Africa - INTER PRESS SERVICE

Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Living in Camp Roe in the Democratic Republic of Congo Credit: UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

By Juliana White
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 26 2025 (IPS)

The demand for cobalt and other minerals is fueling a decades-long humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In pursuit of money to support their families, Congolese laborers face abuse and life-threatening conditions working in unregulated mines.

Used in a variety of products ranging from vitamins to phone and car batteries, minerals are a necessity, making daily tasks run smoothly. The DRC is currently known as the world’s largest producer of cobalt, accounting for nearly 75 percent of global cobalt production. With such high demands for the mineral, unsafe and poorly regulated mining operations are widespread across the DRC.

The exploitation of workers is largely seen in informal, artisanal, small-scale mines, which account for 15 to 30 percent of the DRC’s cobalt production. Unlike large industrial mines with access to powerful machines, artisanal mine workers typically excavate by hand. They face toxic fumes, dust inhalation, and the risk of landslides and mines collapsing daily.

Aside from unpaid forced labor, artisanal small-scale mines can be a surprisingly good source of income for populations with limited education and qualifications. The International Peace Information Service (IPIS) reports that miners can make around 2.7 to 3.3 USD per day. In comparison, about 73 percent of the population in the DRC makes 1.90 USD or less per day. However, even with slightly higher incomes than most, miners still struggle to make ends meet.

Adult workers are not the only group facing labor abuse. Due to minimal regulations and governing by labor inspectors, artisanal mines commonly use child labor. The U.S. Department of Labor’s Bureau of International Labor Affairs reports that children between the ages of 5 and 17 years old are forced to work in mineral mines across the DRC.

“They are unremunerated and exploited, and the work is often fatal as the children are required to crawl into small holes dug into the earth,” said Hervé Diakiese Kyungu, a Congolese civil rights attorney.

Kyungu testified at a congressional hearing in Washington, D.C., on July 14, 2022. The hearing was on the use of child labor in China-backed cobalt mines in the DRC. Kyungu also said that in many cases, children are forced into this work without any protection.

Children go into the mines “…using only their hands or rudimentary tools without protective equipment to extract cobalt and other minerals,” said Kyungu.

Despite the deadly humanitarian issue at hand, the solution to creating a more sustainable and safe work environment for miners is not simple. The DRC has a deep history of using forced labor for profit. Starting in the 1880s, Belgium’s King Leopold relied on forced labor by hundreds of ethnic communities across the Congo River Basin to cultivate and trade rubber, ivory and minerals.

While forced and unsafe conditions kill thousands each year, simply shutting down artisanal mining operations is not the solution. Mining can be a significant source of income for many Congolese living in poverty.

Armed groups also control many artisanal mining operations. These groups use profits acquired from mineral trading to fund weapons and fighters. It is estimated that for the past 20 years, the DRC has experienced violence from around 120 armed groups and security forces.

“The world’s economies, new technologies and climate change are all increasing demand for the rare minerals in the eastern Congo—and the world is letting criminal organisms steal and sell these minerals by brutalizing my people,” said Pétronille Vaweka during the 2023 U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) award ceremony.

Vaweka is a Congolese grandmother who has mediated peace accords in local wars.

“Africans and Americans can both gain by ending this criminality, which has been ignored too long,” said Vaweka.

One way to mitigate the crisis is through stricter laws and regulations. Many humanitarian organizations, such as the United Nations (UN) and the International Labour Organization (ILO), strongly advocate for such change.

The UN has deployed a consistent stream of peacekeepers in the DRC since the country’s independence in 1960. Notable groups such as the UN Operation in the Congo (ONUC) and the UN Organization Mission in the DRC (MONUC) were established to ensure order and peace. MONUC later expanded in 2010 to the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO).

Alongside peace missions, the UN has made multiple initiatives to combat illegal mineral trading. They also created the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), which is dedicated to helping children in humanitarian crises.

The ILO has seen success through its long-standing project called the Global Accelerator Lab (GALAB). Its goal is to increase good practices and find new solutions to end child labor and forced labor worldwide. Their goal markers include innovation, strengthening workers’ voices, social protection and due diligence with transparency in supply chains.

One group they have set up to coordinate child protection is the Child Labour Monitoring and Remediation System (CLMRS). In 2024, the ILO reported that the program had registered over 6,200 children engaged in mining in the Haut-Katanga and Lualaba provinces.

Additionally, GALAB is working on training more labor and mining inspectors to monitor conditions and practices.

While continued support by various aid groups has significantly helped the ongoing situation in the DRC, more action is needed.

“This will require a partnership of Africans and Americans and those from other developed countries. But we have seen this kind of exploitation and war halted in Sierra Leone and Liberia—and the Africans played the leading role, with support from the international community,” Vaweka said. “We need an awakening of the world now to do the same in Congo. It will require the United Nations, the African Union, our neighboring countries. But the call to world action that can make it possible still depends on America as a leader.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

 

Delegates at AFPPD’s Sub-Regional Parliamentarians’ Meeting on Women Empowerment and Investment in Young People, which focused on the ICPD Program of Action and 2030 Agenda. Credit: People’s Majlis of the Republic of Maldives

By Cecilia Russell
MALÉ & JOHANNESBURG, Jun 26 2025 (IPS)

A meeting of parliamentarians in Malé, the Maldives, pledged to provide an enabling environment for emerging women leaders by supporting them and promoting a political culture rooted in mutual respect, inclusivity, and equal opportunity.

This was one of the main features of the Malé Declaration, agreed to by more than 40 participants from parliaments, governments, international organizations, NGOs, youth organizations, and academia across 15 countries during the AFPPD’s Sub-Regional Parliamentarians’ Meeting on Women Empowerment and Investment in Young People, which focused on the ICPD Program of Action and 2030 Agenda for sustainable development, aiming to address youth and women empowerment.

The meeting was co-hosted by the People’s Majlis of the Maldives and the Asian Forum of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (AFPPD), with support from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) through the Japan Trust Fund (JTF).

The lawmakers agreed to commission evidence-based research on barriers to women’s political participation. The research will “examine the social, cultural, economic, and institutional impediments to women’s pursuit of political office and leadership roles in the member states in Asia, including the Maldives,” the declaration said, with the outcomes serving as a foundation for targeted policy interventions and legislative reforms to enhance women’s political engagement.

Dr. Anara Naeem, MP, Huraa Constituency/Maldives

In an interview ahead of the meeting, Dr. Anara Naeem (MP, Huraa Constituency/Maldives) told IPS that advocating for women’s rights started when they were young and parliamentarians had an active role in ensuring that women are encouraged to become involved in the economy.

Reacting to a question on the UNFPA research, which shows that 40 percent of young women are not engaged in employment, education, or training (NEET), she noted many core challenges, including high youth unemployment despite free education up to a first university degree. The country, like others, had to deal with gender stereotypes that prioritized women’s domestic role over careers—and with social participation barriers, “stereotypes limit women’s public engagement.”

Policymakers, Naeem said, were focusing on addressing these using multiple strategies, including promoting postgraduate scholarships and vocational training (tourism, tech, and healthcare aligned with job markets), encouraging women into STEM and non-traditional fields via mentorship, and integrating leadership and career advancement programs to address the glass ceiling.

Parliamentarians were also looking at innovative ways to boost the public sector hiring of women and incentivize private sector partnerships through tax benefits, flexible work, and career progression pathways.

“We also host community dialogues (haa saaba) and engage religious leaders to shift mindsets,” Naeem said.

AFPPD’s Sub-Regional Parliamentarians’ Meeting on Women Empowerment and Investment in Young People, held in Malé, Maldives. Credit: People’s Majlis of the Republic of Maldives

 

Speakers at the AFPPD’s Sub-Regional Parliamentarians’ Meeting on Women Empowerment and Investment in Young People, held in Malé, Maldives. Credit: People’s Majlis of the Republic of Maldives

The Maldivian government was working to enforce gender equality laws (anti-discrimination, parental leave, and addressing the glass ceiling) and allocate a budget for childcare, job programs, and women’s grants, including the enforcement of paid maternity leave for up to six months and no-pay leave for a year in all government offices. It was also encouraging the private sector to do likewise.

However, the success of these plans requires “coordinated action across government, the private sector, NGOs, and communities to create relevant jobs, dismantle cultural barriers (including the glass ceiling), provide critical support (childcare, robust maternity leave), and enable flexible pathways for young women’s economic and social participation.”

Parliamentarians also committed to working with the relevant Maldivian authorities to undertake a thorough “review and enhancement of national school curriculum to align it with job matrix. This initiative shall integrate principles of gender equality, women’s rights, civic responsibility, leadership, and sustainable youth development, fostering transformative educational content to instill progressive values from an early age.”

Naeem said lawmakers were also playing a special role in addressing issues affecting the youth like drug use and mental health, where they were “combining legislative action, oversight, resource allocation, and public advocacy.”

This included updating drug laws to target traffickers, decriminalizing addiction, and prioritizing treatment. While parliamentarians were lobbying for increased funding for rehab centers and the training of psychologists and medication subsidies, they were using national media to create awareness and holding local dialogues.

“Our key focus in law reform includes better rehab frameworks, funding oversight, public awareness partnerships, building support systems, minimizing service delivery gaps, and reducing relapse—shifting towards prevention and recovery in the Maldivian context,” Naeem said.

Participants at the meeting recommitted themselves to working with all stakeholders to advance the ICPD PoA and achieve the 2030 Agenda and reaffirmed the 2024 Oslo Statement of Commitment.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

For streetside sellers of artificial jewelry and for recyclers toiling under the increasingly torrid temperatures caused by climate change, innovative insurance means not all is lost when their wares are ruined or it is too hot to work. But is this a panacea or an opportunity for the authorities to ignore their responsibilities to the poorest workers of India?

IAEA chief Rafael Grossi said Iran has reported no increase in radiation levels outside Fordow, Isfahan and Natanz nuclear sites. After surprise US bombing raids on Iranian uranium enrichment facilities over the weekend, the head of the UN-backed nuclear watchdog on Monday appealed for immediate access to the targeted sites to assess the damage that is likely “very significant”. 23 June 2025. Credit: Dean Calma/IAEA

By James E. Jennings
ATLANTA, USA, Jun 26 2025 (IPS)

Chest thumping “Mission Accomplished” claims by President Trump that he ordered the world’s biggest conventional bombs to be dropped on a sleeping nation of 90 million people, were premature. To top it off he bragged that Iran’s nuclear capacity was devastated and that the whole nation fired “not a single shot” back.

That rosy scenario was greatly tempered a couple of days later when the US Defense Intelligence Agency reported that Iran’s nuclear program was set back only a few months. And the New York Times listed the doppelganger effect of echoing the Bush Administration’s claim of “Mission Accomplished” in Iraq, when in fact years of struggle and loss followed.

The US withdrew from Iraq not with a bang but a whimper. Saddam Hussein never had weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) as Bush alleged.

At least George W. Bush had the decency to wait awhile before making his widely mocked “Mission Accomplished” claim after invading Iraq, which proved to be ten years premature. The US attack on Iran on June 21 was based on the same kind of hallucinatory paranoia about a non-existent nuclear bomb threat as had fueled the Iraq War hysteria in Washington in 2003.

Both the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the President’s own Director of National Intelligence denied that Iran has either a nuclear weapons program or enough high-grade uranium to produce a bomb.

Even the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and Trump’s pal in Jerusalem, Bibi Netanyahu, admit that 60% enrichment is not 90%, the percentage required to make a bomb.

Administration advocates are therefore reduced to claiming that the US bombed Iran solely on “suspicious intentions,” which is exactly what the George W. Bush Administration used as a pretext to attack a practically defenseless Iraq in 2003.

A criminal charge based on a that claim would get the plaintiff tossed out, if not laughed out, of every courtroom in the United States.

The marvelously choreographed US stealth attack on Iran, long urged by Israel, was based on protecting not just Israel’s security, but its total domination of the Middle East with US backing. There are two things wrong with that policy. Neither a secure ally in Jerusalem nor a steady partner in Washington supports it.

Israel is a tiny country in a vast area and cannot hope to forever dominate the countries around it, as a glance at the map will demonstrate. The thin margin in the Israeli Knesset is sure to be unstable. Then too, American support is variable, depending on public attitudes, budget constraints, a volatile Congress, and events and political parties that change over time.

The main reason for the 2003-2011 war, that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, was false. The claim of the G.W. Bush Administration that the US faced the threat of a “mushroom cloud” over Washington was a wild fantasy. Vice President Cheney went so far as to say that there is “no doubt” that Iraq already has WMD.

The idea that Iraq somehow supported the 9/11 attacks against the US was also untrue. None of the reasons given for the war were true—all were lies. The evidence was available and plain to see, but the war was started anyway.

The world was shocked when Israel went ahead and attacked Iran, presumably with a green light from Mr. Trump, only a few days before diplomatic talks were scheduled to begin. That deception is reminiscent of the deadly Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor that brought the United States into WW II while diplomacy was being simultaneously offered in Washington.

The fact is that this war has been advocated and planned for decades by Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu. If you use the WW II test for which side is guilty of blatant aggression, Hitler and his Axis allies in Tokyo or Roosevelt, you would say Hitler and Tojo.

Today the shoe is on the other foot. Israel and the United States, acting in concert, have indeed launched an illegal war of aggression (which defenders call “choice”) against Iran. No matter how many talking heads and newspapers cheer the attack, it was still illegal.

The UN charter has been breached and the American Constitution violated. What are US citizens going to do about it?

Violence cannot make friends, bring peace with 90 million Iranians whose sovereignty has been violated, or enable Israel to rule the Palestinian people. Their watchword is sumud, steadfast resistance.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

James E. Jennings, PhD is President of Conscience International

A bustling Kabul street near the unmarked stairway down to the women-only restaurant—located in a basement to ensure no women can be seen from outside, since they are barred from working or dining in public with men. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

It was a sunny winter day in Kabul. I decided to step out and take a stroll around my surroundings. With my long dress and hijab on, I left the house. Since I was not too far from home, I did not need the company of a Mahram, a male guard, by my side – a strict restriction placed on Afghan women by the Taliban.

Life in the city was bustling, children selling plastic bags by the roadside while ordinary people went about in various ways.

As I walked, my eyes caught a sign that indicated a restaurant for women only, serving a variety of local and national dishes. I was intrigued, given that in a city filled with numerous hotels and restaurants, mostly run by men, this particular one was operated by women catering to only women customers.

I decided to pursue further. The sign took me fifteen stairs deep into the basement of a building, where the women working in the restaurant could not be seen from outside.

 

From Home-Kitchen Hustle to Full-Blown Restaurant

I was met by a woman who friendly welcomed me. As I sat in the restaurant, memories of the past flooded my mind. I had visited restaurants with my family and friends prior to the Taliban takeover of our country. There used to be laughter, we shared meals and enjoyed each other’s company without fear or restriction.

We could sit together, converse openly, and enjoy life, free from the oppressive atmosphere that now defines our current situation. Those days were full of joy and possibility, and the memories are among the happiest I have ever had; now they feel like a distant, almost unreachable past.

A waitress snapped me back to the present as she took my order. I was curious to know how the women had managed to set up a workplace outside home in the heart of Kabul.

One of the proprietors who wanted to remain anonymous narrated the story: “My daughter and I were driven by unemployment and poverty into preparing delicious food at home and selling it online at low price”.

“The business gradually flourished, even though initially we made many mistakes”, said the young woman, a law degree holder, forced by the Taliban to abandon further studies.

After saving 800,000 Afghanis, and an additional 100,000 European Union support, they decided to start their own restaurant. The rented place has a fully equipped kitchen and a large hall for customers.

Inside the beautifully decorated walls, girls are busy preparing dough for bolani, a thin-crusted flat bread widely consumed in Afghanistan often filled with potatoes, leeks, grated pumpkin, or chives.

Due to the Taliban crack down on women outside home, the restaurant has become a lifeline to most of the women working there, who recently lost their jobs.

Among them is Wahida, a young girl who said she lost her job as an office worker. “It has been over three years since my colleagues and I lost our jobs with the arrival of the Taliban,” she said, adding, “I was left wondering what to do”.

But now with the opening of the women-only restaurant by the two enterprising women, she and ten of her colleagues, have had a salaried job for the past one month.

And that was precisely one of the motivations for Farhard and her mother opening the restaurant – creating jobs and providing financial independence for women who had been thrown out of jobs by the Taliban.

“Women’s work outside the home has brought great hope to the women working in our restaurant, because they can support their families with their salaries”, said Farhard.

“Besides that”, she continued, “a restaurant is a good source of income and reintroduces the culture of cooking authentic Afghan food for people in the most beautiful way possible”.

They are licensed by the Ministry of Commerce and their customer base is steadily increasing. The proprietors provide training in catering and service to applicants before hiring them.

 

Navigating the Tightrope of Taliban Rules

Ever since the Taliban burst onto the political scene four years ago with indiscriminate ban on women from working outside home, Afghan women are exploring income-generating business options. Tailoring and custom-made dressmaking are among the most common, while the restaurant sector also provides a viable alternative for many others.

This women-only restaurant can only operate because it strictly follows all Taliban rules. It’s located in a basement to ensure that no women can be seen from outside, as women are not allowed to work outside or eat in public with men.

They pay monthly taxes to the Taliban, all staff are women, and they follow hijab and other religious regulations set by the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice.

Yet in spite of the great lengths, which women take to generate incomes, the Taliban are still looming not far behind.

“Officials from the so-called Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice conduct weekly inspection visits to our restaurant,” complains Wahida.

The inspections, she says, “ensure that all the women are wearing their hijabs properly, with their faces covered, and dressed in the appropriate long dress, as the regulations demand”.

Apart from that, they thoroughly check the entire restaurant to ensure no men are working there, since women are strictly forbidden to work in the same place as men.

To the women working in the restaurant, these inspections are undoubtedly viewed as unnecessary harassment. They feel scrutinized and yet powerless to fight against it.

However, Wahida has a message for the brave Afghan women: “Don’t despair, find the small niches the private sector allows, and keep moving forward.”

 

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

By External Source
Jun 25 2025 (IPS-Partners)

 
The Commonwealth Climate Access Hub responds to the needs of its member countries, including their most vulnerable people to build resilience and climate-smart communities.

The hub, which started with USD 10 million ten years ago, now has supported countries to unlock close to USD 500 million in climate finance and has half a billion dollars worth of projects in the pipeline.

 

Donors talk about “African capacity” and “ownership,” while retaining the power to decide when, how, and even if the money will arrive. All of this is subject to the political tides and election cycles of the Global North. Credit: Flickr/UN Photo/Marie Frechon.

By External Source
ADDIS ABABA / NAIROBI, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

Imagine investing US$14 billion, or even slightly less, to achieve universal literacy in 17 African countries where more than half the adult population still cannot read or write . Pair that with another US$36 billion to connect Africa’s landlocked nations through 12,000 kilometres of new railway lines along priority transport corridors.

These are not distant ambitions; they are costed, achievable interventions. And even after financing both, donors would still have billions left — if they had honoured the $71.74 billion in aid they pledged to Africa but never delivered.

The truth is the aid system is not “broken.” It’s working the same way it always has. Instead of transforming the Global South, the architecture of the aid system stabilizes the Global North. It protects commercial and foreign interests, rather than prioritizing efforts to end abject poverty

Over the last two decades, G7 and multilateral donors committed $292 billion of aid to Africa. But $71.74 billion of the promised funds were never disbursed. This is not mere bureaucratic slippage, it is Overseas Development Aid (ODA) debt: development funds owed but withheld. It is a debt that undermines the very premise of partnership.

Even when aid does arrive, it’s too short-term to support structural transformation. G7 projects now last an average of just 3.18 years, far below the standard five-year cycles of African national development plans.

In conflict-affected and fragile states, the durations are even shorter. Across all contexts, the problem is compounded by chronic disbursement delays: by year five, one-third of committed aid remains undelivered.

The African Union has declared 2025 the Year of Reparations, a recognition that today’s development crisis cannot be understood without considering centuries of slavery and colonial history and their continuation under the current global economic systems. But reparations are not just about the past.

They directly address the continuing drain on Africa’s potential while dressing up inequality in the language of “aid” and “development cooperation.”

The truth is the aid system is not “broken.” It’s working the same way it always has. Instead of transforming the Global South, the architecture of the aid system stabilizes the Global North. It protects commercial and foreign interests, rather than prioritizing efforts to end abject poverty.

Aid flows are often tied to commercial conditions, such as requiring recipient governments to purchase goods and services from the donor country. These arrangements boost the donor’s exports and support its domestic industries.

At the same time, aid enables donor countries to maintain political influence in strategic regions, aligning development cooperation with their foreign policy goals. It is neither altruism nor an attempt to correct historic injustice. Rather, it is an economic strategy cloaked in moral obligation.

Donors talk about “African capacity” and “ownership,” while retaining the power to decide when, how, and even if the money will arrive. All of this is subject to the political tides and election cycles of the Global North.

We are told to be accountable, yet the aid system itself remains deeply unaccountable. France has proposed slashing its development aid budget by 40%, despite having passed a law this year to increase its aid to meet the UN’s target of at least 0.7% of gross national income dedicated to ODA.

Belgium has announced a 25% cut. Meanwhile, the United States’ sweeping aid reductions have hit Africa particularly hard, undermining programs in health, nutrition, and food security. More Global North countries are expected to follow suit including Germany, the world’s second-largest ODA provider.

These are not isolated policy choices. These are symptoms of a global architecture that was never designed to deliver justice.

This is why the African Union’s Year of Reparations must become a rallying cry. Reparations are not just about colonial theft; they confront the ongoing conditions that perpetuate continued economic exploitation. The same extractive patterns that fuelled slavery and colonial empires now manifest in trade agreements, debt regimes, tax havens, and the aid system.

In this system, “global partnership” often feels more like containment. What is offered as “solidarity” is underpinned by hierarchy. This kind of “support” is not aid – it is managed underdevelopment.

Justice can be pursued through existing global and African-led mechanisms — from UN-led platforms such as the Financing for Development (FfD) process, to emerging African-led financing reforms. This is a call for meaningful political will to reorient the system.

Here’s what must change:

1. Reframe aid as a tool of justice, not charity.

Development cooperation must be grounded in historical obligation and global solidarity, not donor discretion. Africa needs long-term, predictable financing aligned with national priorities, not three-year projects designed in Brussels or Washington.

2. Make aid commitments enforceable.

The 0.7% target cannot remain symbolic. Donor pledges must be backed by binding frameworks, regular reporting, and consequences for non-compliance.

3. Dismantle the colonial architecture of aid.

Aid delivery systems must shift control to African institutions. The current model, designed around donor risk management and political optics, must give way to one centred on recipient sovereignty.

4. Decisively deal with the commitment–disbursement gap.

Delays in disbursing committed aid are breaches of trust that must carry consequences. There is no justification for donors to operate without accountability when African governments often face penalties or interest for delayed payments.

The $71.74 billion that Africa was promised but never received over the past 20 years could have done so much. It still can – if it is repaid.

Africa is not asking for generosity. It is asserting its right to fairness, redress, and a future shaped on its own terms. Let us not pretend that another accountability dashboard or aid conference will fix this. The system must be reconstructed inclusively and grounded in justice—for Africa.

This article is co-authored by Martha Bekele (Co-founder, DevTransform), based in Addis Ababa, and Vitalice Meja (Executive Director, Reality of Aid – Africa), based in Nairobi.

Credit: Kacper Pempel/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

Poland’s embattled Prime Minister Donald Tusk emerged bruised but still standing after his government survived a parliamentary vote of confidence on 11 June. He’d called the vote, which he won by 243 to 210, just days after the presidential candidate of his Civic Platform (PO) party suffered an unexpected defeat.

Karol Nawrocki, an independent nationalist conservative backed by the former ruling Law and Justice Party (PiS) defeated liberal pro-European Union (EU) Warsaw Mayor Rafał Trzaskowski in a nail-biting presidential runoff. The result offers a broader test of Poland’s democratic resilience that could have implications across the EU.

The electoral blow

Nawrocki’s path to victory was anything but predictable. The 42-year-old former president of Poland’s Institute of National Remembrance had never held elected office before emerging as PiS’s chosen candidate. Yet his populist message resonated with frustrated voters.

Economic grievances provided fertile ground for nationalist appeals. Despite Poland’s relatively low unemployment, youth unemployment of over 10 per cent is an understandable source of anxiety for younger voters. Increasingly, they’re reacting by rejecting mainstream political offerings.

This helped cause the fragmented results of the 18 May first round. Trzaskowski won only 31.36 per cent of the vote and Nawrocki took 29.54 per cent. The combined vote share of right-wing candidates – Nawrocki and far-right politicians Grzegorz Braun and Sławomir Mentzen – exceeded polling expectations. Braun and Mentzen took over 21 per cent between them, thanks to the support of many young voters.

The 1 June runoff saw Nawrocki win 50.89 per cent to Trzaskowski’s 49.11 per cent, a margin of under two percentage points. Nawrocki took 64 per cent of the rural vote while Trzaskowski commanded 67 per cent in urban centres – an established geographic divide that reflects an enduring ideological division between a conservative, nationalist Poland and its liberal, cosmopolitan counterpart.

Election interference

Disinformation is helping fuel polarisation. The election campaign unfolded against a backdrop of foreign interference concerns that echoed troubling developments across the region – particularly in Romania, where the Supreme Court cancelled the 2024 presidential election due to evidence of Russian interference.

Just days before the first round, Poland’s Research and Academic Computer Network discovered evidence of potentially foreign-funded Facebook ads targeting all major candidates. According to an investigation by fact-checking organisation Demagog, TikTok was flooded with disinformation, particularly but not exclusively against Trzaskowski. The platform’s algorithm displayed far-right content twice as often as centrist or left-wing content to new users, with pro-Nawrocki videos appearing four times more frequently than pro-Trzaskowski content. Over 1,200 fake accounts systematically attacked Trzaskowski, while another 1,200 promoted Nawrocki.

The influence operation extended beyond individual character assassination to sowing distrust in the democratic process and sharing broader far-right narratives. Fake accounts systematically promoted anti-Ukrainian sentiment and anti-immigration conspiracy theories.

Donald Trump also gave Nawrocki an unprecedented level of support: he received him at the White House just before the election and sent his Homeland Security Secretary to campaign for him in Poland as she attended the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC). This year, CPAC, a US conservative platform, held two international events, in Hungary and Poland. The Polish one, timed to coincide with the runoff, offered a clear indication of how the nationalist far right has become internationalised.

Institutional paralysis

The viability of Tusk’s ideologically diverse coalition and his own political future have been called into question by the result. With critics in the Civic Coalition blaming the election defeat on the government’s communication failures and Tusk’s personal unpopularity, the confidence vote became a key test.

But even though Tusk has survived the confidence vote, it will be a tall order to implement the reforms needed to restore the democratic institutions that came under strain during the PiS administration. In eight years in power, PiS dismantled judicial independence, made public media its propaganda mouthpiece and undermined women’s rights by introducing one of Europe’s harshest anti-abortion laws. The new government’s attempts to reckon with this legacy had already been hampered by outgoing President Andrzej Duda, who used his veto power to block key reforms. Nawrocki will continue that, leaving Tusk unable to realise his promises to Polish voters and the EU.

The European Commission had counted on Tusk completing promised judicial reforms as it unlocked billions in pandemic recovery funds frozen over rule-of-law concerns during PiS rule. With progress now unlikely, the Commission faces the difficult decision of whether to maintain its funding even if the government’s unable to deliver promised changes.

Beyond the EU, Nawrocki’s foreign policy positions threaten to complicate Poland’s previously staunch backing of Ukraine. Although supportive of continued aid, Nawrocki has pledged to block any prospects of Ukraine joining NATO and prioritise Polish interests over refugee support.

High stakes

The razor-thin margin of victory in the presidential election, combined with record turnout of 72.8 per cent, tells a complex story of a divided society. While high participation suggests robust civic engagement, the deep polarisation reflected in the results reveals faultlines that extend far beyond conventional political disagreements.

The outcome offers further evidence that, when economic grievances aren’t addressed, institutional trust is allowed to erode and information environments are left vulnerable to manipulation, opportunistic politicians will exploit social divisions and anti-establishment anger.

For Poland, the coming years will test whether democratic institutions can withstand the pressures of sustained political deadlock. Poland faces potential institutional paralysis that could further erode public trust in democratic governance. Poland’s institutions will need to try to demonstrate their continuing effectiveness, and civil society and independent media will need to maintain their credibility, to help protect and nurture democratic values.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini on UN Reform and Civilian Power

By Sania Farooqui
BENGALURU, India, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

It has been 33 years since peacebuilding was formally recognized within the United Nations system, by the then UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, who defined it as a long-term structural work aimed at preventing the recurrence of violence, setting the stage for the UN’s ongoing efforts to address the root cause of conflict and not just its consequences. “Post-conflict peacebuilding is the action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict,” Boutros-Ghali said.

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Founder of International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)

As we move forward, the current times have seen escalating conflicts, rising authoritarianism, and the erosion of multilateral norms, a time when global peace and security architecture is being tested like never before. “Peace is not the absence of war, it’s the presence of justice, it’s the presence of inclusion, and leadership,” said Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Founder of International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN) to IPS News. According to her, the global peace infrastructure, particularly the United Nations, was built at a time when wars were largely interstate and diplomacy could occur between heads of state.

“Our entire system for peace and security was designed for interstate war. Wars today are often internal, asymmetrical, and increasingly state-non-state indistinct,” Sanam says. The change has outpaced mechanisms meant to manage it.

While the UN and the other multilateral institutions are still at the center, Sanam points out their shortcomings. “When great powers violate the rules, no one can hold them back,” she states. The fragility of international standards has been made clear by the immobility of international institutions in the face of aggression by the great powers, and that has has exposed the weakness of international norms.

“If we did not have the UN, we’d need one now”, Sanam says. However, she stresses that transformation is desperately needed, not just for institutions but also for mentality.

She argues that there is a clear choice: adopt inclusive, people-centered peacebuilding that leverages the legitimacy and abilities of actors closest to the ground or stick with a top-down, formulaic approach that hasn’t worked to address current crises.

“Today’s challenges include but are not limited to rising geopolitical tensions among nuclear-armed major powers, a seemingly inevitable climate catastrophe, technological changes that have the potential to remake every aspect of life, and the increasing powers and capabilities of non-state actors to reshape sub-national, national, and international affairs,” states this research by the Atlantic council.

The 2024 Multilateralism Index Report by International Peace Institute states that it is widely acknowledged that the multilateral systems are facing a series of crisis, and that international action in response to the wars in the Middle East, Ukraine, Sudan and Myanmar, and beyond has been largely confined to humanitarian assistance rather than peacemaking.

According to the report, and the surveys it conducted, majorities of people in most countries still have favourable views of the UN, want their country to be more involved in the UN, and believe the UN has made the world a better place. Majorities also agree that the UN promotes human rights, peace, democracy, action on infectious diseases and climate action. At the same time, perceptions of the UN varied widely by region, from strong support in Northern Europe and southeast Asia to low levels of trust across much of Latin America and the Middle East.

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the former president of Liberia, spoke about “Liberia’s story” in a video message during a recent event at the UN Headquarters commemorating the 20th anniversary of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). She said that it was a story of suffering, but also of hope.

The former president and Nobel Peace Prize winner stated, “a country that was once brought to its knees by a protracted struggle now stands as a testament to what is achievable when national will is matched by international solidarity.” “Liberia’s journey to peace could not be walked alone,” she stated, highlighting the role played by the international community through the UN and its peacekeeping Mission UNMIL, the African Union, the European Union, the regional bloc ECOWAS, and other organizations.

The United Nations peacebuilding architecture – which comprises of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), the Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO), and the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) marks its fourth review this year which is mandated by general Assembly resolution 75/201 and Security Council Resolution 2558. This review comes at a time of significant geopolitical divisions and escalating risks of conflict in many parts of the world, underscoring the urgent need to act on recommendations from current and past reviews.

“If I were in charge, I’d take this moment of UN reform as a real opportunity,” says Sanam. The opening line of the UN Charter, “We the people of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”, holds immense power. She argues that now is the time to put women, peace and security at the center of global peacemaking. “These agendas came from war zones. Women and youth are the most affected and also the most active in peacebuilding.” Sanam envisions peacebuilding as an ecosystem where the UN, states, international players, and local actors are all necessary, as each has a specific role to play. “Peace is a choice, but it’s a choice that takes courage, commitment, and creativity. It takes hearing from those too often ignored and believing in the ability of local actors to drive change,” Sanam says.

With more conflicts than any time in the last 30 years, and a record number of displaced persons worldwide, the stakes could not be higher. This conversation is not merely a breakdown of what is wrong – it’s a call to reimagine what peace could be, and who gets to build it.

Sania Farooqui is an independent journalist and host of The Sania Farooqui Show, a platform dedicated to amplifying the voices of women in peacebuilding and human rights.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini on UN Reform and Civilian Power

Muhammed Arshad shares a refreshing moment with his 4-year-old daughter, Ayesha, as they splash in a canal in Pakistan, finding relief from the heat. This follows an intense week-long heatwave that occurred in Pakistan in May 2024. Credit: UNICEF/Zaib Khalid

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

On June 23, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) released their State of the Climate in Asia 2024 report, detailing the acceleration of the climate crisis in Asia. The report underscores the rapid rises in temperatures recorded across the continent and their implications on economies, ecosystems, and livelihoods.

According to WMO, 2024 was recorded as the hottest year in human history, marked by “widespread and prolonged” heatwaves. Additionally, 2024 was the first time global temperatures exceeded 1.5°C above pre-industrial temperatures, marking a significant setback for the goals in the 2015 Paris Agreement.

“It is essential to recognize that every fraction of a degree of warming matters,” said WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo. “Whether it is at a level below or above 1.5C of warming, every additional increment of global warming increases the impacts on our lives, economies and our planet.”

The climate crisis has been particularly pronounced in Asia, which has warmed at nearly double the rate of the rest of the world. Throughout 2024, Asia has experienced widespread natural disasters and extreme weather patterns, as well as the hottest marine heatwaves ever recorded. Additionally, glaciers are melting at an unprecedented rate, while sea levels in the Pacific and Indian Oceans have risen well above the global average.

“The State of the Climate in Asia report highlights the changes in key climate indicators such as surface temperature, glacier mass and sea level, which will have major repercussions for societies, economies and ecosystems in the region. Extreme weather is already exacting an unacceptably high toll,” said Saulo. She added that immediate action is needed to save lives and ensure planetary longevity.

According to the report, Asia experienced extreme heat events throughout 2024, as well as several new record-highs in temperature across the continent. Powerful and persistent heatwaves were recorded in Southeast Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East, with Myanmar reaching a record-high temperature of 48.2°C. From April to November, extreme heat patterns loomed throughout East Asia, with Japan, Korea, and China reporting monthly average temperature records being broken one after the other.

In a 2025 assessment report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, it is projected that cold extremes will occur less frequently while heat extremes will become more common in the coming decades. The Japan Meteorological Agency reports that areas in South and Southeast Asia, as well as the region spanning from the Indian Ocean to the western North Pacific, are projected to face “above-normal temperatures”, along with heightened risks of manmade fires and compromised air quality.

The WMO report also states that these extreme heat patterns in Asia are to have a significant adverse effect on the cryosphere. The High-Mountain Asia (HMA) region, located on the Tibetan Plateau, contains the largest mass of glacial ice outside of the north and south poles, spanning nearly 100,000 square kilometers of glaciers. Over the course of 2024, extreme heat patterns in the area resulted in a significant loss of glacial ice, with the Urumqi Glacier No.1 in Tian Shan experiencing its greatest loss in mass since 1959.

Additionally, the oceanic region in Asia has experienced significant ocean surface warming over the past few decades, which entails the disruption of numerous marine ecosystems, biodiversity loss, and reduced ocean health. Average sea temperatures in Asia have increased by roughly 0.24°C annually, which is nearly double the global average rate.

WMO estimates that between August and September 2024, roughly 15 million square kilometers, or one-tenth of the Earth’s entire ocean surface, was impacted by ocean surface warming, with the northern Indian Ocean and the waters surrounding Japan being especially affected. Furthermore, low-lying coastal communities residing by the Pacific and Indian Oceans are at heightened risks of flooding due to rampant sea level rises in those areas.

Throughout 2024, natural disasters and extreme weather events have ravaged communities across Asia, destroying critical civilian infrastructure, claiming thousands of lives, and wiping out livelihoods. Last July in northern India, violent landslides following a monsoon resulted in over 350 deaths. Two months later, severe flooding in Nepal killed over 246 people and resulted in damages of civilian infrastructure exceeding USD 94 million. In China, heatwaves triggered droughts that damaged over 335,200 hectares of crops, which is worth approximately $400 million USD.

WMO underscores the importance of anticipatory action and monitoring to build up resilience in vulnerable communities in Asia. A successful example of this was seen following the floods in Nepal last September, in which early flood monitoring systems enabled civilians to evacuate beforehand and allowed humanitarian workers to access the hardest-hit areas promptly and effectively.

“This is the first time in 65 years that the flooding was this bad. We had zero casualties thanks to preparedness and rescue measures, but the damage was extensive,” said Ramesh Karki, the Mayor of Barahakshetra, a municipality in Eastern Nepal.

In May of this year, climate experts, stakeholders, and policymakers convened in Singapore for the 2025 Climate Group Asia Action Summit, in which they discussed ways to fight the climate crisis and assist vulnerable communities in Asia. Most agreed that the implementation of sustainable practices is the most effective way to offset carbon emissions and reduce global temperatures.

“We should join hands to promote the sustainability of the global renewables industry…Vigorously developing renewable energy has become an important measure to help countries speed up green development and slow down global climate change,” said Yuechun Yi, the First Deputy Director-General of the China Renewable Energy Engineering Institute.

Furthermore, a host of experts agreed that it is imperative that governments have access to cutting-edge data on the acceleration of the climate crisis so that they can implement anticipatory measures to prevent large-scale disasters.
“To be resilient, the measures need to be hyper local. You need to look at local conditions. What’s happening on the ground? You need more computational power to get data at the level. Google is working with national authorities to provide information to help communities become more resilient,” said Spencer Low, the Head of Regional Sustainability at Google Asia-Pacific (APAC).

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Photo Credit: WHO
 
The Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4), to take place in Sevilla, Spain, from 30 June to 3 July 2025, will bring together world leaders to advance solutions to financing challenges threatening the achievement of sustainable development. Governments, international organizations, financial institutions, businesses and civil society will come together to commit to financing our future through a renewed global framework for financing for development.

By José Antonio Ocampo
BOGOTA, Colombia, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

Leaders heading to the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development taking place in Sevilla, Spain, from 30th June to 3rd July, know full well that they are operating in a moment of crisis.

They can see that public financing is not merely constrained, it is choked, and that the social consequences, already severe, risk becoming catastrophic. What leaders need to understand is not that they are in a hole, but that there is a way out. They can overcome the financing crisis and replace the doom loop of austerity with an upward spiral of social and fiscal success.

The scale of change in financing that is needed to overcome the crisis requires that the very welcome agreements set to be made at the gathering in Sevilla mark not an end point, easing pressures, but a starting point, enabling profound reform. The only realistic response to this crisis is a systemic one.

Leaders need not only to put in place debt relief for overindebted developing countries, including reductions in principals and in interest payments. They need to work to create a permanent institutional mechanism for sovereign-debt restructuring. They need to enable a major expansion of long-term, low-cost financing through regional and global development finance institutions.

José Antonio Ocampo

Leaders need not only to strengthen coordination to prevent tax avoidance. They need to work, through the negotiations for the United Nations framework convention on international tax cooperation, to reallocate taxation rights fairly among all countries where multinational firms do business. They need to raise the global effective minimum tax on multinationals’ profits, and to introduce minimum standards for the taxation of the richest individuals.

Leaders need not only to halt the freefall of development financing. They need to work to redesign financing for the twenty-first century. Embodying hope that a transformation can be realised is the growing momentum for global public investment. Colombia, Chile, Norway, South Africa and Uruguay are amongst the countries leading the call.

South Africa’s leadership of the G20’s Development Working Group has even named “global public goods and global public investment” as its “number one priority”, “aimed at the construction of a new architecture of international cooperation”.

Over fifty civil society organisations are also backing the call for global public investment, including the International Treatment Preparedness Coalition, Southern Voice, CIVICUS, and Global Citizen. A new multistakeholder commitment to advance the implementation of global public investment will be a key initiative in the financing conference’s flagship Sevilla Platform for Action.

Global public investment provides a new approach for how countries can think about, organise, and oversee the financing of global challenges. It is rooted in three principles: all benefit from the outcomes; all contribute according to their means; all decide together.

The first principle of global public investment, that all benefit from the outcomes, demonstrates that international cooperation in financing is not charity, it is collective self-interest. We need each other; we can’t afford not to cooperate with each other to achieve shared goals.

The second principle, that all contribute according to their means, helps to show everyone playing their part, which is essential both for ensuring backing and for reshaping countries’ relationships, status and power.

The third principle, that all decide together, enables equality and quality in the direction and oversight of resourcing.

The global public investment approach recognises that the crisis we are in is not only fiscal but ultimately political – a crisis of multilateralism, of collective action. It meets the world’s need for a more effective way for countries to collaborate, and for a more effective way to justify why they do. It shows that looking out for each other is how we protect ourselves; it demonstrates that through pooling of resources everyone wins out.

Though the current crisis in financing was exacerbated suddenly this year, it has been building for much longer. For years, leaders have been struggling to mobilise and structure the resourcing of public goods. But they need to resist the temptation to lower ambition. They cannot afford to settle for approaches that have been shown to not deliver. Retreating from public financing, or retreating from international cooperation, will only worsen the impacts of the global crisis.

The evidence is clear that private financing, though vital, cannot replace public financing. So too, the record shows that national action, though central, is insufficient for protecting global public goods. For the challenges we face, building a new international architecture based around global public investment is both necessary and feasible.

Global public investment harnesses both the power of mutual interest – that we are interdependent – and the power of mutuality – that we achieve more by working together. It is an approach whose time has come.

Sevilla is just the start.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

José Antonio Ocampo is Former UN Under-Secretary-General; Former Minister of Finance of Colombia; Professor at Columbia University, Member of the UN Committee for Development Policy and Advisor of Club de Madrid

Ongoing negotiations at Bonn, Germany, during the ongoing SB62. Credit: UNFCCC

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR & BONN, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

A packed conference room buzzing with the energy of over 300 national experts, negotiators, and implementers discussed their submissions of the First Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs) during the 62nd session of the Subsidiary Body for Implementation (SB62) negotiations taking place in Bonn, Germany.

The workshop was convened as part of the ongoing SB62 under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and was being held at a crucial time for global climate governance, providing a rare and vital platform for countries to exchange honest reflections on their first forays into enhanced climate transparency.

Daniele Violetti, Senior Director at the UNFCCC, while offering a snapshot of global progress, said, “As of today, 103 Biennial Transparency Reports have been submitted, of which 67 are from developing countries, including 15 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS).”

The reports, which were due in December last year under the Paris Agreement’s Enhanced Transparency Framework, aim to enhance transparency and build trust among parties to the UNFCCC by providing a regular update on progress towards climate goals.

He lauded the extensive support provided through the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and other agencies, noting, “We at the UNFCCC Secretariat remain fully committed to collaborating with partners and enhancing the capacity of developing countries.”

Over the past five months, the Secretariat convened 17 country support events attended by 319 national experts and 11 sub-regional and regional workshops with 373 experts from 112 developing countries. Additionally, 1,700 review experts were certified under the BTR Technical Expert Review Training Program.

“This is a meaningful and valuable learning experience under the Paris Agreement,” Violetti said, stressing the importance of “reflection and mutual learning” to build “stronger national transparency systems that will serve countries well beyond this reporting cycle.”

The workshop’s agenda moved from introductory remarks to a series of concise presentations by key implementing agencies: the Global Environment Facility (GEF), Conservation International (CI), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).

Esteban Bermudez Forn, Climate Change Specialist from the GEF stated that the Facility has supported the preparation of 163 BTRs in 111 countries, including multiple reports from countries advancing to their second and third BTRs. “We encourage countries to see GEF support as a savings account—prepare your BTR, but also request access to ensure you have resources available when you need them,” he advised.

Highlighting  the continued availability of funds, Forn  said, “We still have USD 92 million available under the current replenishment cycle. Please, if you haven’t requested support from the GEF, do it as soon as possible before the replenishment cycle ends.”

Ricardo Urlate of Conservation International spotlighted the importance of nurturing local talent, referencing a project in Rwanda that partners the government with academia. “Normally, there is a big dependency on external experts—very expensive experts from outside—and this is something that cannot continue if countries want to be more efficient and engaged,” he warned.

Through the Evidence-Based Climate Reporting Initiative, Rwanda’s Environmental Management Authority and the African Institute of Mathematical Sciences trained over 50 staff in data analysis, climate modeling, and greenhouse gas inventories. Ricardo emphasized, “The important thing is that there are a lot of options… to identify at the country level which is the one that better fits their own needs and priorities.”

CI also highlighted a sub-regional project with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), which aims to build capacity for enhanced transparency across member countries. “Reporting and transparency are two of the key elements they are supporting,” Ricardo said, pointing to the value of regional approaches.

FAO’s Marcel Bernhofs drew attention to a persistent challenge: finding appropriate executing agencies with the managerial capacity to lead projects. “This gap can create bottlenecks and delay implementation, slowing down the preparation and submission of funding requests,” he observed.

FAO’s approach emphasizes on-the-ground engagement, leveraging regional and national teams. Their Capacity Building Initiative for Transparency (CBIT) and Forestry and Other Land Use (FOLU) project, for example, “provides easy-to-access and knowledgeable technical experts” and focuses on supporting agriculture and land use sectors—areas that are “not easy, where we are really struggling quite a lot to do a good job,” Marcel acknowledged.

Marcel also stressed the importance of language accessibility: “Sometimes working in English is fine, but we also need, when we enter the detail and close discussion, to use the national languages.” FAO’s capacity-building activities, including a recent forest monitoring course in three languages, supported 2,500 participants from 141 countries.

The Value of Timely Technical Assistance

Richmond Azee from UNDP shared practical lessons on the importance of selecting the right executing partners and providing timely technical assistance. “Never let [countries] work alone on the BTRs but be ready beside them with some resources… to provide technical assistance as soon as possible and as needed to unlock some issues and overcome some challenges,” he advised.

He cited Guinea-Bissau’s experience aligning multiple reporting requirements and Niger’s successful correction of technical errors in their submission, both facilitated by UNDP’s hands-on support. “As a result, Guinea-Bissau, an LDC, submitted its BTR before December 2024… and Niger submitted on time, enhancing their understanding for the next cycle of BTRs.”

Funding Modalities and Sustainability Susanne Lecoyote, dialing in from UNEP, addressed the evolving funding modalities.

“Out of the total 111 countries that have accessed funding so far for BTRs, UNEP has supported 66,” she stated, describing how diverse modalities—such as bundled projects—help tailor support and ensure continuity for countries as they move through reporting cycles.

Susanne explained the streamlined approval process for expedited funding, typically taking just three to four months. She encouraged project coordinators to “be flexible to start preparing proposals while you are concluding your reports… do not mind about the technical review comments, because when they come in, we will provide a room for you to make amendments if needed.”

UNEP’s CBIT-GSP (Global Support Program) is a hub of collaboration, she said, “working closely with the Consultative Group of Experts, Climate Promise, Pacific Adaptation to Climate Change (PACC), Implementation and Coordination of Agricultural Research & Training (ICART) and many other initiatives to make sure that transparency-related services are provided to all countries, irrespective of whether they are supported by UNEP or other agencies.”

National Ownership and the Importance of Coordination

Rajan Dhappa from WWF shared Nepal’s experience, celebrating the country’s recent submission of its first BTR and its third Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), making Nepal the first in South Asia to do so.

“We tried our best to submit the document with the best available data and information. But BTR is a time-taking process; it requires coordination among agencies and also the technical and financial support,” he reflected.

He stressed the centrality of government ownership: “If there is a high level of ownership and if they tend to implement such projects… then every project gets a success result or every project receives its intended goal on time.”

Nepal’s work on establishing a national Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) mechanism is expected to pay dividends for future reporting.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A new solar power plant at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

By Farai Shawn Matiashe
MUTARE, Zimbabwe, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

When load shedding was introduced over the past two years, Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa had to deal with learning disruptions worsened by the backup generators in the eastern part of Zimbabwe.

Apart from the noise and air pollution from the diesel-powered generators, the backup system did not run the whole night.

“It was disruptive,” says the 26-year-old from Angola, who is studying Education at Africa University, a United Methodist Church-related institution.

“You have an assignment due and you are still researching online and if the electricity goes off, you cannot meet the deadline.”

Lumboa is lucky not to have missed the deadline for any of his assignments, but most of his fellow students have been missing deadlines due to rolling power cuts.

Students Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa and Maria Kwikiriza at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

A new solar mini-grid at AU, just outside Zimbabwe’s third-largest city of Mutare, is changing the lives of students like Lumboa.

The 250 kilowatt solar power plant, officially commissioned on 6 June, has 590 solar panels, a 250 kilovolt inverter system and a 600 kilowatt-hour battery bank.

The lithium batteries have a lifespan of 25 years.

The system is providing uninterrupted power to the AU’s main campus, including student hostels and laboratories.

“Annually, we had to spend a minimum of USD 216,000. That was our energy bill. Our maximum will be around USD 240,000. So, we will save around USD 240,000 per year,” says Professor Talon Garikayi, a deputy Vice Chancellor at AU, an engineer overseeing the solar power project.

In 2024, the southern African nation was hit by a punishing drought fueled by El Niño, a climate phenomenon that can worsen dry spells or storms, extreme weather events increasingly linked to climate change.

This led to a sharp drop in water levels in Lake Kariba, home to the country’s main hydropower plant, which is shared with Zambia.

The authorities were forced to roll out load shedding schedules lasting for more than 18 hours.

Lake Kariba was generating less than 20 percent of its installed capacity of 1050 megawatts (MW) at the time.

Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa, a student at Africa University working on his laptop. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

In April 2024, the government declared the drought a national disaster—the worst in 40 years—which left more than half the population food insecure.

Institutions like AU had to turn to diesel-powered generators, which are expensive to run.

And students like Lumboa had to bear the brunt of load shedding at AU.

Reverend Alfiado Zunguza, AU Board of Directors chairperson, says this makes education expensive.

“We felt like it was critical to invest in this solar power plant to ensure the university continues to be reliable in its operations and its systems that are critical in advancing the knowledge of the continent,” he says.

“The university was spending USD 240,000 a year for electricity, making education expensive. So we want to reduce the cost of education at AU, making it more affordable to as many people as possible.”

He says in the long run, AU is saving more, and the funds can be channeled towards infrastructure development, research labs, and capacity building.

The Zimbabwe government, through its National Energy Policy, is planning to generate 2,100 MW by 2030 from renewable energy and biofuels like ethanol.

Maria Kwikiriza, who is from Uganda and is studying law, says that by investing in renewable energy, the institution is contributing to a clean environment.

Lithium batteries at the new solar power plant at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

“The campus is now quiet. The oil from the generator was affecting my breathing. We now have access to WiFi all night, which is essential for our studying,” says the 25-year-old who has asthma.

Zimbabwe, a country of 15.1 million people, has 62 percent electricity access and relies heavily on coal and hydropower for its energy needs.

The AU is improving electricity access to the community through its new solar power plant.

Reverend Peter Mageto, AU vice chancellor, says his institution is releasing electricity, which will benefit surrounding communities.

“So, we are glad that we are venturing into this so that the electricity supply authorities can provide electricity to the underserved communities,” he says, adding that this project is part of the AU’s strategic plan running from 2023 to 2027.

Mageto, who is from Kenya, says he brought with him lessons learned from Kenya, which is one of the nations doing well in renewable energy in Africa.

Dr. James Salley, chief executive officer of Africa University, Tennessee, says the solar mini-grid was funded by AU Tennessee Corporation, which founded AU Zimbabwe more than 30 years ago.

“No donor provided funding for this project and that is the uniqueness of it. That is what I am talking about—sustainability,” says Salley, who is also the associate vice chancellor for institutional advancement at AU.

Garikayi says AU is working to generate 1.4 MW by October, enough to cover the university’s farm and its residential areas.

This solar power plant will become the biggest in Manicaland Province after a 200 kW solar mini-grid in Hakwata in Chipinge, a 140 kW solar power plant at Victoria Chitepo Provincial Hospital and a 150 kW solar power plant at Mutambara Mission Hospital, funded by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

He says if he has excess electricity, it will be extended to nearby Old Mutare, which has a school, an orphanage, and a hospital.

“We will be able to say there are 1,200 business units within Manicaland. Everyone within the region can now use the energy we would have been allocated,” Garikayi says, adding that the AU will reduce the load from the national grid.

Lumbo is planning to replicate this solar power plant in his country, Angola.

“I was talking to my fellow countrymen about taking this technology back home. It improves students’ welfare and boosts our confidence,” he says.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Finland now ranks first in global sustainable development goals progress. Barbados is ahead globally in its commitment to UN multilateralism or cooperation among multiple nations. Only 17 percent of sustainable development goals (SDG) targets are on track for 2030, according to the Sustainable Development Report 2025 (SDR) released today by the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN) […]

The United Nations Headquarters in New York. Credit: Unsplash/Nils Huenerfuerst

By Maximilian Malawista
NEW YORK, Jun 24 2025 (IPS)

The world is losing interest in investing in others, especially when it comes to humanitarian aid. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has slowed to critical levels, weakening emerging markets and further slowing growth across developing nations.

As of 2025, FDI has dwindled to its lowest levels yet, largely due to heightened trade tensions among barriers for international investment. Lowered levels of FDI indicate a move to domestic and isolationist efforts, increasing the likelihood of failed budgetary cooperation to international intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations.

This is already evident in the UN’s budgets for the Secretariat and for humanitarian aid operations. With many of the UN’s largest donors deciding to cut back on their contributions, the organization will now see a 20 percent reduction in its workforce (6,900 jobs), in addition to sizing down humanitarian aid operations globally. On June 20th, Spokesperson for the Secretary General Stéphane Dujarric remarked, “no office in the UN will be exempt from the 20 percent reduction, and that includes the Secretary General’s office.” This would suggest that the cuts have been brought on due to the reduced budget, and not a want for managerial optimization of the UN’s staff. Under U.S. President Donald Trump, nearly USD 1.5 billion in missed payments have contributed to a USD 3.7 billion budget cut to the UN. This financial strain has been further exacerbated by multiple overdue payments from China. Together, China and the U.S. make up a little over 40 percent of the UN’s total budget.

These cuts have also been seen across the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), where “the deepest funding cuts ever to hit the international humanitarian sector” have occurred. This has resulted in resulting in OCHA to presenting their new global “hyper-prioritized” appeal, aimed at supporting 114 million people facing life threatening necessities worldwide. The new plan asks for USD 29 billion in funding, a decrease of USD 15 billion called for in the previous plan.

“We have been forced into a triage of human survival,” said Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator .“The math is cruel, and the consequences are heartbreaking. Too many people will not get the support they need, but we will save as many lives as we can with the resources we are given.”

The Global Humanitarian Overview for 2025 originally called for USD 44 billion and aimed to reach about 180 million people out of the nearly three hundred million in need. However as of June, only USD 5.6 billion has been received, less than 13 per cent of the appeal. As a result, aid will be disbursed not purely by human necessity, but by cruel and cold calculations.

With the new calculations, the new plan was designed with three goals. Firstly, by reaching the people facing the most urgent conditions, using a scale ranking humanitarian need for aid, prioritizing cases that reached level 4 (Extreme) and level 5 (Catastrophic) as a starting point for disbursement. Second, the prioritization of life-saving support, according to the planning already concluded in the 2025 Humanitarian Response. Third, ensuring that limited resources are directed based on where they can do the best, accounting for speed of disbursement capabilities.

In his statement on the situation, Fletcher concluded by saying: “Brutal funding cuts leave us with brutal choices. All we ask is 1 percent of what you chose to spend last year on war. But this isn’t just an appeal for money – it’s a call for global responsibility, for human solidarity, for a commitment to end the suffering.”

The Investment-Aid Correlation

Credit: Unsplash/Salah Darwish

The shortfall in humanitarian aid funding has directly coincided with global FDI pull backs, reflecting an investor who is less donor-confident, having a decreased interest in bilateral engagement, and overall lack of security about putting money towards fragile states. For the 2023 financial year, developing economies received USD435 billion in FDI (which was USD 867 billion in 2022), the lowest since 2005. A larger slowdown has also been seen for advanced/high-income economies receiving USD 336 billion in 2023, the lowest since 1996. FDI as a portion of gross domestic product (GDP) accounted for 2.3 percent of developing economies in 2023, which is only half of what it was in 2008 at its peak year.

To combat the shortfalls of decreased FDI, The World Bank identified a three-policy priority plan, specifically for developing economies. The first priority would be to “redouble efforts to attract FDI” by easing restrictions and speeding up investment. According to the World Bank, a 1 percent increase in countries’ labor productivity has been associated with a 0.7 percent increase in FDI inflows.

The second priority would be to “amplify the economic benefits of FDI”, which will involve offering a greater quality of development post investment, and uplifting sectors that create opportunities for underrepresented groups. The third priority would be to “advance global cooperation” by creating initiatives to increase multi-sectoral/international flows, offering geopolitical relief, and creating structures to support developing economies.

By boosting FDI, this plan would also encourage UN member states to expand or maintain their current humanitarian contributions. FDI can be seen as a signal for the depth of global connectedness, with stronger investment flows reinforcing a shared commitment to the delivering of aid. To establish the most efficient system, everyone is needed, and that includes the mobilization of capital and communication. An increase in FDI provides a crucial backbone for countries struggling with crises. While the UN can support and implement as many aid plans as possible, true impact depends on the individual state’s willingness to invest in these developing nations. Without this investment, these economies will remain stagnant, unable to recover and grow, falling behind the world stage indefinitely.

At the same time, official development assistance (ODA) globally is also on a downward trend.

IPS UN Bureau

 

The Secretariat Building at United Nations Headquarters, in New York. Credit: UN Photo/Rick Bajornas

By Nathalie Meynet
GENEVA, Jun 24 2025 (IPS)

“We are writing to you regarding the cuts being undertaken under the UN80 Initiative and, more broadly, across the UN system. While we are mindful of the current funding challenges, we believe that the rushed and chaotic manner in which these changes are being implemented is causing deeper harm to both the effectiveness and reputation of the United Nations.

The “slash and burn” approach adopted under the UN80 plan, led by Mr. Guy Ryder, adviser to the Secretary-General, risks not only damaging our mission and harming our beneficiaries; it is also proving costly at a time when the Organization can least afford it.

Furthermore, many of the changes are likely to be reversed in the future, as the next Secretary-General works to re-establish coherence and relevance within the system.

In terms of the mission of the United Nations, the consequences of the lack of funding are already stark. An evaluation of the impact suggests that 23 million fewer people affected by humanitarian crises will receive assistance. There could be 4.2 million additional AIDS-related deaths. It means millions of children at risk of being pushed out of school— with an estimated 250,000 in Sudan alone.

It also means that support for the energy transition, development financing, and counterterrorism efforts will be weakened. While developing countries will be the first and hardest hit, many of these impacts will be global. As noted by outgoing UNDP Administrator Achim Steiner in the Financial Times, we are witnessing a “structural destruction of capacity.”

The funding cuts are already causing serious harm, with experienced frontline workers— especially national staff in developing countries—being dismissed with little notice, as well as international colleagues who have served in some of the most complex and high-risk environments.

The management of the UN80 process under Mr. Ryder, risks deepening the crisis and raises serious issues about coherence and vision. It begins with a poor understanding of mandates. For example, leaked proposals have suggested merging the United Nations with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, an idea that is not only unfeasible but fundamentally misunderstands the roles of these institutions.

Even for those organizations more integrated within the UN system, no thought has been given to how these ideas could realistically be implemented, or of the appropriate role of Member States. For instance, the suggestion to merge the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration would weaken rights protections under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

These proposals also reflect the arbitrary way task force members were appointed, meaning that some entities and development mandates are voiceless in the process. We see a risk that some senior managers will seize the opportunity to expand their own entities at the expense of others.

In a recent staff townhall, Mr. Ryder admitted that the reform process is being conducted “back to front”, as strategic decisions will only be made after there had been a 20% ‘across the board cut’ of Secretariat posts within the United Nations, adding to the thousands of positions across the wider UN system.

This means that while discussions under UN80 are ongoing, managers are being forced to make difficult and unnecessary choices without a clear rationale. This rushed approach also carries significant financial costs.

We estimate that each staff termination or relocation costs $100,000 once indemnities, relocation, and training are factored in. Across the system, this will amount to a minimum of $930 million in costs to Member States, with no suggestion of how this will be paid for. As seen in previous rushed downsizing efforts, new staff will quickly have to be (re)hired, incurring further expenses.

We have urged Mr. Ryder, once a respected champion of social dialogue, to begin by identifying how the strengths of the UN system can be aligned with the needs of our beneficiaries to maximize impact at both the global and country levels, and make the UN fit for the future.

Reform should be guided by these principles and informed by inclusive consultation, recognizing that colleagues on the ground often have a more accurate understanding of how the UN operates, rather than senior management in New York.

Unfortunately, our appeals have gone unacknowledged. We therefore hope that you, the Member States, will scrutinize the UN80 process thoroughly; to consider the damage it may inflict on the effectiveness of the United Nations, and to support a more strategic and sustainable approach to restructuring and financing the UN system.”

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Nathalie Meynet, President of the 60,000-strong Coordinating Committee for International Staff Unions and Associations (CCISUA), in a letter to Philémon Yunji Yang, President of the General Assembly and to Ambassadors and Permanent Representatives accredited to the United Nations in New York.

By CIVICUS
Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the closure of offices of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Mexico with members of Integral Human Rights In Action (DHIA), a Mexican civil society organisation (CSO) that promotes and defends human rights in contexts of mobility.

In May, the UNHCR announced it would be closing four of its 12 offices in Mexico due to funding cuts following Donald Trump’s decision to freeze US$700 million in funding to the agency. This will result in around 200 people losing their jobs and a 30 per cent reduction in the UNHCR’s global operational capacity. Mexico received almost 80,000 asylum applications in 2024, and this reduction in institutional capacity comes at a time when demand for protection services is intensifying, placing a disproportionate burden on CSOs with limited resources.

What are the consequences of the closure of UNHCR offices?

The reduction in the UNHCR’s presence has created multiple crises. The closure of several offices has drastically limited refugees’ access to counselling, legal support and basic services such as medical care. However, the impact goes further: the UNHCR funds the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance, and reduced support could seriously weaken the agency’s ability to respond to the increase in asylum applications, particularly given the significant backlogs it was already experiencing.

The situation is further complicated by the fact that the National Migration Institute has also stopped issuing visitor cards for humanitarian reasons. This leaves many refugees without immigration documentation, exposing them to arbitrary detention and hindering their access to formal employment. In many cases, this leads them to abandon the asylum application process altogether. While applications were resolved in three days to six weeks in 2024, there are currently cases where the wait exceeds three months. This is part of an institutional setback that threatens the exercise of fundamental rights.

What risks do refugee women and girls face?

Refugee women and girls often experience a cycle of violence that is not broken by migration. They flee their countries of origin to escape gender-based violence, but this violence continues along migration routes. During transit, they lack access to sexual and reproductive healthcare, including menstrual products, antenatal care and family planning services.

On arrival in Mexico, they encounter further obstacles in their quest for childcare, continued education and decent employment. These difficulties are exacerbated by the absence of local support networks that could facilitate their integration.

How is civil society responding?

In the face of funding cuts, Mexican civil society has taken a leading role in the humanitarian response. Civil society’s strength lies in its in-depth knowledge of the context and refugees’ needs, which enables it to tailor its services to diverse groups.

However, the impact of the funding cuts is undeniable. Many of these organisations were previously supported by the UNHCR and provided legal advice during the asylum application process, significantly increasing chances of success.

In this context, Mexico needs the support of the international community, particularly the states that have adopted the Cartagena Declaration – the regional framework for the protection of refugees in Latin America – to strengthen regional cooperation and ensure the protection, integration and regularisation of displaced people. At the same time, the Mexican state must take responsibility and allocate resources to address human mobility, fulfilling its international commitments with a long-term vision.

What are the local financing alternatives?

Mexico has mechanisms that could be activated. One option would be to reactivate the public calls for proposals of the National Institute for Social Development, a scheme in which CSOs compete for funds to help migrants and refugees. For this to work, these calls must be governed by the principles of transparency, shared responsibility and citizen participation.

There are also more innovative state models. In Chihuahua state, for instance, the Chihuahua Business Foundation and the Trust for Competitiveness and Citizen Security have successfully channelled business funds into state-supervised trusts via taxes. These resources fund services in areas such as education, food and public safety, which are awarded through public calls for proposals. This model could be replicated in other parts of Mexico to create a national network of alternative financing.

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Farmer in Colombia. Credit: Both Nomads/Forus

By Sarah Strack and Christelle Kalhoule
SEVILLE, Spain , Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Can the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4) be a turning point? The stakes are high. The international financial system—so important to each and every one of us—feels out of reach and resistant to change, because it is deeply entrenched in unjust power imbalances that keep it in place. We deserve better.

Under its current form, the Compromiso de Sevilla – the outcome document of FFD4 adopted on June 17 ahead of the conference – reads like a mildly improved version of business as usual with weak commitments. To avoid being derailed, decision-makers at FFD4 must act with clarity and courage, and here’s why.

With predatory interest rates, the international financial system is pushing hundreds of millions into misery as several nations continue to be shackled by a deepening debt crisis. While millions struggle without adequate food, healthcare, or education – basic services and rights – their governments must funnel billions to creditors.

Shockingly, 3.3 billion people – almost half of humanity – disproportionately in Global South nations, live in countries where debt interest payments outstrip education, health budgets and urgent climate action. This imbalance is particularly pernicious toward women, who bear the brunt of the failure of the gender-blind global financial architecture. This system fails to acknowledge and redistribute care and social reproduction responsibilities, resulting in women, especially those located in the Global South, lacking access to adequate essential services and decent jobs.

“The current model of international cooperation is not working, and its financing is also not working while we are facing a series of interconnected crises,” says Mafalda Infante, Advocacy and Communications Officer at the Portuguese Platform of Development NGOs, sharing their recently released Civil Society Manifesto for Global Justice calling for change and a restoration of fairness at FFD4 and beyond.

“Gender equality perspectives are absolutely central to how we understand global justice and financial reform, because let’s be clear: the current system isn’t neutral. It produces and reinforces inequalities, including gender-based ones. The debt crisis and climate emergency disproportionately affect women and girls, especially in the global south. We’ve seen it again and again when public services are cut, when healthcare is underfunded or when food systems collapse, it’s women who carry the heaviest burden. But at the same time, feminist economics also offer solutions. They challenge the idea that GDP growth is the ultimate goal. They prioritise care, sustainability and community well-being. They demand that financing should be people-centered and rights-based and accountable as well. So the role of civil society has been to bring these ideas into the FFD4 space to connect macroeconomic reform with everyday realities and to insist that justice – economic, climate, racial, gender justice – is indivisible,” Infante adds.

FFD4 offers an opportunity to reimagine a financial architecture that can be just, inclusive, and rights-based. This is not a technical summit for experts alone. It is the only global forum where governments, international institutions, civil society organisations, community representatives and the private sector sit together to shape the future of global finance, and it’s happening after 10 years since the latest edition in Addis Ababa.

But there are realities that decision-makers just can’t shy away from. While some powerful countries borrow at rock-bottom rates, other nations face interest charges nearly four times higher. We must thus ask ourselves: is this really a pathway to truly sustainable development or a continuation of profound financial injustices through something akin to “financial colonialism” ?

“Many countries like us in the South, are totally concerned that there can be no development with the current debt situation not discussed. The issue of debt vis-a-vis taxes is vitally important. The money that countries are collecting from the domestic mobilization of resources is all channeled to self-debt servicing. And debt handcuffs social policy. Without these resources, these countries cannot deliver on public services like health and education. There can be no way of improving people’s social indicators without addressing the question of debt stress,” says Moses Isooba , Executive Director of the Uganda National NGO Forum (UNNGOF).

“The Seville conference should decide whether to continue sustaining a system that perpetuates injustices or, once and for all, listen to decency and commit to a world without extreme inequalities. Thousands of organisations around the world demand that public money should not finance weapons, but rather schools, hospitals, healthy environments and a culture of peace. The present and the future are at stake; at stake are the rules we have given ourselves to order the world and the very survival of democracy,” says Carlos Botella, from La Coordinadora, the Spanish NGO for Development Platform.

Forus is attending FFD4 as a global civil society network with one clear message: the current model must change.

We call for a radical transformation of global finance that moves away from a system that enables “tax abuse” and outsized influence from a powerful few.

A crucial step for transformation is creating a UN Convention on Sovereign Debt to fairly and transparently restructure and cancel illegitimate debt, as many countries spend more on debt than on essential services.

In today’s context of shrinking development aid, the role of public development banks is ever more important in support of Agenda 2030 and the Paris Agreement on climate change. Forus therefore calls on public development banks to work in partnership with civil society and community representatives through a formal global coalition and local engagement to ensure development finance is locally-led and reflects the real needs of people, rooted in consent and mutual trust.

Official development assistance (ODA) must be protected and increased, reversing harmful aid cuts that damage civil society as well as urgent and basic services. The UN has warned that aid funding for dozens of crises around the world has dropped by a third, largely due to the decrease in US funding slashed US funding and announced cuts from other nations.

Finally, governments should support a new UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, adopting gender-responsive, environmentally sustainable fiscal policies while disincentivizing polluters and extractive industries.

“Development financing must not perpetuate cycles of debt, austerity, and dependency. Instead, it must be grounded in democratic governance, fair taxation, climate justice, and respect for human rights. It’s also crucial to promote inclusive decision-making by strengthening the role of the United Nations in global economic governance, countering the dominance of informal and exclusive clubs such as the OECD,” says Henrique Frota, Executive Director of the Brazilian Association of NGOs (ABONG) and former C20 Brazil Chair.

FFD4 must ensure that there is a genuine space for civil society engagement, where all voices are heard and can influence financial decision making, to strengthen accountability and transparency, and to promote greater inclusion.

“This ensures the creation of appropriate spaces and mechanisms for meaningful engagement. Only through this inclusive approach can we fundamentally rethink and redesign the architecture of aid to work effectively,” says Elisa Lopez Alvarado, Forus project coordinator for the EU System for an Enabling Environment for Civil Society – EU SEE, a consortium of international and national civil society organisations in 86 countries, that monitors an enabling environment guided by six diverse principles.

“This partnership is essential for building healthy democracies, strengthening the rule of law, and establishing robust national institutions that guarantee rights. It ensures that development truly follows an inclusive path toward social justice and more equitable societies. Importantly, when strong democratic institutions are in place, they create an environment where diverse initiatives from development banks, private sector actors, and other stakeholders can also thrive and contribute effectively to development goals and social justice,” she adds.

Civil society must be included as an equal partner at the table, with full consideration of the enabling environment in which they operate and their specific contextual circumstances – which goes hand in hand with the real needs of communities.

“The voices of the communities most affected should be included, otherwise large-scale development projects are not sustainable. Local communities and local civil society are the point of contact to make implementation more inclusive,” says Pallavi Rekhi, Programmes Lead at Voluntary Action Network India (VANI), reinforcing that FFD4 must shift from vague aspirations to binding, systemic reforms that rebalance power and serve justice.

“Don’t take stock of what has been done. Instead, look at what has not yet been done at this conference and you will see the immense challenges that lie ahead for the future of our planet,” says Marcelline Mensah-Pierucci, President of FONGTO, the national platform of civil society organisations in Togo.

“The continuous cycle of unfairness and social inequality must come to an end. The time to act is now,” adds Zia ur Rehman, Chairperson of Pakistan Development Alliance.

For many, the road to Sevilla has been long and hard and still, the world’s majority are left behind on this journey. The hard work continues after FFD4 on the need for bold leadership, real action and transformative change that can lead to a more effective and responsive global financial architecture.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Sarah Strack, Forus Director and Christelle Kalhoule, Forus Chair

A young Afghan girl studies at home following the Taliban’s banning of women and girls from pursuing secondary education. Credit: UNICEF/Amin Meerzad

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Nearly four years ago, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan and issued a series of edicts that significantly restricted women’s rights nationwide. This has resulted in a multifaceted humanitarian crisis, one marked by a notable decline in civic freedoms, stunted national development, and a widespread lack of basic services.

On June 17, UN-Women published its 2024 Afghanistan Gender Index, a comprehensive report that details the gender disparities and worsening humanitarian conditions for women and girls across the country. According to the report, the edicts issued by the Taliban have restricted women’s rights to the point that women and girls in the country have fallen far below the global benchmarks for human development.

“Since [2021], we have witnessed a deliberate and unprecedented assault on the rights, dignity and very existence of Afghan women and girls. And yet, despite near-total restrictions on their lives, Afghan women persevere,” said Sofia Calltorp, UN Women’s Chief of Humanitarian Action. “The issue of gender inequality in Afghanistan didn’t start with the Taliban. Their institutionalised discrimination is layered on top of deep-rooted barriers that also hold women back.”

It is estimated that women in Afghanistan have 76 percent fewer rights than men in areas such as health, education, financial independence, and decision-making. In addition, Afghan women are afforded, on average, 17 percent of their rights while women worldwide have 60.7 percent.

This disparity is projected to further widen following the Taliban’s ban on women holding positions in the health sector, removing one of the final strongholds for female autonomy in Afghanistan. Today, roughly 78 percent of Afghan women lack access to any form of formal education, employment, or training, nearly four times the rate for Afghan men. UN Women projects that the rate of secondary school completion for girls will soon fall to zero percent for girls and women.

Furthermore, Afghanistan has one of the widest workforce gaps in the world, with 89 percent of men having roles in the labour force, compared to 24 percent of women. Women are more likely to work in domestic roles and have lower-paying, more insecure jobs. Additionally, there are zero women that hold roles in national or local decision-making bodies, effectively excluding them entirely from having their voices heard on a governmental level.

“Afghanistan’s greatest resource is its women and girls,” said UN Women’s Executive Director Sima Bahous. “Their potential continues to be untapped, yet they persevere. Afghan women are supporting each other, running businesses, delivering humanitarian aid and speaking out against injustice. Their courage and leadership are reshaping their communities, even in the face of immense restrictions.”

The exclusion of all Afghan women from the workforce has had significant impacts on the local economy. According to the United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNSDG), since 2021 Afghanistan’s economy has seen losses of up to 1 billion USD per year, representing roughly 5 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product. This has led to an overall increase in poverty levels and food insecurity.

“Overlapping economic, political, and humanitarian crises — all with women’s rights at their core — have pushed many households to the brink. In response – often out of sheer necessity — more women are entering the workforce,” Calltorp said.

Furthermore, women in Afghanistan lack any form of economic independence. UN Women estimates that only 6.8 percent of women have access to basic financial resources such as bank accounts and mobile money services. Edicts that prevent women from accessing financial independence will leave the vast majority of Afghan women unequipped for a self-sustainable future.

Afghanistan has also seen a significant surge in rates of gender-based violence since the Taliban’s rise to power. According to the report, Afghan women are exposed to nearly three times the global average rates of intimate-partner violence. Other practices, such as forced and child marriages and honor killings, exacerbate the national levels of gender inequality. Amnesty International states that non-compliance often results in retaliation from the Taliban, with women and girls facing arrests, rape, and torture.

In November 2023, Afghanistan’s de-facto Ministry of Public Health banned women’s access to psychosocial support services, leaving the vast majority of victims of gender-based violence without the adequate resources to recover while perpetrators receive impunity. Additionally, the elimination of women’s healthcare, including women’s access to reproductive health and education services, has made it difficult for many women to find basic care.

Due to these challenges, UN Women believes that Afghan women are less likely than men to live the majority of their lives in good health. It is estimated that the life expectancy of Afghan women is far lower than the global average and is projected to worsen in the coming years.

According to CIVICUS Global Alliance, current civic space conditions in Afghanistan are listed as “closed”, representing one of the worst environments for civic freedoms in the world. Josef Benedict, the Monitor Asia Researcher of CIVICUS, states that the women’s rights issues in Afghanistan have deteriorated to the point that it resembles a “gender apartheid”.

“There has been severe repression and systemic gender-based discrimination faced by Afghan women and girls under the Taliban. Women and girls are being systematically erased from public life and are being denied fundamental human rights, including access to employment, education, and opportunities for political and social engagement,” said Benedict.

“The international community must do more to provide support for women and girls in and from Afghanistan by calling for dismantling of the institutionalized system of gender oppression, ensure the representative, equal, meaningful and safe participation of Afghan women in all discussions concerning the country’s future and support community-led initiatives promoting gender equality and women’s rights.”

Additionally, activists and dissenters are routinely punished by the Taliban, facing harassment, intimidation, and violence. Journalists are often targeted, underscoring the risks of speaking out against a repressive government in an increasingly volatile environment.

“The rating is also due to the crackdown on press freedom,” said Benedict. “Nearly four years on, governments have failed to ensure a strong, united international response to counter the Taliban’s extreme repression, take steps to hold the Taliban accountable or to effectively support Afghan activists in the country and those in exile.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Children receiving humanitarian aid in Kabul. Credit: Wanman Uthmaniyyah/Unsplash

By Maximilian Malawista
NEW YORK, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Afghanistan is burdened with one of the highest rates of child wasting globally, with 3.5 million children under five years suffering from a severe form of malnutrition, leaving them dangerously underweight and unable to grow or thrive.

With only five years left to meet global nutrition targets, progress remains unpromising: with only two goals, exclusive breastfeeding and reducing child obesity on track. This leaves the nation “not on course” to meet all of the nutrition-related SDGs, as outlined by the 2023 Global Nutrition Report.

Approximately 12.6 million Afghans, 27 percent of the population, were facing acute food insecurity between March and April 2025, with 1.95 million in IPC phase 4 (Emergency), and 10.64 million in phase 3 (Crisis). Additionally 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are affected by this acute malnutrition, which has been driven by “inadequate access to services, sub-optimum practices and inadequate diets due to economic decline, climate shocks, rising food prices, and poor resilience” according to UNICEF.

According to a 2024 UNICEF report on child food poverty and nutrition deprivation, Afghanistan ranked 4th globally among countries with the highest rates of child poverty.

Nine out of ten young children in Afghanistan, or approximately 2.1 million, live in food poverty, which is leading to stunted growth and development. In this same age group, for one out of every two children (1.2 million children), diets were subsisting of no more than two food groups, “typically cereals and, at times, some milk, day in and day out”. Inadequate dietary requirements has caused 47 percent of young children in Afghanistan to suffer from stunting, with only 14.8 percent consuming five or more food groups. As a result, over 5 million children have been affected by stunted growth (IPC AMN).

While malnutrition is still significant, the UN has made progress in “scaling up the prevention and management of child nutrition in Afghanistan”. About 6.5 million children with wasting have received treatment over the last 3 years. Additionally over 10 million children and their caregivers were receiving preventive nutrition services. This has been marked as an achievement, highlighting “the impact of sustained and focused action, supported by adequate funding”.

A System of Rebuilding:

In Afghanistan, a shepherd guides his flock through barren land. Credit: Unsplash/Mustafa

An investment in nutrition has been found to yield a high return investment, benefiting social, health, and economic systems. For every 1 dollar spent on addressing undernutrition and child wasting, a return of 23 dollars is generated. Malnutrition accounts for USD 2.1 trillion in annual productivity losses, a margin of 2 percent of the global GDP.

To address the remainder of global nutrition targets in Afghanistan, UN agencies such as UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), have called for a “coordinated, multisectoral action to nutrition”. Involving “strengthening food, agriculture, health and nutrition, water and sanitation” and even offering “social protection and education systems” in the fight to prevent, detect, and treat child wasting along with early forms of malnutrition.

In the report Nourishing Afghanistan: A UN Call to Accelerate Nutrition Action, the UN outlined a 10-step strategy to meet the global nutrition targets, in an attempt to combat malnutrition and its side effects. These include:

1. Strengthen strategies to address malnutrition
2. Ensure Access to Essential Preventive Maternal and Child Nutrition Services
3. Integrated Management of Acute Malnutrition
4. Tackle Child Food Poverty and population food insecurity by Improving
Access to Healthy, Nutritious Diets through strengthening Food Systems
5. Integrated Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH) and
climate-sensitive, multisectoral resilience building Initiatives
6. Strengthen Social Protection Systems
7. Increase Nutritional Education & Awareness
8. Leverage Data and evidence for Nutrition Action in Afghanistan
9. Investing on Nutrition in Afghanistan
10. Multisectoral Coordination

One such initiative, ‘First Foods Afghanistan‘, offers a direct systems-based response, linking food, water and sanitation health (WASH), education, health and social protection systems in order to deliver nutritious “first foods” for every child in Afghanistan.

The initiative looks to improve young children’s diets. Dr. Tajudeen Oyewale, the UNICEF Representative for Afghanistan said: “Afghanistan should not only be growing food—it must now grow nutrition. We are shifting the focus from calories to nourishment through child sensitive food systems, and from addressing malnutrition solely through services to also prioritizing the actual foods young children consume. This integrated approach is the only sustainable path to breaking the cycle of malnutrition and poverty in Afghanistan.”

Initiatives like First Foods Afghanistan have played a vital role in the strategy to combat the nutrition deficit in some of the country’s most impoverished regions. This accelerated action becomes even more critical as the brunt of the crisis is mostly affecting women and children, creating non-optimal conditions for growth and development.

As John AYLIEFF, WFP Country Director for Afghanistan warned: “Women and children bear the brunt of the hunger crisis in Afghanistan, where four out of five families cannot afford minimally nutritious diets.” He added: “Without sustained food assistance, millions of Afghans will descend into deeper hunger and acute malnutrition.”

IPS UN Bureau