikes and drone attacks confirmed in eight. Government forces have conducted widespread arrests and forced conscription campaigns, targeting minors and older people. Meanwhile, in the Oromia region, targeted attacks against Amhara communities have led to deaths, displacement and sexual violence.

What’s the current state of the conflict in Ethiopia’s Amhara region?

The conflict continues to escalate, with widespread violence and heavy clashes across the Amhara region and parts of Oromia. Government forces have intensified their military campaigns and are now using airstrikes and drones , while Fano militias resist fiercely. The fighting is severe and prolonged, with territorial control frequently shifting. While government forces focus on urban areas, Fano militias dominate smaller towns and rural regions, claiming to control over 80 per cent of the Amhara region.

Civilians are bearing the brunt of the violence. Despite limited attention from human rights organisations, sporadic reports have documented alarming abuses, including extrajudicial killings and mass detentions. According to the Amhara Association of America, there were at least 5,052 civilian casualties between August 2023 and December 2024, including 3,935 killed and 1,117 injured by Ethiopian National Defence Forces or allied militias. Drone and airstrikes alone caused 1,076 casualties, including 823 fatalities.

Arbitrary mass arrests and attacks on medical professionals, patients and health facilities are common. The conflict has left over 4.1 million children out of school, with 4,178 schools closed, 300 damaged and 350 rendered non-functional, according to the United Nations (UN) Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. An emerging famine leaves many at risk of starvation unless immediate aid is delivered.

The conflict is also destabilising the Sudan border as civilians try to escape the violence. Refugee flows into Sudan and vice versa are worsening the humanitarian crisis. Cross-border arms smuggling and the movement of fighters further destabilise the region. In September 2024, fighting around the Metemma border forced Ethiopian government forces to retreat into Sudan.

How have relations between Amhara and Oromo communities been affected?

Amhara-Oromo relations have always been tense, and they’ve worsened due to escalating human rights abuses and ethnic cleansing of Amhara people in Oromia since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power. Systematic violence – including mass killings, physical harm and forced evictions – has deepened mistrust. Groups such as the Oromo Liberation Army and regional forces have been implicated in atrocities that some organisations, including the Amhara Association of America, consider to be genocide.

The federal government has been accused of denial, inaction and even active participation in massacres targeting Amhara people. Forced displacement of millions of Amhara civilians from Oromia, orchestrated by state and non-state forces, has left many living in unsafe conditions in makeshift internally displaced persons camps in Amhara cities. While some Amhara people understand that Oromo people as a whole may not support the regime’s actions, the involvement of some Oromo elites and complicity by state forces have widened the divisions between the two communities. Oromo elites, including those in Addis Ababa and abroad, have supported military campaigns on Amhara to consolidate Oromia’s political dominance, further increasing Amhara mistrust.

Genuine reconciliation will require robust transitional justice and accountability mechanisms to address past and ongoing human rights violations, ensure justice for victims and hold perpetrators responsible for their actions. This would lay the foundation for long-term peace and trust between communities.

What roles is civil society playing in peacebuilding?

Religious institutions, community organisations and local media are struggling to play their proper roles in peacebuilding. While traditional reconciliation mechanisms, such as mediation by respected elders and interethnic dialogues, could potentially help rebuild trust between the communities, the current atmosphere of violence and repression enacted by the regime has made these efforts almost impossible.

Religious leaders, who have historically served as trusted mediators in community disputes, have been sidelined, harassed and imprisoned for their perceived neutrality or dissent. Similarly, local elders who play prominent roles in traditional conflict resolution face intimidation and detention. Many community members now view traditional leaders as co-opted by the government, further eroding trust in their ability to act as peacebuilders.

Community organisations essential for amplifying voices advocating for reconciliation have been systematically weakened. Human rights groups and civic organisations face suspensions, disbandment or severe restrictions as part of an ongoing governmental crackdown on civil society.

Independent media could play a critical role in promoting dialogue and holding perpetrators accountable but have been stifled through censorship and threats, with many journalists ending up behind bars. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Ethiopia is one of Africa’s worst jailers of journalists.

Without the contributions of religious institutions, community organisations and local media, the push for accountability and sustainable peace becomes far more challenging. Strengthening and protecting civil society is essential for meaningful reconciliation to happen.

How are international bodies responding to the crisis?

Regional bodies and the UN have largely stayed silent on the Amhara conflict, drawing criticism for their inaction. The African Union has been quiet even as Amhara people are detained near its offices in Addis Ababa. The UN has offered limited acknowledgment of the violence, forced displacements and famine in the region. The recent election of Ethiopia as a member of the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025-2027 term has further dismayed victims of ongoing atrocities.

Lack of accountability for war crimes, including attacks on civilians and destruction of infrastructure, has eroded trust in international institutions. Regional and international bodies must adopt a proactive approach, pressing the regime to end atrocities and facilitate humanitarian aid. Independent investigations by organisations such as the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the UN Human Rights Council could help ensure accountability. Increased humanitarian assistance must prioritise vulnerable groups and address the root causes of the conflict.

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SEE ALSO
Ethiopia: ‘The international community must stop enabling the war on Ethiopia’s Amhara people’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Robel Alemu 04.Oct.2024
Ethiopia: hostile conditions for critics, human rights defenders and journalists CIVICUS Monitor 31.Aug.2024
Horn of Africa: ‘De-escalation must be the primary objective’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mengistu Assefa 23.Feb.2024

 

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Ending the fentanyl crisis won’t be easy. The U.S. has an addiction problem that spans decades – long predating the rise of fentanyl – and countless attempts to regulate, legislate and incarcerate have done little to reduce drug consumption. Credit: Shutterstock

By External Source
Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

Americans consume more illicit drugs per capita than anyone else in the world; about 6% of the U.S. population uses them regularly.
One such drug, fentanyl – a synthetic opioid that’s 50 to 100 times more potent than morphine – is the leading reason U.S. overdose deaths have surged in recent years. While the rate of fentanyl overdose deaths has dipped a bit recently, it’s still vastly higher than it was just five years ago.

Ending the fentanyl crisis won’t be easy. The U.S. has an addiction problem that spans decades – long predating the rise of fentanyl – and countless attempts to regulate, legislate and incarcerate have done little to reduce drug consumption. Meanwhile, the opioid crisis alone costs Americans tens of billions of dollars each year.

With past policies having failed to curb fentanyl deaths, President Donald Trump is turning to another tool to fight America’s drug problem: trade policy.

During his presidential campaign, Trump pledged to impose tariffs on Canada and Mexico if they didn’t halt the flow of drugs across U.S. borders, and on China if it didn’t do more to crack down on the production of chemicals used to make fentanyl. Trump reiterated his plan on his first day back in office, and on Feb. 1, he made good on that threat, imposing tariffs on all three counties and citing fentanyl as a key reason.

Speaking as a professor who studies social policy, I think both fentanyl and the proposed import taxes represent significant threats to the U.S. While the human toll of fentanyl is undeniable, the real question is whether tariffs will work – or worsen what’s already a crisis.

 

Fentanyl: The ‘single greatest challenge’

In 2021, more than 107,000 Americans died from overdoses – the most ever recorded – and nearly seven out of 10 deaths involved fentanyl or similar synthetic opioids. In 2022, fentanyl was killing an average of 200 people each day. And while fentanyl deaths declined slightly in 2023, nearly 75,000 Americans still died from synthetic opioids that year. In March of that year – the most recent for which full-year data on overdose deaths is available – the then-secretary of homeland security declared fentanyl to be “the single greatest challenge we face as a country.”

But history shows that government efforts to curb drug use often have little success.

The first real attempt to regulate drugs in the U.S. occurred in 1890, when, amid rampant drug abuse, Congress enacted a law taxing morphine and opium. In the years that followed, cocaine use skyrocketed, rising 700% between 1890 and 1902. Cocaine was so popular, it was even found in drinks such as Coca-Cola, from which it got its name.

This was followed by a 1909 act banning the smoking of opium, and, in 1937, the “Marihuana Tax Act.” The most comprehensive package of laws was instituted with the Controlled Substances Act of 1970, which classified drugs into five categories based on their medical uses and potential for abuse or dependence. A year later, then-President Richard Nixon launched the “War on Drugs” and declared drug abuse as “public enemy No. 1.” And in 1986, Congress passed the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, directing US$1.7 billion for drug enforcement and control.

 

President Richard Nixon declared drug abuse “Public enemy No. 1” at this 1971 press conference.

 

These policies have generally failed to curb drug supply and use, while also causing significant harm to people and communities of color. For example, between 1980 and 1997, the number of incarcerations for nonviolent drug offenses went from 50,000 to 400,000. But these policies hardly put a dent in consumption. The share of high school seniors using drugs dipped only slightly over the same period, from 65% in 1980 to 58% in 1997.

In short, past U.S. efforts to reduce illegal drug use haven’t been especially effective. Now, it looks like the U.S. is shifting toward using tariffs – but research suggests that those will not lead to better outcomes either, and could actually cause considerable harm.

 

Why tariffs won’t work

America’s experiments with tariffs can be traced back to the founding era with the passage of the Tariff Act of 1789. This long history has shown that tariffs, industrial subsidies and protectionist policies don’t do much to stimulate broad economic growth at home – but they raise prices for consumers and can even lead to global economic instability. History also shows that tariffs don’t work especially well as negotiating tools, failing to effect significant policy changes in target countries. Economists generally agree that the costs of tariffs outweigh the benefits.

Over the course of Trump’s first term, the average effective tariff rate on Chinese imports went from 3% to 11%. But while imports from China fell slightly, the overall trade relationship didn’t change much: China remains the second-largest supplier of goods to the U.S.

The tariffs did have some benefit – for Vietnam and other nearby countries with relatively low labor costs. Essentially, the tariffs on China caused production to shift, with global companies investing billions of dollars in competitor nations.

This isn’t the first time Trump has used trade policy to pressure China on fentanyl – he did so in his first term. But while China made some policy changes in response, such as adding fentanyl to its controlled substances list in 2019, fentanyl deaths in the U.S. continued to rise. Currently, China still ranks as the No. 1 producer of fentanyl precursors, or chemicals used to produce illicit fentanyl. And there are others in the business: India, over that same period, has become a major producer of fentanyl.

 

A question of supply and demand

Drugs have been pervasive throughout U.S. history. And when you investigate this history and look at how other nations are dealing with this problem rather than criminalization, the Swiss and French have approached it as an addiction problem that could be treated. They realized that demand is what fuels the illicit market. And as any economist will tell you, supply will find a way if you don’t limit the demand. That’s why treatment works and bans don’t.

The U.S. government’s ability to control the production of these drugs is limited at best. The problem is that new chemical products will continually be produced. Essentially, failure to restrict demand only places bandages on hemorrhaging wounds. What the U.S. needs is a more systematic approach to deal with the demand that’s fueling the drug crisis.

This article was updated to include details of the tariffs once they were imposed.

Rodney Coates, Professor of Critical Race and Ethnic Studies, Miami University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Pakistani journalists speak out about cybercrimes law from left to right Hamid Mir, Munazza Siddiqui and Umar Cheema. Credits: Jang News, and TikTok

By Zofeen Ebrahim
KARACHI, Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

“I may not be able to continue hosting my show because the content I put up will most certainly land me in prison,” said senior correspondent Azaz Syed who works for a private TV channel, but who also has his own private online digital channel. He was referring to the recent amendment in the already existing cybercrime law, terming it a “wild” law which has been instituted to grapple with fake news among other online harms.

The new version—Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025—passed hurriedly, within a week, in both the houses without debate, and signed into a law by President Asif Ali Zardari on January 29, has triggered nationwide protests by the country’s media personnel.

“They have taken away my right to freedom of expression,” Syed told IPS.

“I fail to understand the uproar among journalists working in electronic media. They already have PEMRA, [the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority] which is responsible for facilitating and regulating private electronic media,” said Minister for Information and Broadcasting Atta­ullah Tarar. “This law is to regulate the social media and countries across the world have some codes or standards under which social media operate; but there was none in our country.”

He said the existing authority, which is the Federal Investigation Authority, that looked into cybercrimes seemed ill-equipped to handle the expanding nature of online crimes taking place—harassment, pornography, national security threats, spreading economic uncertainty; just look at the conviction rate, which is dismal,” he defended the amendment.

Tarar’s reference to the “uproar” stems from TV journalists, like Syed, who have gigs on online platforms and fear the restrictions on content imposed by PECA.

For the past two years, Syed has been hosting a popular show on YouTube called Talk Shock, focusing on sensitive topics like the Pakistan army, intelligence agencies, blasphemy laws, persecution of Ahmadis, and forced conversions of Hindu girls. He described it as a passion project addressing issues close to his heart, despite potential disapproval from authorities. His show has gained over eight million viewers and 174,000 followers, also providing him with extra income.

Hamid Mir, host of Capital Talk, one of the oldest and highest-rated political talk shows, launched his digital TV channel on YouTube after being banned from TV in 2021 (he had already been banned twice, in 2007 by military dictator Pervez Musharraf  and in 2008 by the ruling Pakistan People’s Party) for  speaking against the country’s powerful military for persecuting journalists. “I share my opinions there when I am unable to on the channel that I’m employed in. Having your own platform is liberating,” he told IPS. He has 263,000 viewers.

Azaz Syed, who has his digital TV programme on YouTube called Talk Shock. Credit: Azaz Syed

Mir’s greater worry though is the possibility of losing his voice on X, where he connects with over eight million followers. “If I can’t speak my mind, it will have a profound impact on me,” he said.

But even those journalists who otherwise feel social media is being misused find the law distasteful.

“I have zero tolerance for fake news, and am all for regulating the beast that social media has become, but not this way, certainly” said senior investigative journalist, Umar Cheema, terming it a “third class” law.

The law was originally passed in 2016, by the same ruling party that has brought the current amendments – the Pakistan Muslim League-N. It had been met with much criticism even then.

“The reason for the need for the law given back in 2016 was to counter hate speech, terrorist content and harassment of women—this time the ruse is fake news,” said Farieha Aziz’s co-founder of Bolo Bhi, an advocacy forum for digital rights. The suspicion and criticism against the law now and then is the same—the government is using this law to “stifle political dissent and rein in freedom of expression” she said.

The amendment to the law, criminalises fake news and its dissemination with a prison term of up to three years and a fine of up to Rs 2 million (about USD 7,200).

But, pointed out Aziz, the concern went beyond just the penalties associated with the amendment to the law—it is the “potential for misuse” in the process of determining what constitutes fake news. “People will be reluctant to share or even discuss information out of fear that it might be deemed false or harmful, leading to criminal charges,” she explained, adding the definition of fake news was vague and broad. “They have created a vagueness through the use of language taken from the anti-terrorism act, around the offence,” she pointed out.

“The government operates in grey areas and likes to keep people in a state of confusion,” agreed Cheema.

Moreover, pointed out, Munazza Siddiqui, senior producer on a private TV channel: “The law is unconstitutional as it violates the fundamental right to freedom, a core principle enshrined in our Constitution.” She uses TikTok, a platform predominantly used for putting up entertaining content, for disseminating news and opinions. “It’s popular with young people but works superbly for me as they are my audience. The millennials and Gen Z want to stay informed about the world around them, but they lack the patience to sit through long articles or watch lengthy news segments on TV. I provide them with both in just a minute or so!”

However, Siddiqui acknowledged that her vlogging might be impacted. With the sword of Damocles hanging over her, in the form of the newly revised cyber law, she said, “We already navigate a space of self-censorship, and now there’s an added layer of fear.”

The law establishes four bodies—the Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority, the Social Media Complaints Council, the Social Media Protection Tribunal, and the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency—concentrating significant power. Aziz warned that these bodies, appointed by the federal government, could lack independence, creating potential conflicts of interest and undermining fairness and accountability.

“And the window of appeal has also been closed as I can only go to the Supreme Court of Pakistan,” said Azaz, which was an expensive route to prove your innocence.

Although the 2016 cybercrime law was already considered draconian by experts, the reason to tweak it further, explained Cheema, was that “the nature and use of social media has changed and become more sophisticated since then, adding that the media needed to share the blame for the recent shape the law has taken.

Cheema said the media did not establish a code of conduct for responsible social media use which led the government to step in, using the fake news excuse to silence dissenting voices. He emphasized that while media can express opinions, facts must be solid, and journalists should hold each other accountable. “Yet, we don’t even call out our colleagues for lying.”

Finding the nationwide protest hypocritical, he questioned, “The bill wasn’t a surprise—everyone knew it was being revised. Why didn’t anyone speak up then? Where were the protests and revisions when it was in the National Assembly and Senate? There was silence, and now, after it’s law, they’re out on the streets.”

“The law is in place,” Tarrar said with finality. However, he added: “The rules are still being worked out, and we’re open to media input to refine them.”

“Recalling the law may be tough,” agreed Cheema, but if the media is concerned, “They can come up with their own system; no one is stopping them; but that’s the real test for our community.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Credit: WMO/Karolin Eichier. UN News

By Alon Ben-Meir
NEW YORK, Feb 5 2025 (IPS)

In less than two weeks in office, Trump issued scores of reckless executive orders that ironically will gravely undermine rather than enhance his “America First” agenda and America’s global leadership.

Millions of Americans expected Trump to go rogue once he reassumed the presidency, but much fewer expected him to issue scores of reckless and damaging executive orders so swiftly.

Pulling the US out of several United Nations agencies and threatening to take over the Panama Canal and acquire by force, if necessary, Denmark’s autonomous territory Greenland are some of the most outrageous plans that would severely undermine his “America First” agenda instead of serving its best interests globally and domestically.

It is hard to imagine what will happen to America in a year or two if Congressional Republicans don’t wake up and prevent him from pursuing this perilous agenda. They can put America first only by maintaining global involvement, exerting leadership, and having a say at the table instead of relinquishing its role and responsibility to Russia and China, who would happily jump at every opportunity to undermine America’s national interest.

What Trump fails to grasp is that the UN, despite its inflated bureaucracy and the failure of some of its agencies to adapt to changing global circumstances, still plays a critical role in international affairs, where the US has taken the lead and from which the US directly benefited.

Moreover, Trump and his benighted advisors appear oblivious to the importance of the UN as the only international organization that endeavors, among other things, to maintain international peace and security, protect human rights, promote international cooperation, and provide badly needed humanitarian assistance.

Indeed, despite its inadequacies in various areas, the UN remains indispensable. Trump, ‘the fixer,’ should help fix various agencies’ inadequacies, not by defunding their essential work but by taking the lead and working with other countries to make these agencies proficient and effective. This certainly is in the best interest of the US and only complements his America First agenda.

Several UN agencies are targeted for defunding because Trump broadly accuses them of corruption and resource waste. Again, it is inexplicable how these agencies, regardless of their shortcomings, are targeted for defunding when they provide critical services that the global community needs.

The World Health Organization (WHO), founded in 1948, protects global health. Among many of its critically important functions, WHO anticipates and responds to global health emergencies, including worldwide pandemics like COVID-19.

It also works to eliminate contagious diseases, having eradicated smallpox in 1980. Moreover, the organization establishes international health standards and monitors global health trends through research and data collection to steer evidence-based health policy.

How on earth would defunding it serve the notion of America first if the US will have no say in its operation? Diseases don’t stay neatly contained within borders, and leaving the world’s largest collaborative public health body will leave the US the last to know when deadly contagions are spreading.

The UN Human Rights Council is an intergovernmental body responsible for promoting and protecting global human rights. The US withdrew in June 2018 under Trump but announced a re-engagement in 2021 under Biden. The US has had a complicated relationship with this body under various presidents, mainly due to US accusations that the body has been and still is anti-Israel.

In addition, some member states in this agency are committing human rights violations in their own countries, which undermines their credibility as the guardian of human rights. Again, human rights are sacrosanct; any contribution to guarding them is needed.

The US, which has championed human rights, should always be at the forefront and address what’s wrong with this important agency rather than defunding it and letting China and Russia influence its focus and direction.

The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) is another agency Trump wants to punish. This indispensable agency seeks to bring peace through international cooperation in education, science, and culture and protects the world’s physical and intangible heritage.

Here again, the US withdrew from UNESCO under Trump in 2019, primarily citing the organization’s alleged anti-Israel bias but also because of mounting arrears and the need for fundamental reforms.

The US rejoined in 2023 under Biden because he recognized its importance, which made up for its deficiencies. Trump’s withdrawal from this agency does not serve his America First agenda, especially when the US’ concerns and interests are ignored, and its contribution is no longer sought out.

The UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) provides assistance and protection for registered Palestinian refugees across the Middle East. Trump cut funding in 2018; Biden restored it in 2021, but Congress passed a one-year ban on UNRWA funding until March 25, 2025.

There is no doubt that this nearly eight-decades-old organization is heavy on bureaucracy and short on efficiency, and a small number of its operatives in Gaza were found guilty of aiding Hamas in its attack against Israel. Nevertheless, it still renders essential services, which, at present, are more needed than ever.

Yes, significant reorganization and streamlining of its operation is absolutely necessary, but that cannot be fixed without the US’ direct involvement. By abandoning UNRWA, the US is abdicating its leadership role in finding a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Indeed, many involved in the process have explicitly said that, and if anything, now that the war in Gaza is still raging and the Palestinian refugees are in a dire situation, American leadership is needed more than ever before.

The Paris Agreement, adopted in December 2015, aims to limit global temperature increases to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. Developed countries are asked to provide financial assistance to less developed ones to meet climate goals.

Trump withdrew from the Paris Agreement in his first term and is doing it again. The belief of most Republicans that there is no such thing as climate change, against the overwhelming evidence, is nothing short of a travesty.

But then, leave it to the willfully ignorant to dismiss the unprecedented storms, hurricanes, fires, rising sea levels, and temperature because they refuse to see reality. Sadly, withdrawal from the Paris Agreement is also tied to Trump’s desire to expand US fossil fuel production, which has a significant adverse environmental impact on the US just as much, if not more, than other countries.

Territorial ambition

Not only Democrats but also many of Trump’s supporters are baffled by his arbitrary decision to take another country’s territory by force if he “has to,” such as Greenland and the Panama Canal, which is outrageous to even think about. Is there one single sane Trump advisor who can tell him that what he is thinking is a gross violation of international law, to unilaterally decide to take over any land that belongs to other countries?

In addition, it is terrifying other countries, creating a dreadful feeling about what the United States represents and the harm it can inflict at this point on other states. To suggest that the US can unilaterally take land from a UN member state, or worse yet, in the case of Greenland, a NATO member state is nothing short of folly—to take by force land from one’s allies.

The US is committed to upholding territorial integrity, and to think that Trump can just take over the Panama Canal and invade Denmark’s territory is the highest of absurdity.

Sadly, with the new Trump administration entering a second term, not only does the UN face an exceptionally hostile White House, but even many of the US’ friends and allies are bewildered and greatly concerned about what he might do next. They fear that nothing good will come out of this Trump administration and are bracing for the worst.

Trump must remember that America First is best served when America is respected, not feared.

Alon Ben-Meir is a retired professor of international relations, most recently at the Center for Global Affairs at NYU. He taught courses on international negotiation and Middle Eastern studies.

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Credit: Hadynya/iStock by Getty Images via International Monetary Fund (IMF)

By Constant Lonkeng
PORTO-NOVO, Benin, Feb 4 2025 (IPS)

Benin faced a number of negative spillovers in 2022: a deteriorating regional security situation at its northern border, the lingering scars of COVID-19, and higher living costs amid the war in Ukraine.

To help counter those headwinds, the country tapped IMF support, including a $650 million blended Extended Fund Facility (EFF) and Extended Credit Facility (ECF) arrangement, complemented by a $200 million Resilience and Sustainability Facility (RSF) in 2023.

Development partners’ confidence in the country’s reform program has been reflected in budget support consistently exceeding expectations. Moreover, Benin was among the first countries to re-access the international capital market last year, following a two-year hiatus, with several sovereign credit rating upgrades in recent years.

Despite challenges, there are promising signs of economic transformation. Among other achievements, growth has been strong, fiscal adjustment is proceeding while allowing for a significant increase in social spending, and efforts to strengthen governance are gaining ground.

Following the combined Fifth Review of the ongoing EFF/ECF arrangement and Second Review of the RSF, IMF Country Focus discussed the country’s economic performance with Romuald Wadagni, Senior Minister of State of Economy and Finance for Benin, and Constant Lonkeng, IMF Mission Chief for Benin.

How is the current reform program affecting the daily lives of Beninese people?

Finance Minister Wadagni: First and foremost, our ongoing reform program has allowed us to navigate an episode of severe and repeated shocks, with technical and financial support from our development partners. As a result, our economy has shown remarkable resilience, with growth averaging more than 6.5 percent in recent years.

Economic resilience is helping harness the potential of Benin’s people. A key focus of our reform program is enhancing human capital, as articulated under our people-centric Government Action Program (PAG 2021–26).

Our Integrated School Feeding Program currently provides free meals to students in 95 percent of elementary schools in rural areas (more than 1.3 million children), with full coverage targeted this year. Lower education is now tuition-free for girls across all of Benin’s 77 communes (estimated 2 million girls), with an ongoing pilot to extend to upper secondary school.

We are also putting emphasis on technical education and vocational training to prepare our large youth population to seize job opportunities in high value-added activities.

More broadly, our flagship Insurance for Human Capital Enhancement (ARCH) seeks to foster social resilience through various programs including micro-credits, access to healthcare, and pensions. The social registry—established early on under the EFF/ECF with World Bank technical support—is an essential tool for targeting our support to the most vulnerable.

How has IMF engagement supported the authorities’ policy agenda?

IMF Mission Chief Lonkeng: One key design consideration of Benin’s IMF-supported program was balancing financing and fiscal adjustment in a shock-prone environment. Considering Benin’s established track record in macroeconomic management, we opted for a flexible design—a vote of confidence from the IMF.

Frontloaded financing supported the country’s appropriately strong counter-cyclical policy response to severe shocks—the IMF disbursed more than 40 percent of the total financing envelope of about 400 percent of Benin’s quota in the first 6 months of the 42-month program to smooth out fiscal adjustment. The EFF/ECF was subsequently complemented by an RSF (120 percent of Benin’s quota) to help enhance the country’s overall socio-economic resilience.

The authorities have since been re-building policy space, with domestic revenue mobilization being a key part of this effort and, more broadly, the cornerstone of the authorities’ reform program. A frontloaded tax policy reform under the program complemented efforts to digitalize the tax system to boost revenue collection. As the chart shows, Benin’s tax-to-GDP ratio increased by more than 2 percentage points during 2022–24, far exceeding the average improvement of other countries in this timeframe.

There are promising signs of economic transformation. How are you achieving this and what lessons did you learn along the way?

Finance Minister Wadagni: We first conducted an in-depth diagnostic of our economic and financial situation about a decade ago. We then embarked on a first wave of reforms to lay the foundations for structural transformation, cognizant of the fact that sound public finances, reliable energy, and infrastructure—including digital—are key prerequisites for sustained economic expansion.

The ongoing second wave of reforms seek to consolidate our initial achievements and climb up value chains by processing commodities locally. The Glo-Djigbé Industrial Zone—which is dedicated to the local transformation of agricultural products including cotton, cashews, and soybeans—plays a strategic role in this regard.

We intend to further develop the zone and, more broadly, pursue the structural transformation of our economy, including through continued modernization and enhanced resilience of agriculture. We will also step up investment in unlocking Benin’s tourism potential and modernizing the Port of Cotonou.

In doing all of the above, we will expand the social safety nets to reach as many vulnerable people as possible. A key lesson from our experience so far is that sound governance is critical in economic transformation.

Benin innovated with the issuance of the first Social Development Goal (SDG) bond in the region – and is now extending this framework to catalyze private climate finance. Can you elaborate?

Finance Minister Wadagni: We developed an SDG bond framework around the country’s social and climate priorities as an integral part of our development finance strategy. The framework was initially used to issue a €500 million SDG bond in 2021, a first in the region.

It has since facilitated the financing of key social and energy transition projects. We intend to leverage the SDG bond framework to catalyze financing for climate change adaptation, resilient agriculture, sustainable ecosystem management, and the energy transition.

Relatedly, we secured climate financing pledges from our partners during the recent COP29, following the climate finance roundtable that we co-convened in Cotonou with the IMF and the World Bank.

What has been the key to program engagement in your view, and what do you see as the main challenges ahead?

IMF Mission Chief Lonkeng: First and foremost, program ownership has been key. Benin has an established tradition of public consultation around the country’s reform agenda—under the National Development Plan and the Government Action Program. The Fund-supported program therefore had a solid homegrown foundation to build on.

Going forward, continued expansion of the tax base, drawing on the country’s recently developed medium-term revenue strategy, would help fund Benin’s large development needs (the country’s median age is 18), and improve the country’s capacity to carry debt and preserve debt sustainability.

On the structural front, a continued move away from the traditional transit-centered growth model—supported by a balanced social contract—would foster private sector job creation in higher value-added activities for the large youth population.

Enhancing resilience to climate change and maintaining the digitalization drive would also support overall socio-economic resilience in the long-term. All of this would help raise the living standards of the Beninese in a sustained and inclusive manner.

Constant Lonkeng is IMF Mission Chief for Benin

Source: IMF

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The United Nations Security Council met on December 12, 2024 to discuss the deteriorating humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan. Credit: UN Photo/Loey Felipe

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 4 2025 (IPS)

The humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly since the 2021 Taliban Offensive, an insurgency that resulted in the Taliban’s reclamation of power and the fall of the nation’s republic. In 2024, the Taliban issued further restrictions on human rights in Afghanistan, particularly for women and girls. These restrictions caused the country to enter a state of economic emergency. This, compounded with heightened insecurity and limited access to basic services, has left over 23 million people in dire need of humanitarian assistance.

Since 2021, the military group began coordinating a series of restrictive measures that significantly limited physical autonomy, access to education and freedom of expression, especially for women and girls. It is believed that women are currently unable to enter public spaces or hold jobs across multiple sectors.

On January 23, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for two high-ranking Taliban leaders, Supreme Leader Haibatullah Akhundzada and Supreme Court Chief Justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani, citing crimes of gender-based persecution. “These applications recognise that Afghan women and girls as well as the LGBTQI+ community are facing an unprecedented, unconscionable and ongoing persecution by the Taliban,” said ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan. He added that violations of international humanitarian law subjected to dissenters have been documented.

According to the arrest warrant, opposition to the Taliban’s statutes have been “brutally repressed” through murder, torture, imprisonment, sexual violence, and enforced disappearance. The ICC has indicated that it remains dedicated to analyzing future impunities perpetrated by the Taliban.

On January 16, Human Rights Watch (HRW) provided examples of the multifaceted humanitarian crisis that arose from the Taliban’s restrictions against women. According to the report, the Taliban’s edicts on women’s employment and freedom of movement have severely impeded their ability to receive access to healthcare. Additionally, Afghanistan’s healthcare system has been significantly damaged from an absence of female workers.

“The loss of foreign development aid and Taliban rights violations have caused a catastrophic health crisis in Afghanistan that is disproportionately harming women and girls,” said Fereshta Abbasi, a researcher of Afghanistan at HRW. “The Taliban have severely obstructed women from providing or accessing health care, while the cost of treatment and medicine has put care out of reach for many Afghans.”

According to a study conducted by the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law (RWI) titled Violation of Human and Women’s Rights by the Taliban in Afghanistan: The Taliban’s Takeover and its Consequences, the extensive restrictions on the autonomy of women and girls will yield severe economic and social consequences for Afghanistan.

Currently, approximately 3 million girls in Afghanistan have been deprived of education beyond sixth grade since 2021. It is estimated that the bans on women’s education and employment will cost the Afghan economy approximately 5.4 billion dollars. Furthermore, average wages increase by roughly 3.9 percent for each year that girls are in school. Afghanistan is projected to suffer intensified financial losses in the coming years.

The United Nations (UN) states that the exclusion of women and girls from the workforce and education greatly amplifies protection risks. Poverty has also been reported as a consequence of these edicts. According to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk, restricting the role of women in public affairs “exacerbates poverty and hampers efforts to build a stable and resilient society”.

HRW states Afghanistan’s worsening economic crisis has facilitated extreme living conditions for approximately 23.7 million people, including 9.2 million children. It is estimated that roughly 14.7 million people are facing food insecurity, with 2.9 million at emergency levels of hunger. The Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) estimates that 3.9 million children between the ages of 6 to 59 months are projected to suffer from acute malnutrition and desperately require humanitarian intervention.

Additionally, 48 percent of the population live below the poverty line. Basic services such as access to clean water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH), are critically underfunded, with 8.4 million people lacking access to safe drinking water and 4.3 million without latrines.

Sufficient aid responses have not been implemented due to the vast scale of unexploded ordnance which has restricted mobility. According to the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA), explosive remnants of war are the leading cause of death among Afghan children. From October to December 2024, there were 47 child casualties as a result of unexploded ordnance. Ongoing violence and the presence of explosive munitions near schools also negatively impact access to basic services.

Despite the persistence of these compounding crises in Afghanistan, humanitarian organizations remain dedicated to providing life-saving assistance wherever they can. Last year, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) launched the 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan for Afghanistan, requesting 2.4 billion USD to support these efforts. In 2025, aid groups aim to target approximately 16.8 million people, assisting them with access to food, shelter, healthcare, education, WASH services, and all other forms of multisectoral support.

However, the efficacy of aid services going forward is in a state of uncertainty due to President Trump’s new measures to freeze foreign aid. Over the past 24 years, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided Afghanistan with over 109 billion USD in aid, with 746 million being allotted to Afghanistan in 2024 alone. Funding cuts like this are projected to have disastrous effects on humanitarian efforts in Afghanistan going forward.

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