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Sanam Naraghi Anderlini on UN Reform and Civilian Power

By Sania Farooqui
BENGALURU, India, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

It has been 33 years since peacebuilding was formally recognized within the United Nations system, by the then UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghali, who defined it as a long-term structural work aimed at preventing the recurrence of violence, setting the stage for the UN’s ongoing efforts to address the root cause of conflict and not just its consequences. “Post-conflict peacebuilding is the action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict,” Boutros-Ghali said.

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Founder of International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN)

As we move forward, the current times have seen escalating conflicts, rising authoritarianism, and the erosion of multilateral norms, a time when global peace and security architecture is being tested like never before. “Peace is not the absence of war, it’s the presence of justice, it’s the presence of inclusion, and leadership,” said Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Founder of International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN) to IPS News. According to her, the global peace infrastructure, particularly the United Nations, was built at a time when wars were largely interstate and diplomacy could occur between heads of state.

“Our entire system for peace and security was designed for interstate war. Wars today are often internal, asymmetrical, and increasingly state-non-state indistinct,” Sanam says. The change has outpaced mechanisms meant to manage it.

While the UN and the other multilateral institutions are still at the center, Sanam points out their shortcomings. “When great powers violate the rules, no one can hold them back,” she states. The fragility of international standards has been made clear by the immobility of international institutions in the face of aggression by the great powers, and that has has exposed the weakness of international norms.

“If we did not have the UN, we’d need one now”, Sanam says. However, she stresses that transformation is desperately needed, not just for institutions but also for mentality.

She argues that there is a clear choice: adopt inclusive, people-centered peacebuilding that leverages the legitimacy and abilities of actors closest to the ground or stick with a top-down, formulaic approach that hasn’t worked to address current crises.

“Today’s challenges include but are not limited to rising geopolitical tensions among nuclear-armed major powers, a seemingly inevitable climate catastrophe, technological changes that have the potential to remake every aspect of life, and the increasing powers and capabilities of non-state actors to reshape sub-national, national, and international affairs,” states this research by the Atlantic council.

The 2024 Multilateralism Index Report by International Peace Institute states that it is widely acknowledged that the multilateral systems are facing a series of crisis, and that international action in response to the wars in the Middle East, Ukraine, Sudan and Myanmar, and beyond has been largely confined to humanitarian assistance rather than peacemaking.

According to the report, and the surveys it conducted, majorities of people in most countries still have favourable views of the UN, want their country to be more involved in the UN, and believe the UN has made the world a better place. Majorities also agree that the UN promotes human rights, peace, democracy, action on infectious diseases and climate action. At the same time, perceptions of the UN varied widely by region, from strong support in Northern Europe and southeast Asia to low levels of trust across much of Latin America and the Middle East.

Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, the former president of Liberia, spoke about “Liberia’s story” in a video message during a recent event at the UN Headquarters commemorating the 20th anniversary of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC). She said that it was a story of suffering, but also of hope.

The former president and Nobel Peace Prize winner stated, “a country that was once brought to its knees by a protracted struggle now stands as a testament to what is achievable when national will is matched by international solidarity.” “Liberia’s journey to peace could not be walked alone,” she stated, highlighting the role played by the international community through the UN and its peacekeeping Mission UNMIL, the African Union, the European Union, the regional bloc ECOWAS, and other organizations.

The United Nations peacebuilding architecture – which comprises of the Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), the Peacebuilding Support Office (PBSO), and the Peacebuilding Fund (PBF) marks its fourth review this year which is mandated by general Assembly resolution 75/201 and Security Council Resolution 2558. This review comes at a time of significant geopolitical divisions and escalating risks of conflict in many parts of the world, underscoring the urgent need to act on recommendations from current and past reviews.

“If I were in charge, I’d take this moment of UN reform as a real opportunity,” says Sanam. The opening line of the UN Charter, “We the people of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”, holds immense power. She argues that now is the time to put women, peace and security at the center of global peacemaking. “These agendas came from war zones. Women and youth are the most affected and also the most active in peacebuilding.” Sanam envisions peacebuilding as an ecosystem where the UN, states, international players, and local actors are all necessary, as each has a specific role to play. “Peace is a choice, but it’s a choice that takes courage, commitment, and creativity. It takes hearing from those too often ignored and believing in the ability of local actors to drive change,” Sanam says.

With more conflicts than any time in the last 30 years, and a record number of displaced persons worldwide, the stakes could not be higher. This conversation is not merely a breakdown of what is wrong – it’s a call to reimagine what peace could be, and who gets to build it.

Sania Farooqui is an independent journalist and host of The Sania Farooqui Show, a platform dedicated to amplifying the voices of women in peacebuilding and human rights.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Sanam Naraghi Anderlini on UN Reform and Civilian Power

Muhammed Arshad shares a refreshing moment with his 4-year-old daughter, Ayesha, as they splash in a canal in Pakistan, finding relief from the heat. This follows an intense week-long heatwave that occurred in Pakistan in May 2024. Credit: UNICEF/Zaib Khalid

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

On June 23, the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) released their State of the Climate in Asia 2024 report, detailing the acceleration of the climate crisis in Asia. The report underscores the rapid rises in temperatures recorded across the continent and their implications on economies, ecosystems, and livelihoods.

According to WMO, 2024 was recorded as the hottest year in human history, marked by “widespread and prolonged” heatwaves. Additionally, 2024 was the first time global temperatures exceeded 1.5°C above pre-industrial temperatures, marking a significant setback for the goals in the 2015 Paris Agreement.

“It is essential to recognize that every fraction of a degree of warming matters,” said WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo. “Whether it is at a level below or above 1.5C of warming, every additional increment of global warming increases the impacts on our lives, economies and our planet.”

The climate crisis has been particularly pronounced in Asia, which has warmed at nearly double the rate of the rest of the world. Throughout 2024, Asia has experienced widespread natural disasters and extreme weather patterns, as well as the hottest marine heatwaves ever recorded. Additionally, glaciers are melting at an unprecedented rate, while sea levels in the Pacific and Indian Oceans have risen well above the global average.

“The State of the Climate in Asia report highlights the changes in key climate indicators such as surface temperature, glacier mass and sea level, which will have major repercussions for societies, economies and ecosystems in the region. Extreme weather is already exacting an unacceptably high toll,” said Saulo. She added that immediate action is needed to save lives and ensure planetary longevity.

According to the report, Asia experienced extreme heat events throughout 2024, as well as several new record-highs in temperature across the continent. Powerful and persistent heatwaves were recorded in Southeast Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East, with Myanmar reaching a record-high temperature of 48.2°C. From April to November, extreme heat patterns loomed throughout East Asia, with Japan, Korea, and China reporting monthly average temperature records being broken one after the other.

In a 2025 assessment report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, it is projected that cold extremes will occur less frequently while heat extremes will become more common in the coming decades. The Japan Meteorological Agency reports that areas in South and Southeast Asia, as well as the region spanning from the Indian Ocean to the western North Pacific, are projected to face “above-normal temperatures”, along with heightened risks of manmade fires and compromised air quality.

The WMO report also states that these extreme heat patterns in Asia are to have a significant adverse effect on the cryosphere. The High-Mountain Asia (HMA) region, located on the Tibetan Plateau, contains the largest mass of glacial ice outside of the north and south poles, spanning nearly 100,000 square kilometers of glaciers. Over the course of 2024, extreme heat patterns in the area resulted in a significant loss of glacial ice, with the Urumqi Glacier No.1 in Tian Shan experiencing its greatest loss in mass since 1959.

Additionally, the oceanic region in Asia has experienced significant ocean surface warming over the past few decades, which entails the disruption of numerous marine ecosystems, biodiversity loss, and reduced ocean health. Average sea temperatures in Asia have increased by roughly 0.24°C annually, which is nearly double the global average rate.

WMO estimates that between August and September 2024, roughly 15 million square kilometers, or one-tenth of the Earth’s entire ocean surface, was impacted by ocean surface warming, with the northern Indian Ocean and the waters surrounding Japan being especially affected. Furthermore, low-lying coastal communities residing by the Pacific and Indian Oceans are at heightened risks of flooding due to rampant sea level rises in those areas.

Throughout 2024, natural disasters and extreme weather events have ravaged communities across Asia, destroying critical civilian infrastructure, claiming thousands of lives, and wiping out livelihoods. Last July in northern India, violent landslides following a monsoon resulted in over 350 deaths. Two months later, severe flooding in Nepal killed over 246 people and resulted in damages of civilian infrastructure exceeding USD 94 million. In China, heatwaves triggered droughts that damaged over 335,200 hectares of crops, which is worth approximately $400 million USD.

WMO underscores the importance of anticipatory action and monitoring to build up resilience in vulnerable communities in Asia. A successful example of this was seen following the floods in Nepal last September, in which early flood monitoring systems enabled civilians to evacuate beforehand and allowed humanitarian workers to access the hardest-hit areas promptly and effectively.

“This is the first time in 65 years that the flooding was this bad. We had zero casualties thanks to preparedness and rescue measures, but the damage was extensive,” said Ramesh Karki, the Mayor of Barahakshetra, a municipality in Eastern Nepal.

In May of this year, climate experts, stakeholders, and policymakers convened in Singapore for the 2025 Climate Group Asia Action Summit, in which they discussed ways to fight the climate crisis and assist vulnerable communities in Asia. Most agreed that the implementation of sustainable practices is the most effective way to offset carbon emissions and reduce global temperatures.

“We should join hands to promote the sustainability of the global renewables industry…Vigorously developing renewable energy has become an important measure to help countries speed up green development and slow down global climate change,” said Yuechun Yi, the First Deputy Director-General of the China Renewable Energy Engineering Institute.

Furthermore, a host of experts agreed that it is imperative that governments have access to cutting-edge data on the acceleration of the climate crisis so that they can implement anticipatory measures to prevent large-scale disasters.
“To be resilient, the measures need to be hyper local. You need to look at local conditions. What’s happening on the ground? You need more computational power to get data at the level. Google is working with national authorities to provide information to help communities become more resilient,” said Spencer Low, the Head of Regional Sustainability at Google Asia-Pacific (APAC).

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Photo Credit: WHO
 
The Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4), to take place in Sevilla, Spain, from 30 June to 3 July 2025, will bring together world leaders to advance solutions to financing challenges threatening the achievement of sustainable development. Governments, international organizations, financial institutions, businesses and civil society will come together to commit to financing our future through a renewed global framework for financing for development.

By José Antonio Ocampo
BOGOTA, Colombia, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

Leaders heading to the 4th International Conference on Financing for Development taking place in Sevilla, Spain, from 30th June to 3rd July, know full well that they are operating in a moment of crisis.

They can see that public financing is not merely constrained, it is choked, and that the social consequences, already severe, risk becoming catastrophic. What leaders need to understand is not that they are in a hole, but that there is a way out. They can overcome the financing crisis and replace the doom loop of austerity with an upward spiral of social and fiscal success.

The scale of change in financing that is needed to overcome the crisis requires that the very welcome agreements set to be made at the gathering in Sevilla mark not an end point, easing pressures, but a starting point, enabling profound reform. The only realistic response to this crisis is a systemic one.

Leaders need not only to put in place debt relief for overindebted developing countries, including reductions in principals and in interest payments. They need to work to create a permanent institutional mechanism for sovereign-debt restructuring. They need to enable a major expansion of long-term, low-cost financing through regional and global development finance institutions.

José Antonio Ocampo

Leaders need not only to strengthen coordination to prevent tax avoidance. They need to work, through the negotiations for the United Nations framework convention on international tax cooperation, to reallocate taxation rights fairly among all countries where multinational firms do business. They need to raise the global effective minimum tax on multinationals’ profits, and to introduce minimum standards for the taxation of the richest individuals.

Leaders need not only to halt the freefall of development financing. They need to work to redesign financing for the twenty-first century. Embodying hope that a transformation can be realised is the growing momentum for global public investment. Colombia, Chile, Norway, South Africa and Uruguay are amongst the countries leading the call.

South Africa’s leadership of the G20’s Development Working Group has even named “global public goods and global public investment” as its “number one priority”, “aimed at the construction of a new architecture of international cooperation”.

Over fifty civil society organisations are also backing the call for global public investment, including the International Treatment Preparedness Coalition, Southern Voice, CIVICUS, and Global Citizen. A new multistakeholder commitment to advance the implementation of global public investment will be a key initiative in the financing conference’s flagship Sevilla Platform for Action.

Global public investment provides a new approach for how countries can think about, organise, and oversee the financing of global challenges. It is rooted in three principles: all benefit from the outcomes; all contribute according to their means; all decide together.

The first principle of global public investment, that all benefit from the outcomes, demonstrates that international cooperation in financing is not charity, it is collective self-interest. We need each other; we can’t afford not to cooperate with each other to achieve shared goals.

The second principle, that all contribute according to their means, helps to show everyone playing their part, which is essential both for ensuring backing and for reshaping countries’ relationships, status and power.

The third principle, that all decide together, enables equality and quality in the direction and oversight of resourcing.

The global public investment approach recognises that the crisis we are in is not only fiscal but ultimately political – a crisis of multilateralism, of collective action. It meets the world’s need for a more effective way for countries to collaborate, and for a more effective way to justify why they do. It shows that looking out for each other is how we protect ourselves; it demonstrates that through pooling of resources everyone wins out.

Though the current crisis in financing was exacerbated suddenly this year, it has been building for much longer. For years, leaders have been struggling to mobilise and structure the resourcing of public goods. But they need to resist the temptation to lower ambition. They cannot afford to settle for approaches that have been shown to not deliver. Retreating from public financing, or retreating from international cooperation, will only worsen the impacts of the global crisis.

The evidence is clear that private financing, though vital, cannot replace public financing. So too, the record shows that national action, though central, is insufficient for protecting global public goods. For the challenges we face, building a new international architecture based around global public investment is both necessary and feasible.

Global public investment harnesses both the power of mutual interest – that we are interdependent – and the power of mutuality – that we achieve more by working together. It is an approach whose time has come.

Sevilla is just the start.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

José Antonio Ocampo is Former UN Under-Secretary-General; Former Minister of Finance of Colombia; Professor at Columbia University, Member of the UN Committee for Development Policy and Advisor of Club de Madrid

Ongoing negotiations at Bonn, Germany, during the ongoing SB62. Credit: UNFCCC

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR & BONN, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

A packed conference room buzzing with the energy of over 300 national experts, negotiators, and implementers discussed their submissions of the First Biennial Transparency Reports (BTRs) during the 62nd session of the Subsidiary Body for Implementation (SB62) negotiations taking place in Bonn, Germany.

The workshop was convened as part of the ongoing SB62 under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and was being held at a crucial time for global climate governance, providing a rare and vital platform for countries to exchange honest reflections on their first forays into enhanced climate transparency.

Daniele Violetti, Senior Director at the UNFCCC, while offering a snapshot of global progress, said, “As of today, 103 Biennial Transparency Reports have been submitted, of which 67 are from developing countries, including 15 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS).”

The reports, which were due in December last year under the Paris Agreement’s Enhanced Transparency Framework, aim to enhance transparency and build trust among parties to the UNFCCC by providing a regular update on progress towards climate goals.

He lauded the extensive support provided through the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and other agencies, noting, “We at the UNFCCC Secretariat remain fully committed to collaborating with partners and enhancing the capacity of developing countries.”

Over the past five months, the Secretariat convened 17 country support events attended by 319 national experts and 11 sub-regional and regional workshops with 373 experts from 112 developing countries. Additionally, 1,700 review experts were certified under the BTR Technical Expert Review Training Program.

“This is a meaningful and valuable learning experience under the Paris Agreement,” Violetti said, stressing the importance of “reflection and mutual learning” to build “stronger national transparency systems that will serve countries well beyond this reporting cycle.”

The workshop’s agenda moved from introductory remarks to a series of concise presentations by key implementing agencies: the Global Environment Facility (GEF), Conservation International (CI), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF).

Esteban Bermudez Forn, Climate Change Specialist from the GEF stated that the Facility has supported the preparation of 163 BTRs in 111 countries, including multiple reports from countries advancing to their second and third BTRs. “We encourage countries to see GEF support as a savings account—prepare your BTR, but also request access to ensure you have resources available when you need them,” he advised.

Highlighting  the continued availability of funds, Forn  said, “We still have USD 92 million available under the current replenishment cycle. Please, if you haven’t requested support from the GEF, do it as soon as possible before the replenishment cycle ends.”

Ricardo Urlate of Conservation International spotlighted the importance of nurturing local talent, referencing a project in Rwanda that partners the government with academia. “Normally, there is a big dependency on external experts—very expensive experts from outside—and this is something that cannot continue if countries want to be more efficient and engaged,” he warned.

Through the Evidence-Based Climate Reporting Initiative, Rwanda’s Environmental Management Authority and the African Institute of Mathematical Sciences trained over 50 staff in data analysis, climate modeling, and greenhouse gas inventories. Ricardo emphasized, “The important thing is that there are a lot of options… to identify at the country level which is the one that better fits their own needs and priorities.”

CI also highlighted a sub-regional project with the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), which aims to build capacity for enhanced transparency across member countries. “Reporting and transparency are two of the key elements they are supporting,” Ricardo said, pointing to the value of regional approaches.

FAO’s Marcel Bernhofs drew attention to a persistent challenge: finding appropriate executing agencies with the managerial capacity to lead projects. “This gap can create bottlenecks and delay implementation, slowing down the preparation and submission of funding requests,” he observed.

FAO’s approach emphasizes on-the-ground engagement, leveraging regional and national teams. Their Capacity Building Initiative for Transparency (CBIT) and Forestry and Other Land Use (FOLU) project, for example, “provides easy-to-access and knowledgeable technical experts” and focuses on supporting agriculture and land use sectors—areas that are “not easy, where we are really struggling quite a lot to do a good job,” Marcel acknowledged.

Marcel also stressed the importance of language accessibility: “Sometimes working in English is fine, but we also need, when we enter the detail and close discussion, to use the national languages.” FAO’s capacity-building activities, including a recent forest monitoring course in three languages, supported 2,500 participants from 141 countries.

The Value of Timely Technical Assistance

Richmond Azee from UNDP shared practical lessons on the importance of selecting the right executing partners and providing timely technical assistance. “Never let [countries] work alone on the BTRs but be ready beside them with some resources… to provide technical assistance as soon as possible and as needed to unlock some issues and overcome some challenges,” he advised.

He cited Guinea-Bissau’s experience aligning multiple reporting requirements and Niger’s successful correction of technical errors in their submission, both facilitated by UNDP’s hands-on support. “As a result, Guinea-Bissau, an LDC, submitted its BTR before December 2024… and Niger submitted on time, enhancing their understanding for the next cycle of BTRs.”

Funding Modalities and Sustainability Susanne Lecoyote, dialing in from UNEP, addressed the evolving funding modalities.

“Out of the total 111 countries that have accessed funding so far for BTRs, UNEP has supported 66,” she stated, describing how diverse modalities—such as bundled projects—help tailor support and ensure continuity for countries as they move through reporting cycles.

Susanne explained the streamlined approval process for expedited funding, typically taking just three to four months. She encouraged project coordinators to “be flexible to start preparing proposals while you are concluding your reports… do not mind about the technical review comments, because when they come in, we will provide a room for you to make amendments if needed.”

UNEP’s CBIT-GSP (Global Support Program) is a hub of collaboration, she said, “working closely with the Consultative Group of Experts, Climate Promise, Pacific Adaptation to Climate Change (PACC), Implementation and Coordination of Agricultural Research & Training (ICART) and many other initiatives to make sure that transparency-related services are provided to all countries, irrespective of whether they are supported by UNEP or other agencies.”

National Ownership and the Importance of Coordination

Rajan Dhappa from WWF shared Nepal’s experience, celebrating the country’s recent submission of its first BTR and its third Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), making Nepal the first in South Asia to do so.

“We tried our best to submit the document with the best available data and information. But BTR is a time-taking process; it requires coordination among agencies and also the technical and financial support,” he reflected.

He stressed the centrality of government ownership: “If there is a high level of ownership and if they tend to implement such projects… then every project gets a success result or every project receives its intended goal on time.”

Nepal’s work on establishing a national Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) mechanism is expected to pay dividends for future reporting.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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A new solar power plant at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

By Farai Shawn Matiashe
MUTARE, Zimbabwe, Jun 25 2025 (IPS)

When load shedding was introduced over the past two years, Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa had to deal with learning disruptions worsened by the backup generators in the eastern part of Zimbabwe.

Apart from the noise and air pollution from the diesel-powered generators, the backup system did not run the whole night.

“It was disruptive,” says the 26-year-old from Angola, who is studying Education at Africa University, a United Methodist Church-related institution.

“You have an assignment due and you are still researching online and if the electricity goes off, you cannot meet the deadline.”

Lumboa is lucky not to have missed the deadline for any of his assignments, but most of his fellow students have been missing deadlines due to rolling power cuts.

Students Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa and Maria Kwikiriza at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

A new solar mini-grid at AU, just outside Zimbabwe’s third-largest city of Mutare, is changing the lives of students like Lumboa.

The 250 kilowatt solar power plant, officially commissioned on 6 June, has 590 solar panels, a 250 kilovolt inverter system and a 600 kilowatt-hour battery bank.

The lithium batteries have a lifespan of 25 years.

The system is providing uninterrupted power to the AU’s main campus, including student hostels and laboratories.

“Annually, we had to spend a minimum of USD 216,000. That was our energy bill. Our maximum will be around USD 240,000. So, we will save around USD 240,000 per year,” says Professor Talon Garikayi, a deputy Vice Chancellor at AU, an engineer overseeing the solar power project.

In 2024, the southern African nation was hit by a punishing drought fueled by El Niño, a climate phenomenon that can worsen dry spells or storms, extreme weather events increasingly linked to climate change.

This led to a sharp drop in water levels in Lake Kariba, home to the country’s main hydropower plant, which is shared with Zambia.

The authorities were forced to roll out load shedding schedules lasting for more than 18 hours.

Lake Kariba was generating less than 20 percent of its installed capacity of 1050 megawatts (MW) at the time.

Jose Tenete Domingos Lumboa, a student at Africa University working on his laptop. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

In April 2024, the government declared the drought a national disaster—the worst in 40 years—which left more than half the population food insecure.

Institutions like AU had to turn to diesel-powered generators, which are expensive to run.

And students like Lumboa had to bear the brunt of load shedding at AU.

Reverend Alfiado Zunguza, AU Board of Directors chairperson, says this makes education expensive.

“We felt like it was critical to invest in this solar power plant to ensure the university continues to be reliable in its operations and its systems that are critical in advancing the knowledge of the continent,” he says.

“The university was spending USD 240,000 a year for electricity, making education expensive. So we want to reduce the cost of education at AU, making it more affordable to as many people as possible.”

He says in the long run, AU is saving more, and the funds can be channeled towards infrastructure development, research labs, and capacity building.

The Zimbabwe government, through its National Energy Policy, is planning to generate 2,100 MW by 2030 from renewable energy and biofuels like ethanol.

Maria Kwikiriza, who is from Uganda and is studying law, says that by investing in renewable energy, the institution is contributing to a clean environment.

Lithium batteries at the new solar power plant at Africa University in eastern Zimbabwe. Credit: Farai Shawn Matiashe/IPS

“The campus is now quiet. The oil from the generator was affecting my breathing. We now have access to WiFi all night, which is essential for our studying,” says the 25-year-old who has asthma.

Zimbabwe, a country of 15.1 million people, has 62 percent electricity access and relies heavily on coal and hydropower for its energy needs.

The AU is improving electricity access to the community through its new solar power plant.

Reverend Peter Mageto, AU vice chancellor, says his institution is releasing electricity, which will benefit surrounding communities.

“So, we are glad that we are venturing into this so that the electricity supply authorities can provide electricity to the underserved communities,” he says, adding that this project is part of the AU’s strategic plan running from 2023 to 2027.

Mageto, who is from Kenya, says he brought with him lessons learned from Kenya, which is one of the nations doing well in renewable energy in Africa.

Dr. James Salley, chief executive officer of Africa University, Tennessee, says the solar mini-grid was funded by AU Tennessee Corporation, which founded AU Zimbabwe more than 30 years ago.

“No donor provided funding for this project and that is the uniqueness of it. That is what I am talking about—sustainability,” says Salley, who is also the associate vice chancellor for institutional advancement at AU.

Garikayi says AU is working to generate 1.4 MW by October, enough to cover the university’s farm and its residential areas.

This solar power plant will become the biggest in Manicaland Province after a 200 kW solar mini-grid in Hakwata in Chipinge, a 140 kW solar power plant at Victoria Chitepo Provincial Hospital and a 150 kW solar power plant at Mutambara Mission Hospital, funded by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

He says if he has excess electricity, it will be extended to nearby Old Mutare, which has a school, an orphanage, and a hospital.

“We will be able to say there are 1,200 business units within Manicaland. Everyone within the region can now use the energy we would have been allocated,” Garikayi says, adding that the AU will reduce the load from the national grid.

Lumbo is planning to replicate this solar power plant in his country, Angola.

“I was talking to my fellow countrymen about taking this technology back home. It improves students’ welfare and boosts our confidence,” he says.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Finland now ranks first in global sustainable development goals progress. Barbados is ahead globally in its commitment to UN multilateralism or cooperation among multiple nations. Only 17 percent of sustainable development goals (SDG) targets are on track for 2030, according to the Sustainable Development Report 2025 (SDR) released today by the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network (SDSN) […]

The United Nations Headquarters in New York. Credit: Unsplash/Nils Huenerfuerst

By Maximilian Malawista
NEW YORK, Jun 24 2025 (IPS)

The world is losing interest in investing in others, especially when it comes to humanitarian aid. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) has slowed to critical levels, weakening emerging markets and further slowing growth across developing nations.

As of 2025, FDI has dwindled to its lowest levels yet, largely due to heightened trade tensions among barriers for international investment. Lowered levels of FDI indicate a move to domestic and isolationist efforts, increasing the likelihood of failed budgetary cooperation to international intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations.

This is already evident in the UN’s budgets for the Secretariat and for humanitarian aid operations. With many of the UN’s largest donors deciding to cut back on their contributions, the organization will now see a 20 percent reduction in its workforce (6,900 jobs), in addition to sizing down humanitarian aid operations globally. On June 20th, Spokesperson for the Secretary General Stéphane Dujarric remarked, “no office in the UN will be exempt from the 20 percent reduction, and that includes the Secretary General’s office.” This would suggest that the cuts have been brought on due to the reduced budget, and not a want for managerial optimization of the UN’s staff. Under U.S. President Donald Trump, nearly USD 1.5 billion in missed payments have contributed to a USD 3.7 billion budget cut to the UN. This financial strain has been further exacerbated by multiple overdue payments from China. Together, China and the U.S. make up a little over 40 percent of the UN’s total budget.

These cuts have also been seen across the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), where “the deepest funding cuts ever to hit the international humanitarian sector” have occurred. This has resulted in resulting in OCHA to presenting their new global “hyper-prioritized” appeal, aimed at supporting 114 million people facing life threatening necessities worldwide. The new plan asks for USD 29 billion in funding, a decrease of USD 15 billion called for in the previous plan.

“We have been forced into a triage of human survival,” said Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator .“The math is cruel, and the consequences are heartbreaking. Too many people will not get the support they need, but we will save as many lives as we can with the resources we are given.”

The Global Humanitarian Overview for 2025 originally called for USD 44 billion and aimed to reach about 180 million people out of the nearly three hundred million in need. However as of June, only USD 5.6 billion has been received, less than 13 per cent of the appeal. As a result, aid will be disbursed not purely by human necessity, but by cruel and cold calculations.

With the new calculations, the new plan was designed with three goals. Firstly, by reaching the people facing the most urgent conditions, using a scale ranking humanitarian need for aid, prioritizing cases that reached level 4 (Extreme) and level 5 (Catastrophic) as a starting point for disbursement. Second, the prioritization of life-saving support, according to the planning already concluded in the 2025 Humanitarian Response. Third, ensuring that limited resources are directed based on where they can do the best, accounting for speed of disbursement capabilities.

In his statement on the situation, Fletcher concluded by saying: “Brutal funding cuts leave us with brutal choices. All we ask is 1 percent of what you chose to spend last year on war. But this isn’t just an appeal for money – it’s a call for global responsibility, for human solidarity, for a commitment to end the suffering.”

The Investment-Aid Correlation

Credit: Unsplash/Salah Darwish

The shortfall in humanitarian aid funding has directly coincided with global FDI pull backs, reflecting an investor who is less donor-confident, having a decreased interest in bilateral engagement, and overall lack of security about putting money towards fragile states. For the 2023 financial year, developing economies received USD435 billion in FDI (which was USD 867 billion in 2022), the lowest since 2005. A larger slowdown has also been seen for advanced/high-income economies receiving USD 336 billion in 2023, the lowest since 1996. FDI as a portion of gross domestic product (GDP) accounted for 2.3 percent of developing economies in 2023, which is only half of what it was in 2008 at its peak year.

To combat the shortfalls of decreased FDI, The World Bank identified a three-policy priority plan, specifically for developing economies. The first priority would be to “redouble efforts to attract FDI” by easing restrictions and speeding up investment. According to the World Bank, a 1 percent increase in countries’ labor productivity has been associated with a 0.7 percent increase in FDI inflows.

The second priority would be to “amplify the economic benefits of FDI”, which will involve offering a greater quality of development post investment, and uplifting sectors that create opportunities for underrepresented groups. The third priority would be to “advance global cooperation” by creating initiatives to increase multi-sectoral/international flows, offering geopolitical relief, and creating structures to support developing economies.

By boosting FDI, this plan would also encourage UN member states to expand or maintain their current humanitarian contributions. FDI can be seen as a signal for the depth of global connectedness, with stronger investment flows reinforcing a shared commitment to the delivering of aid. To establish the most efficient system, everyone is needed, and that includes the mobilization of capital and communication. An increase in FDI provides a crucial backbone for countries struggling with crises. While the UN can support and implement as many aid plans as possible, true impact depends on the individual state’s willingness to invest in these developing nations. Without this investment, these economies will remain stagnant, unable to recover and grow, falling behind the world stage indefinitely.

At the same time, official development assistance (ODA) globally is also on a downward trend.

IPS UN Bureau

 

The Secretariat Building at United Nations Headquarters, in New York. Credit: UN Photo/Rick Bajornas

By Nathalie Meynet
GENEVA, Jun 24 2025 (IPS)

“We are writing to you regarding the cuts being undertaken under the UN80 Initiative and, more broadly, across the UN system. While we are mindful of the current funding challenges, we believe that the rushed and chaotic manner in which these changes are being implemented is causing deeper harm to both the effectiveness and reputation of the United Nations.

The “slash and burn” approach adopted under the UN80 plan, led by Mr. Guy Ryder, adviser to the Secretary-General, risks not only damaging our mission and harming our beneficiaries; it is also proving costly at a time when the Organization can least afford it.

Furthermore, many of the changes are likely to be reversed in the future, as the next Secretary-General works to re-establish coherence and relevance within the system.

In terms of the mission of the United Nations, the consequences of the lack of funding are already stark. An evaluation of the impact suggests that 23 million fewer people affected by humanitarian crises will receive assistance. There could be 4.2 million additional AIDS-related deaths. It means millions of children at risk of being pushed out of school— with an estimated 250,000 in Sudan alone.

It also means that support for the energy transition, development financing, and counterterrorism efforts will be weakened. While developing countries will be the first and hardest hit, many of these impacts will be global. As noted by outgoing UNDP Administrator Achim Steiner in the Financial Times, we are witnessing a “structural destruction of capacity.”

The funding cuts are already causing serious harm, with experienced frontline workers— especially national staff in developing countries—being dismissed with little notice, as well as international colleagues who have served in some of the most complex and high-risk environments.

The management of the UN80 process under Mr. Ryder, risks deepening the crisis and raises serious issues about coherence and vision. It begins with a poor understanding of mandates. For example, leaked proposals have suggested merging the United Nations with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, an idea that is not only unfeasible but fundamentally misunderstands the roles of these institutions.

Even for those organizations more integrated within the UN system, no thought has been given to how these ideas could realistically be implemented, or of the appropriate role of Member States. For instance, the suggestion to merge the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the International Organization for Migration would weaken rights protections under the 1951 Refugee Convention.

These proposals also reflect the arbitrary way task force members were appointed, meaning that some entities and development mandates are voiceless in the process. We see a risk that some senior managers will seize the opportunity to expand their own entities at the expense of others.

In a recent staff townhall, Mr. Ryder admitted that the reform process is being conducted “back to front”, as strategic decisions will only be made after there had been a 20% ‘across the board cut’ of Secretariat posts within the United Nations, adding to the thousands of positions across the wider UN system.

This means that while discussions under UN80 are ongoing, managers are being forced to make difficult and unnecessary choices without a clear rationale. This rushed approach also carries significant financial costs.

We estimate that each staff termination or relocation costs $100,000 once indemnities, relocation, and training are factored in. Across the system, this will amount to a minimum of $930 million in costs to Member States, with no suggestion of how this will be paid for. As seen in previous rushed downsizing efforts, new staff will quickly have to be (re)hired, incurring further expenses.

We have urged Mr. Ryder, once a respected champion of social dialogue, to begin by identifying how the strengths of the UN system can be aligned with the needs of our beneficiaries to maximize impact at both the global and country levels, and make the UN fit for the future.

Reform should be guided by these principles and informed by inclusive consultation, recognizing that colleagues on the ground often have a more accurate understanding of how the UN operates, rather than senior management in New York.

Unfortunately, our appeals have gone unacknowledged. We therefore hope that you, the Member States, will scrutinize the UN80 process thoroughly; to consider the damage it may inflict on the effectiveness of the United Nations, and to support a more strategic and sustainable approach to restructuring and financing the UN system.”

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Nathalie Meynet, President of the 60,000-strong Coordinating Committee for International Staff Unions and Associations (CCISUA), in a letter to Philémon Yunji Yang, President of the General Assembly and to Ambassadors and Permanent Representatives accredited to the United Nations in New York.

By CIVICUS
Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the closure of offices of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) in Mexico with members of Integral Human Rights In Action (DHIA), a Mexican civil society organisation (CSO) that promotes and defends human rights in contexts of mobility.

In May, the UNHCR announced it would be closing four of its 12 offices in Mexico due to funding cuts following Donald Trump’s decision to freeze US$700 million in funding to the agency. This will result in around 200 people losing their jobs and a 30 per cent reduction in the UNHCR’s global operational capacity. Mexico received almost 80,000 asylum applications in 2024, and this reduction in institutional capacity comes at a time when demand for protection services is intensifying, placing a disproportionate burden on CSOs with limited resources.

What are the consequences of the closure of UNHCR offices?

The reduction in the UNHCR’s presence has created multiple crises. The closure of several offices has drastically limited refugees’ access to counselling, legal support and basic services such as medical care. However, the impact goes further: the UNHCR funds the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance, and reduced support could seriously weaken the agency’s ability to respond to the increase in asylum applications, particularly given the significant backlogs it was already experiencing.

The situation is further complicated by the fact that the National Migration Institute has also stopped issuing visitor cards for humanitarian reasons. This leaves many refugees without immigration documentation, exposing them to arbitrary detention and hindering their access to formal employment. In many cases, this leads them to abandon the asylum application process altogether. While applications were resolved in three days to six weeks in 2024, there are currently cases where the wait exceeds three months. This is part of an institutional setback that threatens the exercise of fundamental rights.

What risks do refugee women and girls face?

Refugee women and girls often experience a cycle of violence that is not broken by migration. They flee their countries of origin to escape gender-based violence, but this violence continues along migration routes. During transit, they lack access to sexual and reproductive healthcare, including menstrual products, antenatal care and family planning services.

On arrival in Mexico, they encounter further obstacles in their quest for childcare, continued education and decent employment. These difficulties are exacerbated by the absence of local support networks that could facilitate their integration.

How is civil society responding?

In the face of funding cuts, Mexican civil society has taken a leading role in the humanitarian response. Civil society’s strength lies in its in-depth knowledge of the context and refugees’ needs, which enables it to tailor its services to diverse groups.

However, the impact of the funding cuts is undeniable. Many of these organisations were previously supported by the UNHCR and provided legal advice during the asylum application process, significantly increasing chances of success.

In this context, Mexico needs the support of the international community, particularly the states that have adopted the Cartagena Declaration – the regional framework for the protection of refugees in Latin America – to strengthen regional cooperation and ensure the protection, integration and regularisation of displaced people. At the same time, the Mexican state must take responsibility and allocate resources to address human mobility, fulfilling its international commitments with a long-term vision.

What are the local financing alternatives?

Mexico has mechanisms that could be activated. One option would be to reactivate the public calls for proposals of the National Institute for Social Development, a scheme in which CSOs compete for funds to help migrants and refugees. For this to work, these calls must be governed by the principles of transparency, shared responsibility and citizen participation.

There are also more innovative state models. In Chihuahua state, for instance, the Chihuahua Business Foundation and the Trust for Competitiveness and Citizen Security have successfully channelled business funds into state-supervised trusts via taxes. These resources fund services in areas such as education, food and public safety, which are awarded through public calls for proposals. This model could be replicated in other parts of Mexico to create a national network of alternative financing.

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Farmer in Colombia. Credit: Both Nomads/Forus

By Sarah Strack and Christelle Kalhoule
SEVILLE, Spain , Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Can the Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4) be a turning point? The stakes are high. The international financial system—so important to each and every one of us—feels out of reach and resistant to change, because it is deeply entrenched in unjust power imbalances that keep it in place. We deserve better.

Under its current form, the Compromiso de Sevilla – the outcome document of FFD4 adopted on June 17 ahead of the conference – reads like a mildly improved version of business as usual with weak commitments. To avoid being derailed, decision-makers at FFD4 must act with clarity and courage, and here’s why.

With predatory interest rates, the international financial system is pushing hundreds of millions into misery as several nations continue to be shackled by a deepening debt crisis. While millions struggle without adequate food, healthcare, or education – basic services and rights – their governments must funnel billions to creditors.

Shockingly, 3.3 billion people – almost half of humanity – disproportionately in Global South nations, live in countries where debt interest payments outstrip education, health budgets and urgent climate action. This imbalance is particularly pernicious toward women, who bear the brunt of the failure of the gender-blind global financial architecture. This system fails to acknowledge and redistribute care and social reproduction responsibilities, resulting in women, especially those located in the Global South, lacking access to adequate essential services and decent jobs.

“The current model of international cooperation is not working, and its financing is also not working while we are facing a series of interconnected crises,” says Mafalda Infante, Advocacy and Communications Officer at the Portuguese Platform of Development NGOs, sharing their recently released Civil Society Manifesto for Global Justice calling for change and a restoration of fairness at FFD4 and beyond.

“Gender equality perspectives are absolutely central to how we understand global justice and financial reform, because let’s be clear: the current system isn’t neutral. It produces and reinforces inequalities, including gender-based ones. The debt crisis and climate emergency disproportionately affect women and girls, especially in the global south. We’ve seen it again and again when public services are cut, when healthcare is underfunded or when food systems collapse, it’s women who carry the heaviest burden. But at the same time, feminist economics also offer solutions. They challenge the idea that GDP growth is the ultimate goal. They prioritise care, sustainability and community well-being. They demand that financing should be people-centered and rights-based and accountable as well. So the role of civil society has been to bring these ideas into the FFD4 space to connect macroeconomic reform with everyday realities and to insist that justice – economic, climate, racial, gender justice – is indivisible,” Infante adds.

FFD4 offers an opportunity to reimagine a financial architecture that can be just, inclusive, and rights-based. This is not a technical summit for experts alone. It is the only global forum where governments, international institutions, civil society organisations, community representatives and the private sector sit together to shape the future of global finance, and it’s happening after 10 years since the latest edition in Addis Ababa.

But there are realities that decision-makers just can’t shy away from. While some powerful countries borrow at rock-bottom rates, other nations face interest charges nearly four times higher. We must thus ask ourselves: is this really a pathway to truly sustainable development or a continuation of profound financial injustices through something akin to “financial colonialism” ?

“Many countries like us in the South, are totally concerned that there can be no development with the current debt situation not discussed. The issue of debt vis-a-vis taxes is vitally important. The money that countries are collecting from the domestic mobilization of resources is all channeled to self-debt servicing. And debt handcuffs social policy. Without these resources, these countries cannot deliver on public services like health and education. There can be no way of improving people’s social indicators without addressing the question of debt stress,” says Moses Isooba , Executive Director of the Uganda National NGO Forum (UNNGOF).

“The Seville conference should decide whether to continue sustaining a system that perpetuates injustices or, once and for all, listen to decency and commit to a world without extreme inequalities. Thousands of organisations around the world demand that public money should not finance weapons, but rather schools, hospitals, healthy environments and a culture of peace. The present and the future are at stake; at stake are the rules we have given ourselves to order the world and the very survival of democracy,” says Carlos Botella, from La Coordinadora, the Spanish NGO for Development Platform.

Forus is attending FFD4 as a global civil society network with one clear message: the current model must change.

We call for a radical transformation of global finance that moves away from a system that enables “tax abuse” and outsized influence from a powerful few.

A crucial step for transformation is creating a UN Convention on Sovereign Debt to fairly and transparently restructure and cancel illegitimate debt, as many countries spend more on debt than on essential services.

In today’s context of shrinking development aid, the role of public development banks is ever more important in support of Agenda 2030 and the Paris Agreement on climate change. Forus therefore calls on public development banks to work in partnership with civil society and community representatives through a formal global coalition and local engagement to ensure development finance is locally-led and reflects the real needs of people, rooted in consent and mutual trust.

Official development assistance (ODA) must be protected and increased, reversing harmful aid cuts that damage civil society as well as urgent and basic services. The UN has warned that aid funding for dozens of crises around the world has dropped by a third, largely due to the decrease in US funding slashed US funding and announced cuts from other nations.

Finally, governments should support a new UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, adopting gender-responsive, environmentally sustainable fiscal policies while disincentivizing polluters and extractive industries.

“Development financing must not perpetuate cycles of debt, austerity, and dependency. Instead, it must be grounded in democratic governance, fair taxation, climate justice, and respect for human rights. It’s also crucial to promote inclusive decision-making by strengthening the role of the United Nations in global economic governance, countering the dominance of informal and exclusive clubs such as the OECD,” says Henrique Frota, Executive Director of the Brazilian Association of NGOs (ABONG) and former C20 Brazil Chair.

FFD4 must ensure that there is a genuine space for civil society engagement, where all voices are heard and can influence financial decision making, to strengthen accountability and transparency, and to promote greater inclusion.

“This ensures the creation of appropriate spaces and mechanisms for meaningful engagement. Only through this inclusive approach can we fundamentally rethink and redesign the architecture of aid to work effectively,” says Elisa Lopez Alvarado, Forus project coordinator for the EU System for an Enabling Environment for Civil Society – EU SEE, a consortium of international and national civil society organisations in 86 countries, that monitors an enabling environment guided by six diverse principles.

“This partnership is essential for building healthy democracies, strengthening the rule of law, and establishing robust national institutions that guarantee rights. It ensures that development truly follows an inclusive path toward social justice and more equitable societies. Importantly, when strong democratic institutions are in place, they create an environment where diverse initiatives from development banks, private sector actors, and other stakeholders can also thrive and contribute effectively to development goals and social justice,” she adds.

Civil society must be included as an equal partner at the table, with full consideration of the enabling environment in which they operate and their specific contextual circumstances – which goes hand in hand with the real needs of communities.

“The voices of the communities most affected should be included, otherwise large-scale development projects are not sustainable. Local communities and local civil society are the point of contact to make implementation more inclusive,” says Pallavi Rekhi, Programmes Lead at Voluntary Action Network India (VANI), reinforcing that FFD4 must shift from vague aspirations to binding, systemic reforms that rebalance power and serve justice.

“Don’t take stock of what has been done. Instead, look at what has not yet been done at this conference and you will see the immense challenges that lie ahead for the future of our planet,” says Marcelline Mensah-Pierucci, President of FONGTO, the national platform of civil society organisations in Togo.

“The continuous cycle of unfairness and social inequality must come to an end. The time to act is now,” adds Zia ur Rehman, Chairperson of Pakistan Development Alliance.

For many, the road to Sevilla has been long and hard and still, the world’s majority are left behind on this journey. The hard work continues after FFD4 on the need for bold leadership, real action and transformative change that can lead to a more effective and responsive global financial architecture.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Sarah Strack, Forus Director and Christelle Kalhoule, Forus Chair

A young Afghan girl studies at home following the Taliban’s banning of women and girls from pursuing secondary education. Credit: UNICEF/Amin Meerzad

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Nearly four years ago, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan and issued a series of edicts that significantly restricted women’s rights nationwide. This has resulted in a multifaceted humanitarian crisis, one marked by a notable decline in civic freedoms, stunted national development, and a widespread lack of basic services.

On June 17, UN-Women published its 2024 Afghanistan Gender Index, a comprehensive report that details the gender disparities and worsening humanitarian conditions for women and girls across the country. According to the report, the edicts issued by the Taliban have restricted women’s rights to the point that women and girls in the country have fallen far below the global benchmarks for human development.

“Since [2021], we have witnessed a deliberate and unprecedented assault on the rights, dignity and very existence of Afghan women and girls. And yet, despite near-total restrictions on their lives, Afghan women persevere,” said Sofia Calltorp, UN Women’s Chief of Humanitarian Action. “The issue of gender inequality in Afghanistan didn’t start with the Taliban. Their institutionalised discrimination is layered on top of deep-rooted barriers that also hold women back.”

It is estimated that women in Afghanistan have 76 percent fewer rights than men in areas such as health, education, financial independence, and decision-making. In addition, Afghan women are afforded, on average, 17 percent of their rights while women worldwide have 60.7 percent.

This disparity is projected to further widen following the Taliban’s ban on women holding positions in the health sector, removing one of the final strongholds for female autonomy in Afghanistan. Today, roughly 78 percent of Afghan women lack access to any form of formal education, employment, or training, nearly four times the rate for Afghan men. UN Women projects that the rate of secondary school completion for girls will soon fall to zero percent for girls and women.

Furthermore, Afghanistan has one of the widest workforce gaps in the world, with 89 percent of men having roles in the labour force, compared to 24 percent of women. Women are more likely to work in domestic roles and have lower-paying, more insecure jobs. Additionally, there are zero women that hold roles in national or local decision-making bodies, effectively excluding them entirely from having their voices heard on a governmental level.

“Afghanistan’s greatest resource is its women and girls,” said UN Women’s Executive Director Sima Bahous. “Their potential continues to be untapped, yet they persevere. Afghan women are supporting each other, running businesses, delivering humanitarian aid and speaking out against injustice. Their courage and leadership are reshaping their communities, even in the face of immense restrictions.”

The exclusion of all Afghan women from the workforce has had significant impacts on the local economy. According to the United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNSDG), since 2021 Afghanistan’s economy has seen losses of up to 1 billion USD per year, representing roughly 5 percent of the nation’s gross domestic product. This has led to an overall increase in poverty levels and food insecurity.

“Overlapping economic, political, and humanitarian crises — all with women’s rights at their core — have pushed many households to the brink. In response – often out of sheer necessity — more women are entering the workforce,” Calltorp said.

Furthermore, women in Afghanistan lack any form of economic independence. UN Women estimates that only 6.8 percent of women have access to basic financial resources such as bank accounts and mobile money services. Edicts that prevent women from accessing financial independence will leave the vast majority of Afghan women unequipped for a self-sustainable future.

Afghanistan has also seen a significant surge in rates of gender-based violence since the Taliban’s rise to power. According to the report, Afghan women are exposed to nearly three times the global average rates of intimate-partner violence. Other practices, such as forced and child marriages and honor killings, exacerbate the national levels of gender inequality. Amnesty International states that non-compliance often results in retaliation from the Taliban, with women and girls facing arrests, rape, and torture.

In November 2023, Afghanistan’s de-facto Ministry of Public Health banned women’s access to psychosocial support services, leaving the vast majority of victims of gender-based violence without the adequate resources to recover while perpetrators receive impunity. Additionally, the elimination of women’s healthcare, including women’s access to reproductive health and education services, has made it difficult for many women to find basic care.

Due to these challenges, UN Women believes that Afghan women are less likely than men to live the majority of their lives in good health. It is estimated that the life expectancy of Afghan women is far lower than the global average and is projected to worsen in the coming years.

According to CIVICUS Global Alliance, current civic space conditions in Afghanistan are listed as “closed”, representing one of the worst environments for civic freedoms in the world. Josef Benedict, the Monitor Asia Researcher of CIVICUS, states that the women’s rights issues in Afghanistan have deteriorated to the point that it resembles a “gender apartheid”.

“There has been severe repression and systemic gender-based discrimination faced by Afghan women and girls under the Taliban. Women and girls are being systematically erased from public life and are being denied fundamental human rights, including access to employment, education, and opportunities for political and social engagement,” said Benedict.

“The international community must do more to provide support for women and girls in and from Afghanistan by calling for dismantling of the institutionalized system of gender oppression, ensure the representative, equal, meaningful and safe participation of Afghan women in all discussions concerning the country’s future and support community-led initiatives promoting gender equality and women’s rights.”

Additionally, activists and dissenters are routinely punished by the Taliban, facing harassment, intimidation, and violence. Journalists are often targeted, underscoring the risks of speaking out against a repressive government in an increasingly volatile environment.

“The rating is also due to the crackdown on press freedom,” said Benedict. “Nearly four years on, governments have failed to ensure a strong, united international response to counter the Taliban’s extreme repression, take steps to hold the Taliban accountable or to effectively support Afghan activists in the country and those in exile.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Children receiving humanitarian aid in Kabul. Credit: Wanman Uthmaniyyah/Unsplash

By Maximilian Malawista
NEW YORK, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Afghanistan is burdened with one of the highest rates of child wasting globally, with 3.5 million children under five years suffering from a severe form of malnutrition, leaving them dangerously underweight and unable to grow or thrive.

With only five years left to meet global nutrition targets, progress remains unpromising: with only two goals, exclusive breastfeeding and reducing child obesity on track. This leaves the nation “not on course” to meet all of the nutrition-related SDGs, as outlined by the 2023 Global Nutrition Report.

Approximately 12.6 million Afghans, 27 percent of the population, were facing acute food insecurity between March and April 2025, with 1.95 million in IPC phase 4 (Emergency), and 10.64 million in phase 3 (Crisis). Additionally 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding women are affected by this acute malnutrition, which has been driven by “inadequate access to services, sub-optimum practices and inadequate diets due to economic decline, climate shocks, rising food prices, and poor resilience” according to UNICEF.

According to a 2024 UNICEF report on child food poverty and nutrition deprivation, Afghanistan ranked 4th globally among countries with the highest rates of child poverty.

Nine out of ten young children in Afghanistan, or approximately 2.1 million, live in food poverty, which is leading to stunted growth and development. In this same age group, for one out of every two children (1.2 million children), diets were subsisting of no more than two food groups, “typically cereals and, at times, some milk, day in and day out”. Inadequate dietary requirements has caused 47 percent of young children in Afghanistan to suffer from stunting, with only 14.8 percent consuming five or more food groups. As a result, over 5 million children have been affected by stunted growth (IPC AMN).

While malnutrition is still significant, the UN has made progress in “scaling up the prevention and management of child nutrition in Afghanistan”. About 6.5 million children with wasting have received treatment over the last 3 years. Additionally over 10 million children and their caregivers were receiving preventive nutrition services. This has been marked as an achievement, highlighting “the impact of sustained and focused action, supported by adequate funding”.

A System of Rebuilding:

In Afghanistan, a shepherd guides his flock through barren land. Credit: Unsplash/Mustafa

An investment in nutrition has been found to yield a high return investment, benefiting social, health, and economic systems. For every 1 dollar spent on addressing undernutrition and child wasting, a return of 23 dollars is generated. Malnutrition accounts for USD 2.1 trillion in annual productivity losses, a margin of 2 percent of the global GDP.

To address the remainder of global nutrition targets in Afghanistan, UN agencies such as UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), the World Food Programme (WFP), the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), and the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), have called for a “coordinated, multisectoral action to nutrition”. Involving “strengthening food, agriculture, health and nutrition, water and sanitation” and even offering “social protection and education systems” in the fight to prevent, detect, and treat child wasting along with early forms of malnutrition.

In the report Nourishing Afghanistan: A UN Call to Accelerate Nutrition Action, the UN outlined a 10-step strategy to meet the global nutrition targets, in an attempt to combat malnutrition and its side effects. These include:

1. Strengthen strategies to address malnutrition
2. Ensure Access to Essential Preventive Maternal and Child Nutrition Services
3. Integrated Management of Acute Malnutrition
4. Tackle Child Food Poverty and population food insecurity by Improving
Access to Healthy, Nutritious Diets through strengthening Food Systems
5. Integrated Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH) and
climate-sensitive, multisectoral resilience building Initiatives
6. Strengthen Social Protection Systems
7. Increase Nutritional Education & Awareness
8. Leverage Data and evidence for Nutrition Action in Afghanistan
9. Investing on Nutrition in Afghanistan
10. Multisectoral Coordination

One such initiative, ‘First Foods Afghanistan‘, offers a direct systems-based response, linking food, water and sanitation health (WASH), education, health and social protection systems in order to deliver nutritious “first foods” for every child in Afghanistan.

The initiative looks to improve young children’s diets. Dr. Tajudeen Oyewale, the UNICEF Representative for Afghanistan said: “Afghanistan should not only be growing food—it must now grow nutrition. We are shifting the focus from calories to nourishment through child sensitive food systems, and from addressing malnutrition solely through services to also prioritizing the actual foods young children consume. This integrated approach is the only sustainable path to breaking the cycle of malnutrition and poverty in Afghanistan.”

Initiatives like First Foods Afghanistan have played a vital role in the strategy to combat the nutrition deficit in some of the country’s most impoverished regions. This accelerated action becomes even more critical as the brunt of the crisis is mostly affecting women and children, creating non-optimal conditions for growth and development.

As John AYLIEFF, WFP Country Director for Afghanistan warned: “Women and children bear the brunt of the hunger crisis in Afghanistan, where four out of five families cannot afford minimally nutritious diets.” He added: “Without sustained food assistance, millions of Afghans will descend into deeper hunger and acute malnutrition.”

IPS UN Bureau

 

UN Secretary-General António Guterres, briefing reporters outside the Security Council chamber on June 21, said: “I am gravely alarmed by the use of force by the United States against Iran today,” reiterating there is no military solution. “This is a dangerous escalation in a region already on the edge – and a direct threat to international peace and security.” Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Norman Solomon
SAN FRANCISCO, USA, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Twenty years ago, one day in June 2005, I talked with an Iranian man who was selling underwear at the Tehran Grand Bazaar. People all over the world want peace, he said, but governments won’t let them have it.

I thought of that conversation on Saturday night after the U.S. government attacked nuclear sites in Iran. For many days before that, polling clearly showed that most Americans did not want the United States to attack Iran.

“Only 16 percent of Americans think the U.S. military should get involved in the conflict between Israel and Iran,” YouGov pollsters reported, while “60 percent say it should not and 24 percent are not sure.”

But as a practical matter, democracy has nothing to do with the chokehold that the warfare state has on the body politic. That reality has everything to do with why the United States can’t kick the war habit. And that’s why the profound quests for peace and genuine democracy are so tightly intertwined.

On Saturday evening, President Trump delivered a speech exuding might-makes-right thuggery on a global scale: “There will be either peace or there will be tragedy for Iran far greater than we have witnessed over the last eight days.”

More than ever, the United States and Israel are overt partners in what the Nuremberg Tribunal in 1946 called “the supreme international crime” – “planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a war of aggression.”

Naturally, the perpetrators of the supreme international crime are eager to festoon themselves in mutual praise. As Trump put it in his speech, “I want to thank and congratulate Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu. We worked as a team like perhaps no team has ever worked before.” And Trump added: “I want to thank the Israeli military for the wonderful job they’ve done.”

A grisly and nefarious truth is that, in effect, the Israeli military functions as part of the overall U.S. military machine. The armed forces of each country have different command structures and sometimes have tactical disagreements.

But in the Middle East, from Gaza and Iran to Lebanon and Syria, “cooperation” does not begin to describe how closely and with common purpose they work together.

More than 20 months into Israel’s U.S.-armed siege of Gaza, the genocide there continues as a joint American-Israeli project. It is a project that would have been literally impossible to sustain without the weapons and bombs that the U.S. government has continued to provide to the Orwellian-named Israel Defense Forces.

The same U.S.-Israel alliance that has been committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza has also enabled the escalation of KKK-like terrorizing and ethnic cleansing of Palestinian people in the West Bank. The ethnocentric arrogance and racism involved in U.S. support for these crimes have been longstanding, and worsening along with the terrible events.

The same alliance is now also terrorizing Iranian society from the air.

As we have seen yet again in recent hours, the political and media culture of the United States is heavily inclined toward glorifying the use of the USA’s second-to-none destructive air power. As if above it all. The conceit of American exceptionalism assumes that “we” have the sanctified moral ground to proceed in the world with a basic de facto message powered by military might: Do as we say, not as we do.

While all this is going on, the word “surreal” is apt to be heard. But a much more fitting word is “real.”

“People who shut their eyes to reality simply invite their own destruction,” James Baldwin wrote, “and anyone who insists on remaining in a state of innocence long after that innocence is dead turns himself into a monster.”

Now, people in the United States have real-time historic opportunities – to do everything we can to take nonviolent action demanding that the U.S. government end its monstrous role in the Middle East.

Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.

IPS UN Bureau

 

In September 2024 heavy rainfall caused flooding and landslides in Nepal, villages like Roshi in Kavre district affected. Credit: Barsha Shah

By Tanka Dhakal
BLOOMINGTON, USA, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

Asia is heading towards more extreme weather events with a possibility of heavy toll on the region’s economies, ecosystems, and societies, says the World Meteorological Organization (WMO).

The WMO’s State of the Climate in Asia 2024 report released today says Asia is currently warming nearly twice as fast as the global average, fueling more disaster-prone weather events.

In 2024, Asia’s average temperature was about 1.04°C above the 1991–2020 average, ranking as the warmest or second warmest year on record, depending on the dataset. The warming trend between 1991 and 2024 was almost double that during the 1961 to 1990 period.

Report highlights the changes in key climate indicators, including surface temperature, glacier mass, and sea level, which will have major impacts in the region. “Extreme weather is already exacting an unacceptably high toll,” said WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo.

In 2024, heatwaves gripped a record area of the ocean. Sea surface temperatures were the highest on record, with Asia’s sea surface 10 years period warming rate nearly double the global average.

Report says that sea level rise on the Pacific and Indian Ocean sides of the continent exceeded the global average, increasing risks for low-lying coastal areas.

“The work of National Meteorological and Hydrological Services and their partners is more important than ever to save lives and livelihoods,” Saulo said.

Asia land temperatures. Source: World Meteorological Organization (WMO).

Water Resources Are in Danger and Causing Destruction

State of the glaciers, which are regarded as water storage for most of the region, is facing an existential threat. Reduced winter snowfall and extreme summer heat caused decisive damage to glaciers in the central Himalayas and Tian Shan Mountain range. 23 out of 24 glaciers suffered mass loss, leading to an increase in hazards like glacial lake outburst floods and landslides and long-term risks for water security.

The High-Mountain Asia (HMA) region, centered on the Tibetan Plateau, contains the largest volume of ice outside the polar regions, with glaciers covering an area of approximately 100,000 square km. It is known as the world’s Third Pole. Over the last several decades, most glaciers in this region have been retreating. Which is increasing the risk of glacier lake outburst floods (GLOFs).

Community in Thame village in the Mt. Everest region in Nepal is still recovering from the disaster caused by a small glacial lake outburst flood in August 2024, while living in fear of a similar disaster.

From the high Himalayas to coastal areas in Asia experiencing destructive weather events. Extreme rainfall caused great damage and heavy casualties in many countries in the region, tropical cyclones left a trail of destruction, and drought added heavy economic and agricultural losses.

The report included a case study from Nepal, showing how important early warning systems and anticipatory actions are to prepare for and respond to climate variability and change. In late September 2024, Nepal experienced heavy rainfall that led to severe flooding and landslides across the country.

According to the government data, the disaster claimed at least 246 lives and left 218 people missing. Damages to energy infrastructure are estimated at 4.35 billion Nepali rupees, while the agricultural sector faced a loss equivalent to 6 billion Nepali rupees. Reports note that early warning systems and preparation for anticipatory actions helped limit human casualties. But the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM) in Nepal highlighted the urgent need for a tailored, impact-based flood forecasting system at the national level.

Extreme heat events

In many parts of Asia, extreme heat is becoming a concerning issue as countries like India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan in South Asia are already dealing with heat waves. In 2024, prolonged heat waves affected East Asia from April to November.

According to the report, Asia is the continent with the largest landmass extending to the Arctic and is warming more than twice as fast as the global average because the temperature increase over land is larger than the temperature increase over the ocean.

In 2024, most of the ocean area of Asia was affected by marine heatwaves of strong, severe, or extreme intensity—the largest extent since records began in 1993.  During August and September 2024, nearly 15 million square kilometers of the region’s ocean were impacted—one-tenth of the Earth’s entire ocean surface.

“The purpose of the report is not only to inform. It is to inspire action,” said president of WMO Regional Association Dr. Ayman Ghulam.

He highlighted the need for stronger early warning systems, regional collaboration, and greater investments in adapting transboundary water and climate risk management.

“We must ensure that modern science guides decision-making at every level,” Ghulam said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Monitoring Iran and promoting the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The IAEA applies safeguards to verify states are honoring their international legal obligations to use nuclear material for peaceful purposes only. Credit: IAEA

By David L. Phillips
LONDON, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

A deal between the US and Iran is possible if Iran’s bottom line — its right to nuclear enrichment — and Israel’s bottom line, guarantees that Iran will never have a nuclear bomb are met. This “win-win” outcome would require Donald Trump’s personal engagement. With weapons turned to plowshares, Trump would be considered for the Nobel Peace Prize.

For sure, it’s hard to imagine a path forward in current circumstances. The region is embroiled in conflict. Iran has been humiliated by Israel’s attack. Its nuclear program has been seriously damaged. Israeli air power has destroyed air defenses, incapacitated Iran’s missiles, and killed its military leaders and scientists.

Israel’s actions in the past year have changed the balance of power, neutralizing Hezbollah, Hamas and eliminating the Pro-Iranian Assad regime in Syria.

Javad Zarif, Iran’s former foreign minister and nuclear negotiator, often spoke to me about “Persian pride.” To move forward, a peace deal would have to address Iran’s battered psyche and Israel’s sense of vulnerability.

I envision a deal that would allow Iran to maintain its enrichment facility deep underground at Fordo. The International Atomic Energy Agency would need unfettered access to Fordo ensuring that enrichment was capped at 7 percent, well below the level needed for a nuclear bomb.

Iran’s nuclear program has been set-back as a result of Israeli strikes. Natanz and other enrichment facilities have been damaged and would be permanently dismantled. The Isfahan nuclear complex, which includes a uranium-conversion facility turning “yellowcake” into uranium hexafluoride, has been disabled by Israel’s air strikes and would be decommissioned.

The Tehran Research Center, which manufactures advanced rotors for enrichment, is destroyed. So is the workshop at Karaj, where other uranium enrichment components were manufactured.

Missile and drone attacks are another concern. The US would give security guarantees guarding against such attacks. It would commit to providing Israel with additional Thermal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) battery systems, an effective mobile surface to air interceptor that shoots down incoming ballistic missiles at a distance of 1,800 miles. Iran’s missile system has been degraded but it is not destroyed.

For the foreseeable future, the US would deploy an aircraft carrier group in the Arabian Sea. Each carrier has more than 60 war planes that can deter missiles and drones strikes. Fighter jets already deployed in the region would also be available for Israel’s defense.

Netanyahu wants Trump to use the Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP), a “bunker buster”, to take out the Fordo facility. Ford is buried deep underground in a mountain side. Only the US has bunker busters to disable Fordo’s enrichment process.

A bunker buster is designed to penetrate hardened targets using precision-guided 30,000-pound bombs armed with a 5,300-pound warhead. More than one bomb will be needed to disable Fordo. The mission’s success is uncertain. Fordo adjoins a base of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard (IRGC). Its air force could take down the B2 planes needed to deliver bunker buster ordinance.

Trump is under pressure from Netanyahu to attack Fordo. So far, Trump is keeping his options open. Trump insists on Iran’s “complete surrender”. The Ayatollah says Iran will never “grovel” to Washington. It is unlikely that Iran will waive a white flag. Resistance and martyrdom are at the core of Shiite beliefs.

Iran has signaled it is ready to meet US negotiators and discuss a ceasefire. An agreement would commit the US to never use bunker busters unless Iran weaponized its nuclear program.

Iran’s belligerent posture may change when the Iranian people take stock of the regime’s mismanagement. The Iranian people are fed up with their pariah status. Trump’s decision not to intervene would increase the prospects of Iran’s home-grow democratic transition, the best guarantor of peace.

The deal could reap economic and diplomatic benefits. An agreement could catalyze reform across the region, including progress in Gaza. A ceasefire leading to an independent Palestinian state could result in Saudi Arabia’s decision to join the Abraham Accords and normalization of relations with Israel.

Is this positive vision possible? If we can imagine it, we can make it a reality.

Peacebuilding would start with a deal to fully, finally and verifiably eliminate the possibility that Iran’s nuclear program would be used for anything but peaceful purposes.

Current events in the Middle East are nothing short of disastrous. They can, however, be a catalyst for transformation. Only the US can lead this process, and only Trump has the chutzpah to try it.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

David L. Phillips is an Academic Visitor at St. Antony’s College at Oxford University (September 2025). He was formerly a Senior Adviser at the State Department.

Credit United Nations

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Jun 23 2025 (IPS)

When billionaire Elon Musk, a former short-lived advisor to President Donald Trump, was mandated with the task of decimating the federal bureaucracy and laying off thousands of staffers, he was famously pictured carrying a hacksaw to symbolize his cost-cutting agenda.

Perhaps it is now the turn of the United Nations for slashing—the UN80 Initiative– but no one is armed either with a hacksaw or a mini chain saw.

A UN Task Force is currently exploring staff layoffs, merging of several departments and relocating UN agencies from high-cost duty stations, including New York and Geneva, to lower-costs cities.

Meanwhile the Geneva-based UN refugee agency announced its own restructuring last week: “In light of difficult financial realities, UNHCR is compelled to reduce the overall scale of its operations”.

“We will focus our efforts on activities that have the greatest impact for refugees, supported by streamlined headquarters and regional bureau structures,” said Filippo Grandi, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

As part of the agency’s broader cost-cutting measures, UNHCR has had to close or downsize offices worldwide and implement a nearly 50 percent reduction in senior positions at its Geneva headquarters and regional bureau.

In total, approximately 3,500 staff positions will be discontinued. Additionally, hundreds of colleagues supporting UNHCR on a temporary basis have had to leave the organization due to the funding shortfall.

Overall, UNHCR estimates a global reduction in staffing costs of around 30 percent.

Throughout the review exercise, decisions were driven by the overarching priority to maintain operations in regions with the most urgent refugee needs, the refugee agency pointed out.

Regarding staff cutbacks in the Secretariat, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters last week that no UN department will be exempted from layoffs.

Asked whether the 20 percent cuts were inevitable, he said: “This process is ongoing. It is across the board in the Secretariat, and including in the Secretary-General’s own office”.

“I think his own office is not exempt from it. I spoke to (Under-Secretary-General for Policy) Guy Ryder yesterday, and we hope to have him, and other senior colleagues come and brief you in- person”.

Asked if the Spokesperson’s office is included in the cutbacks, he said: “The need to reduce is across the board– and no office is exempt”.

But the ultimate decision on restructuring will depend, as it does on key policy issues, on approval by the UN’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee (Fifth Committee), with final ratification by the 193-member General Assembly, the UN’s highest policy making body.

In a memo to staffers last week, the UN Staff Union (UNSU) in New York reminded “all colleagues that no decisions regarding the proposed changes have been approved by the General Assembly (GA) at this time.”

“The information shared is preliminary and non-binding, intended solely to prepare you for potential outcomes should the General Assembly endorse the proposals later this year.”

“We urge all colleagues to interpret such communications with caution and to remain aware that final authority rests with the General Assembly, whose decisions are still pending.”

A lingering question remains: will the GA rubber-stamp the decisions of the Secretary-General and his Task Force — or also heed to complaints from staffers and staff unions?

In the memo to staffers, Narda Cupidore, President, 48th Staff Council, UNSU, New York, outlined “the basic premise of potential proposals being made in line with the Secretary General’s instructions to achieve a reduction of 15% – 20% of the UN’s regular Budget for 2026”.

The memo reads:

• “Relocation of Functions: Some functions may be moved from New York to lower-cost duty stations where the UN already has operational infrastructure.
• Consolidation of Functions: Certain administrative services, may be consolidated for efficiency. Functions might be affected by the proposal to consolidate
• Discontinuation of Functions: Some functions may need to be discontinued, requiring a review of both vacant and encumbered posts to determine options.

What this Means for STAFF:

• Direct Impact: Some staff may be asked to relocate, work in different time zones, or see their roles evolve. A few may face the possibility of separation.
• Transparency and Support: Staff will be fully informed of decisions affecting them, given adequate notice, and supported through reassignment, relocation, separation entitlements, or other mitigation measures.
• Emotional Toll: Even those not directly affected may experience stress and uncertainty.
• Engagement and Communication: The organization commits to transparency, open communication, and treating staff with dignity and respect. Measures will include town halls, team meetings, individual consultations, and collaboration with staff representatives.

Management proposes that staff will be supported as follows:

• Transparency and Communication: Staff will be kept informed about decisions, options, and timelines. Managers are tasked with maintaining open lines of communication.
• Engagement Activities: Regular town halls, smaller team meetings, and individual consultations will be held to address concerns and provide guidance.
• Support Measures: Staff will receive assistance through reassignment, relocation, separation entitlements, or other mitigation measures. The organization will work closely with staff representatives to ensure rights and well-being are prioritized.
• Dignity and Respect: The process will be handled with care, treating everyone with humanity and respect.“

Looking Ahead

The UNSU says it appreciates the sharing of this important communication to staff. We continue to advocate for full transparency, consistent and clear communication, and call on all Secretariat entities to uphold this standard without exception. UNSU remains on standby for the proposed collaboration.

“UNSU continues to raise its concern about the realism of the aggressive timeline, the thoroughness of the analysis in such a short time frame; the reason for the specific established quota of cuts; the lack of clarity on the financial cuts and their impacts; as well as the effects on the productivity and quality of our outputs.

UNSU remains fully committed to supporting all colleagues during this period of uncertainty. We strongly encourage you to engage with staff representatives, share your concerns, and report any inconsistencies or challenges you may encounter.

This is very important because in the environment of the Delegation of Authority (DoA) Head of Entities may have differing interpretations of directives, thereby creating the risk of inconsistent implementation.

During this confusing and chaotic time, please do not hesitate to reach out to the Union – as your feedback is essential to ensuring that issues are addressed effectively and equitably.

UNSU will be attending the upcoming Staff Management Committee Meeting in Kosovo, from 23-28 June 2025 and will report on the outcome of that meeting.

If you have experienced inconsistencies, have questions, or wish to share your perspective, please reach out to your staff representative.

For offices without designated representation, the UNSU leadership is your point of contact and stands ready to advocate on your behalf. You can also submit feedback directly to newyorkstaffunion@un.org.

Together, we will ensure that your voice is heard and your rights are protected.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Negotiators at then UN Climate conference in Bonn, Germany. Credit: Friday Phiri

By Friday Phiri
BONN, Jun 20 2025 (IPS)

In recent years, there has been growing evidence of how climate change is impacting human health in several ways.

The Lancet Countdown has been producing ‘eye-popping’ reports, highlighting  how climate change is breaching health thresholds across multiple indicators—heat, disease vectors, food security, air quality, and socioeconomic stability.

With record-breaking heat threats exposing individuals to dangerous heat compared to pre-industrial expectations; worsening environmental stressors in the form of droughts and flooding, exposing people to heightened risks of waterborne and vector-borne diseases; and the cost of extreme weather events running into billions of dollars globally, the global community is being called upon to act swiftly.

Without urgent, health-centered transformation in energy, finance, health systems, urban planning, and governance, the world is not just delaying action—it’s fueling a global health crisis, the 2024 Lancet Countdown report warns.

Like other sectors, Africa’s health is highly vulnerable to climate impacts and in dire and urgent need of adaptation strategies. A quick perusal of the 2024 State of Africa Climate Report released in May, 2025, by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) reveals how extreme weather and climate change impacts are hitting Africa the hardest.

The report highlights several health-related impacts of climate change in Africa, ranging from extreme heat events leading to serious heatwaves; flooding and landslides resulting in displacements and loss of lives; food and nutrition insecurity emanating from prolonged droughts; and tropical cyclones leaving a trail of destruction and loss of lives, among others.

These health-related impacts underscore the urgent need for climate adaptation strategies to mitigate risks and protect vulnerable populations across Africa. ​

“The State of the Climate in Africa report reflects the urgent and escalating realities of climate change across the continent,” said WMO Secretary-General Celeste Saulo. “It also reveals a stark pattern of extreme weather events, with some countries grappling with exceptional flooding caused by excessive rainfall and others enduring persistent droughts and water scarcity.”

“WMO and its partners are committed to working with Members to build resilience and strengthen adaptation efforts in Africa through initiatives like Early Warnings for All,” she said. “It is my hope that this report will inspire collective action to address increasingly complex challenges and cascading impacts.”

Armed with such devastating information, African climate change negotiators at the UN Climate conference in Bonn, Germany, are calling on parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to take the climate and health nexus seriously and consider mainstreaming it into the main agenda items of climate negotiations, in addition to the health sector target in the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) framework.

“The African Group of Negotiators reaffirms that Africa experiences some of the most severe climate change impacts on human health and health systems, despite contributing minimally to global greenhouse gas emissions. With African countries already having very precarious health systems, climate change impacts exacerbate and overwhelm these systems, putting lives at risk. Urgent help and adaptation support is needed for countries. We call for ambitious and urgent collaboration of parties to address these multifaceted challenges in a holistic manner,” said Dr. Richard Muyungi, Chair of the African Group of Negotiators on Climate Change (AGN).

The AGN is the mandated negotiating group, which represents all 54 African countries in the UNFCCC processes.

In his opening statement at the Bonn Climate Conference, Muyungi said the group was prepared to work with other parties to spearhead the climate and health agenda and called for the initiation of mandated dialogues on human health and climate change from COP30 and beyond.

Meanwhile, African civil society continues to raise its voice on the importance of climate finance for Africa’s adaptation.

“It is unfortunate that developed parties continue to evade their obligation to provide climate finance as enshrined in Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement. This is the hallmark of the climate convention, without which we might as well forget about these negotiations. It is becoming increasingly frustrating that the climate finance agenda item continues to cause serious divisions, including the agenda fight that we have, once again, witnessed here in Bonn. But this should not be the case because both the convention and the Paris Agreement are clear on developed parties’ obligation to provide finance,” said Mithika Mwenda, Executive Director of the Pan African Climate Justice Alliance (PACJA).

Climate financing and capacity-building support through health systems strengthening have, likewise, dominated recent discussions in the climate and health sub-sector.

At a side event hosted by the Rockefeller Foundation, Wellcome Trust, and the World Meteorological Organization during the 78th World Health Assembly in Geneva, investments in early warning systems were a key agenda.

Desta Lakew, Group Partnerships and External Affairs Director at Amref Health Africa, highlighted the existing gaps and the need for investments.

“Our early warning systems are not keeping pace. Investments in early warning, data, and information systems lag behind, forcing our governments to continue relying on outdated technologies and equipment that fail to capture and transmit real-time weather information to the public,” said Lakew. “This undermines the public’s preparedness, leading to avoidable losses of both property and lives. We therefore need to strengthen climate-health data systems, surveillance, early warning, and climate risk assessment by enhancing capacity to detect, predict, monitor, and respond to climate-sensitive health risks through improved data integration, early warning systems, and comprehensive vulnerability assessments.”

“At Amref, we believe in community investment; that’s why we are actively working with governments in Africa to build the technical capacity required for health systems adaptation and resilience to climate impacts. We thus advocate for financing that puts community-centered initiatives at the heart of climate adaptation of health systems,” added Lakew.

Local communities’ involvement is touted as the starting point for climate action. And the    Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) is leading local communities’ climate adaptation action through the promotion of agroecology.

The Alliance argues for and promotes the practice as a panacea to local farmers’ climate-related production and nutrition security challenges.

“Rooted in traditional knowledge and biodiversity, agroecology promotes healthy soils, thriving ecosystems, and resilient food systems,” says Bridget Mugambe, AFSA Programme Coordinator.

Mugambe argues that agroecology and health are deeply interconnected. “With thriving ecosystems free from chemical inputs, local farmers are guaranteed well-nourished crops, rich in nutrients and devoid of harmful residues, contributing to better human health,” she points out.

“At its core, agroecology respects cultural diversity and traditional food systems, which are central to promoting healthy diets rooted in local, indigenous foods that have nourished African communities for generations.”

As the climate talks continue, what is clear is that health voices calling for total inclusivity are getting louder each passing day, particularly due to the growing list of health-related impacts underscoring the urgent need for climate adaptation strategies to protect vulnerable populations across Africa.

The author is Climate Change Health Advocacy Lead at Amref Health Africa

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Police line up at an anti-government outside the parliament building in Tbilisi. Credit: Gvantsa Kalandadze

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Jun 20 2025 (IPS)

Having attended hundreds of anti-government protests in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, Gvantsa Kalandadze is no stranger to police intimidation and violence.

Police brutality has become common at the daily protests that have taken place in the city since the end of last year, when the autocratic government of the Georgian Dream party said it was stopping the country’s process of integration into the EU.

Kalandadze has seen others fall victim to police brutality and experienced it on more than one occasion herself—soon after leaving a protest in December last year, she was pushed to the ground and kicked viciously by a group of officers for questioning the arrest of a man in the street, and during another gathering a few weeks later, she was knocked out when officers pushed her and other protestors into a ditch.

But when the protests began, police violence against protesters seemed indiscriminate; research by rights group Amnesty International suggests that women protesters are now being targeted specifically and are facing escalating violence and gender-based reprisals.

Kalandadze says she is not surprised by the news.

“It’s true. The police are aggressive and they harass women both verbally, using demeaning terms such as ‘slut,’ ‘daughter of a whore,’ and others, and threaten us with rape and assault,” she says.

Amnesty’s research details the police’s methods to target women, which involves increasing use of gender-based violence including sexist insults, threats of sexual violence and unlawful and degrading strip searches against women involved in protests.

“We have spoken to people personally about what they experienced at the hands of the police, such as being forced to undergo strip-searches and threats of rape during detention,” Denis Krivosheev, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, told IPS.

The group’s research also highlights individual cases of this abuse, including cases of women being violently restrained by officers, forced to strip naked, denied access to medical treatment, threatened with rape, and subjected to sexual insults.

Amnesty says these abuses not only violate Georgian law, which prohibits full undressing during searches, but also international human rights law and standards aimed at safeguarding human dignity and protecting people from gender-based violence.

“Forcing someone to completely strip naked [in detention] is against both international and Georgian law, yet despite this, the police are forcing protesters to do this. It is clearly a deliberate police policy, despite it being against the law,” said Krivosheev.

While Amnesty says it has spoken to numerous women about such abuse, Krivosheev said, “the number [of women who are victims of this targeting] is far more than we have been able to document simply because many victims are scared to speak out about what happened to them.”

Female protesters who spoke to IPS confirmed that police harassment of women at protests was widespread, but also that it was often used to provoke a specific response, and not always just from women.

“The thing is that women are never violent at protests; they would never attack police, and the police are insulting us—usually with sexual slurs like saying we’re all sluts, bitches, whores, and insults about oral and anal sex—to try and provoke us into doing something that would get us arrested or force the men around us to try and protect us and do something that will get those men arrested,” Vera*, who has attended scores of protests in Tbilisi, told IPS.

“I know multiple women who were physically pushed, dragged, or detained. Some were insulted with misogynistic language. A few were groped during arrests—and that isn’t isolated… many of us know someone personally who’s experienced this abuse,” Tamar*, a civil rights campaigner from Tbilisi who has attended scores of protests, told IPS.

She added that police were even cooperating with, or at least tolerating, criminals abusing women protesters.

“The police have used violence—tear gas, water cannons, rubber bullets, and physical force—but that’s only part of the story. What’s even more disturbing is the presence of organized criminal gangs. These groups operate with impunity, clearly coordinated, yet the police don’t intervene. They specifically target women activists—chasing them, splashing green substances on their faces, shouting threats, and trying to scare them off the streets.

“I was personally hit in the head with a stone by one of these thugs. When I asked a police officer for help, he sarcastically told me to ask my ‘fellow democratic fighters’ who did it, as if it had come from among the people protesting. There’s zero accountability when the violence comes from those orchestrated to look like random citizens. It’s a deliberate tactic to terrorize protesters, especially women, while maintaining official deniability,” she said.

Many female protesters believe the reasons behind the targeting of women are rooted in not just the role women are playing in the current protests but also the “misogynist tendencies” of many officers.

“There is also a culture of toxic masculinity that goes hand in hand with the conservative part of society—the police are angry that women are taking the initiative [in protests]—female participation in the current protests is a lot larger than ever before—and that causes their aggression. The police see (or, at least, saw at the beginning) women at protests as ‘inferior’ compared to men and think they will be easier to break morally and easier to overpower physically.

“Another factor is the sexual deviations of individuals in the police force—when they feel power over the women after detaining them, their perversion takes over,” Vera explained.

Others put it down to how police perceive women as a serious threat to their authority.

“I think that the real reason the police are targeting women is that women are truly fearless in these protests. They are very resilient and persistent and always on the frontlines. They have actually physically saved a lot of men from the hands of violent police. I truly believe that the police feel threatened by them,” Paata Sabelashvili, a rights campaigner in Tbilisi who has taken part in protests, told IPS.

He added, though, that “in light of the misogyny and sexism among police officers, this is, sadly, not unexpected, and I fear it will only get worse in the future.”

While Amnesty has called on Georgian authorities to immediately end all forms of gender-based reprisals and all unlawful use of force by law enforcement, investigate every allegation of abuse during the protests, and ensure accountability at all levels, neither the group itself nor protesters who spoke to IPS, believe that is likely to happen soon.

“There is little hope under the current government for accountability and effective investigation [of police abuse during protests],” said Krivosheev.

Local media have reported that investigations into complaints made by women about the violence and threats they have faced from police at protests have largely gone nowhere, as have investigations by the Special Investigation Service, which is tasked with independently investigating crimes committed by police, despite hundreds of reports of police violence in 2024 alone.

The government has not commented on claims of women protesters being targeted by police, but in the past it has justified police action at protests as being a response to violence from protesters and has claimed, without evidence, that the protests are being funded from abroad.

But while women protesters are suffering from abuse and harassment by police, the tactics appear to be galvanizing female participation in protests.

“These gender-based reprisals may have been aimed at scaring women into giving up, but that has not been the case. Women have continued protesting, and if anything, even more intensively. Many women continue to speak up about how the police are treating them,” said Krivosheev.

Kalandadze says that despite her experiences, she will not stop attending protests.

“The day the government announced it would suspend Georgia’s EU integration, I decided to join the street protests, and the violent suppression began the same night. Since then, I have attended every protest where protesters have been in danger—every gathering where the police special forces were called in. Even today, I take part in every protest where police forces are mobilized,” she says.

Vera pointed out that although the size of street protests in Tbilisi has grown smaller, they continue on a daily basis.

“The fact that there is some kind of protest in the capital every day is discomfiting for the government and also serves to ensure that the regime is not legitimized in the eyes of the country’s former western partners. There are lots of female activists and the leaders of the protest marches are always women. We have shown so much resilience. We believe in each other. This country is ours,” she said.

Tamar was even more defiant.

“When women lead, especially in a patriarchal society, it destabilizes the whole narrative. It’s not just about political dissent; it’s about cultural control. Yes, I fear things may get worse before they get better. But we aren’t taking a step back,” she said.

*Names have been changed for their safety.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Credit: Kim Hong-Ji/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jun 20 2025 (IPS)

On a resounding 79.4 per cent turnout, South Korean voters have delivered a clear mandate for change. Lee Jae-myung of the centrist Democratic Party of Korea (DPK) decisively won the 3 June election, becoming the country’s new president after a turbulent time for South Korean democracy.

Just six months before, South Koreans took to the streets to defend their democracy when President Yoon Suk Yeol tried to impose martial law. Their determination to protect democratic institutions paved the way for electoral change, proving once again that South Koreans deeply value hard-won freedoms.

Failed coup

The road to democratic renewal began with an unprecedented constitutional crisis. Yoon, of the centre-right People Power Party (PPP), had won the presidency in 2022 by the narrowest of margins, benefiting from a backlash against the country’s emerging feminist movement. But his success wasn’t long lived: the PPP suffered a heavy defeat in the 2024 parliamentary election. Hamstrung by a DPK-controlled National Assembly, the besieged Yoon took an unprecedented gamble. On 3 December, he declared martial law.

Yoon claimed his decision was motivated by the need to combat ‘pro-North Korean anti-state forces’, attempting to conflate political opposition with support for the totalitarian menace across the border. Yoon allegedly instructed the military to launch drones into North Korea. He also ordered the army to arrest several political leaders, including Lee and the head of his own party, Han Dong Hoon, and sent troops to try to stop the National Assembly meeting.

Most South Koreans saw this for what it was: an attempt by a failing president to hang onto power through undemocratic means. Their response was immediate and overwhelming. People flooded the streets, massing outside the National Assembly. As the army blocked the gates, politicians climbed fences. Some 190 lawmakers managed to get in, unanimously voting to repeal the martial law declaration.

Yoon made a televised apology but a few days later issued a statement of defiance, insisting his decision had been legitimate and pledging to ‘fight to the end’. The end came quickly. An impeachment vote suspended his presidency. His impeachment trial concluded on 4 April, with the court ordering the end of his presidency and a fresh election. Yoon is now on trial on insurrection charges. His arrest on 15 January followed a dramatic failed attempt on 3 January, when Yoon supporters and his security blocked access to the presidential palace, leading to violent clashes. Protests have continued both for and against Yoon.

Campaign issues

Lee has benefited from the public appetite for change. His campaign tacked rightwards, deemphasising some of the more progressive policies he’d previously championed, such as basic income for young people. This positioning helped win over former PPP supporters appalled by Yoon’s actions and the party’s continuing failure to condemn them.

Lee comfortably beat PPP candidate Kim Moon-soo. But another important factor was a split in the vote on the right: a more conservative party, the Reform Party, had broken off from the PPP and captured 8.3 per cent of the vote. Had these two reunited, they could have prevailed despite Yoon’s dismal record in office.

The martial law crisis dominated the campaign, but it wasn’t the only issue. Economic matters were important for many voters, with South Korea’s once-mighty economy faltering and high living costs and inequality becoming pressing concerns. These worries were exacerbated by the threat of US tariffs: South Korea, the fourth-biggest steel exporter to the USA, faces 50 per cent tariffs.

Political polarisation seems sure to continue following a bruising election campaign that saw the two main candidates accuse each other of planning to destroy democracy. Lee, who survived an assassination attempt in 2024 and faces death threats, campaigned under heavy security. One crucial test of his presidency will be whether he can heal these divides.

Challenges ahead

Lee however enters office carrying his own baggage, in the form of corruption allegations. In 2023, he was indicted on multiple charges over alleged collusion with property developers when he was mayor of Seongnam city. In November 2024, he received a one-year suspended sentence for making false statements about his relationship with the former head of the Seongnam Development Corporation.

A retrial is pending following an appeal, postponed until 18 June to take place after the election; a guilty verdict could have prevented Lee standing. Lee insists the charges against him are politically motivated, but the trial could bring further uncertainty and a potential constitutional crisis.

On the international front, Lee faces the challenge of repairing relations with the USA. The White House made a bizarre comment hinting at Chinese election interference, apparently picking up on far-right disinformation and attempts by the defeated candidates to paint Lee as a China sympathiser.

Relations with North Korea will present perhaps the biggest foreign policy challenge. DPK politicians typically focus on dialogue and bridge-building, and Lee promises to resume the cross-border dialogue that halted under Yoon.

While anything that promotes peace is welcome, civil society that campaigns on North Korea’s dire human rights situation and works with defectors will be on the lookout for potential restrictions. Under the last DPK government from 2017 to 2022, relations with North Korea thawed but civil society groups working on North Korean issues experienced heightened pressure. The government tried to ban the practice of activists using balloons to send humanitarian supplies and propaganda across the border. Civil society will be hoping the new administration doesn’t follow suit.

Time to build bridges

Lee can expect to face little short-term political opposition. Yoon’s actions have left the PPP in disarray and the next parliamentary election isn’t due until 2028. But Lee’s honeymoon isn’t likely to last long. Economic anger could drive more people to embrace regressive politics. In globally tough times, Lee will need to both offer political stability and deliver meaningful economic success.

That’s a difficult task, but there’s a key asset that can help. South Koreans have demonstrated they value democracy. South Korea’s civil society is active and strong. The new administration should commit to working with and nurturing this civic energy.

South Korea’s December resistance proved what people won’t tolerate. Now comes the harder task of building what many will embrace: a more stable, equitable democracy.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

Picture alliance | Eibner-Pressefoto/Florian Wiegand
 
European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde wants a larger global role for the euro, but Europe’s economic realities may turn privilege into pressure.

By Peter Bofinger
WURZBURG, Germany, Jun 20 2025 (IPS)

In a recent speech, Christine Lagarde, president of the European Central Bank (ECB), articulated a clear desire for the euro to play a more significant role as an international currency.

This, she argued, could bring substantial benefits to the euro area: ‘It would allow EU governments and businesses to borrow at a lower cost, helping boost our internal demand at a time when external demand is becoming less certain.

It would insulate us from exchange rate fluctuations, as more trade would be denominated in euro, protecting Europe from more volatile capital flows. It would protect Europe from sanctions or other coercive measures.’

Lagarde’s aspiration is that a greater reserve role for the euro would bestow upon Europe some of the so-called ‘exorbitant privilege’ that has, until now, been exclusively enjoyed by the United States.

This ambition stands in stark contrast to the views expressed by the Deutsche Bundesbank (the German Federal Bank) several decades ago, which in 1972, explicitly referred to ‘the Deutsche Mark as a reluctant reserve currency.’

A double-edged sword

The term ‘exorbitant privilege’ was coined in the 1960s by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, then the French minister of finance. It describes the unique position of the United States, which allows it to sustain a permanent current account deficit without triggering an exchange rate crisis.

The underlying mechanics are straightforward: when a country imports more than it exports, its liabilities to the rest of the world increase. Exporters abroad accumulate higher deposits denominated in the importing country’s currency.

If these exporters are unwilling to increase their exposure to a deficit country, they typically sell their export receipts on the foreign exchange market, exchanging them for deposits in their own currency.

Consequently, the currency of the deficit country depreciates. If the country fails to address its deficit, the exchange rate will continue to depreciate, risking a currency crisis.

This dynamic changes significantly with the ‘exorbitant privilege’. Foreign investors are willing to increase their holdings of US Treasuries by exchanging US dollar deposits, thereby financing the current account deficit without the dollar depreciating.

Therefore, it is a complete misconception for President Donald Trump to interpret the US current account deficit as exploitation of the United States by the rest of the world. As he once stated, ‘The United States of America is going to take back a lot of what was stolen from it by other countries.’

The opposite is true: The current account deficit has enabled US citizens to enjoy a higher standard of living, financed by the rest of the world through the purchase of US government IOUs. Over the past two decades, the current account deficit and the amount of Treasuries purchased by foreigners have moved in roughly tandem.

If Lagarde is now arguing that Europe could benefit from such a privilege by increasing the reserve role of the euro, one must recognise that Europe and the euro area have, until now, typically been current account surplus countries.

As long as this fundamental situation remains unchanged, Europe does not require the ‘privilege’ of foreigners purchasing euro-denominated government securities.

Given this entirely different current account position, it is unclear whether Europe would genuinely benefit from making euro government bonds more attractive as foreign exchange reserves.

If foreigners were to increase their holdings of euro-area government bonds, they would need to purchase euro deposits on the foreign exchange market against other currencies. This would lead to an increase in the effective exchange rate of the euro, resulting in a deterioration in the price competitiveness of euro-area producers.

It was precisely this fear that prompted the Bundesbank to adopt a cautious approach to an increased reserve currency role for the D-Mark in the 1970s.

Therefore, when discussing the ‘exorbitant privilege’, it is crucial to recognise its dual nature. For a currency area with a structural deficit, it prevents the currency from depreciating. For a currency area with a structural surplus, however, it causes an appreciation of the currency, which can have negative effects on its price competitiveness.

Switzerland provides a compelling example. Traditionally, it has maintained a structural current account surplus. The Swiss franc enjoys a strong reputation as a global reserve currency, leading to permanent capital inflows. To prevent the destabilising appreciation of its currency, the Swiss National Bank has had to purchase massive amounts of foreign currencies.

With reserves exceeding $900 billion, it is now the third-largest holder of foreign exchange reserves in the world, surpassed only by China and Japan. A significant portion of these reserves is invested in government bonds.

It would be ironic if the ECB, by increasing the reserve role of the euro, had to intervene to prevent a depreciation of the dollar and invest these funds in Treasuries.

A fundamental deficiency

However, if the aim is to increase the international role of the euro, it is necessary to determine how to boost this process. Since its introduction in 1999, the euro’s share of global exchange reserves has stabilised at approximately 20 per cent after some fluctuations. The euro has not, however, benefited from the decline in the US dollar’s share, which has fallen from over 70 per cent to under 60 per cent.

Instead, other currencies such as the Swiss franc, the pound sterling and the Japanese yen have been able to increase their position as reserve currencies. Therefore, it is unclear whether the euro would benefit from future shifts in international investors’ portfolios away from the US dollar due to ‘Trumpian policies’.

In her speech, Lagarde described the ‘economic foundation’ of a reserve currency role as a virtuous circle between ‘growth, capital markets and international currency usage’. She explained, ‘The development of US capital markets boosted growth… while simultaneously establishing dollar dominance. The depth and liquidity of the US Treasury market in turn provided an efficient hedge for investors.’

Lagarde believes that ‘Europe has all elements it needs to produce a similar cycle’ and concluded: ‘If we truly want to see the global status of the euro grow, we must first reform our domestic economy.’ The ‘reforms’ she outlined included the usual suspects: completing the Single Market, enabling start-ups, reducing regulation, and building the savings and investment union.

Surprisingly, she did not mention the most obvious obstacle to the euro playing a more prominent international role. While US capital markets offer a total treasury supply of $28.3 billion, the euro area’s government bond market remains a patchwork of larger and smaller national issuers. The largest volume is provided by the French market, totalling €3.3 billion.

It would be naïve to believe that this fundamental deficiency of European capital markets could be overcome by ‘structural reforms’ or by the more homeopathic measures for completing the capital market union.

However, Lagarde also offered a promising step forward: joint financing of European public goods, particularly defence. This would help to increase the supply of truly European safe assets.

In sum, there is no obvious case for increasing the role of the euro as a global reserve currency. If the ECB wants to allow ‘businesses to borrow at a lower cost, helping boost our internal demand’, it must simply reduce its policy rate further.

In addition, the fundamental flaw of a segregated market for European government bonds is very difficult to overcome. Nevertheless, attempts to finance European public goods with jointly issued bonds will undoubtedly lead in the right direction.

This is a joint publication by Social Europe and IPS Journal.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Excerpt:

Peter Bofinger is professor of economics at Würzburg University and a former member of the German Council of Economic Experts