Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

This article explores how participatory approaches and transnational cooperation can be advanced to advance multi-level governance in pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals, focusing on SDG 11 “Sustainable cities and communities”. Based on qualitative research in Finland and Sweden we show that participatory approaches fail due to a lack of administrative capacity, path dependencies, societal conflicts and power asymmetries between the actors involved, which limit the transformative scope and legitimacy of policies. We argue that central governments in particular need to take more responsibility, provide more guidance and invest in capacity building and community empowerment at the local level.

Révolte étudiante et citoyenne en Serbie, chaos institutionnel en Bosnie-Herzégovine, élections cruciales en Moldavie... L'avenir des Balkans et de l'Europe se joue maintenant. Pour tout comprendre, pour ne rien perdre, abonnez-vous au Courrier des Balkans, en profitant de notre offre spéciale.

- Agenda / Agenda - Diaporama, Colonne de droite - A ne pas manquer

Nous avons l'immense plaisir de vous annoncer que la grande actrice bulgare Tsvetana Maneva, accompagnée des acteurs bien-aimés du public Darin Angelov, Alexander Sano, Petar Antonov et Petar Dochev, sera en représentation à Paris avec le spectacle « Pour l'amour… ».
La soirée théâtrale se tiendra le 3 octobre à 19h, à la Maison de la Poésie, à l'invitation de l'Institut culturel bulgare.
« Pour l'amour… » est un spectacle inspiré des textes de Yana Borisova, lauréate de quatre prix IKAR (…)

- Agenda / Région parisienne, Bulgarie

- Agenda / Dans les Balkans, Croatie

On October 1, 2025, Robin Sogalla successfully completed his dissertation entitled „International Trade and Climate Policy: The Role of Firm Heterogeneity“ with summa cum laude at the Technische Universität Berlin. The dissertation was submitted and successfully defended by Robin as part of the ...

Drei mutmaßliche Hamas-Anhänger sind in Deutschland festgenommen worden. Ob die Terrororganisation nun auch international aktiv wird, erläutert Nahost-Experte Guido Steinberg.

Once viewed by Ankara primarily as a fragmented security frontier, Iraq now sits at the centre of its regional strategy. This recalibration is shaped by shifting regional dynamics in the aftermath of 7 October: the weakening of Iran’s influence across multiple fronts, the Gulf states’ rising economic and diplomatic weight, and the search for new stabilising axes in the Middle East. Turkey’s renewed engagement is not just about countering the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) – it signals broader regional aspirations that combines security cooperation with Baghdad and Erbil, a fragile domestic peace process in Turkey, and a strategic push to embed Iraq within Turkey–Gulf trade and key regional energy infrastructures, including oil pipelines, prospective gas exports, and electricity interconnections. At the heart of this shift is a geoeco­nomic logic: by investing in shared infrastructure and fostering mutual interdepend­encies, Ankara seeks to consolidate its regional role. For Europe, the outcome will reverberate beyond Iraq by reshaping connectivity, energy access, and the stability of its south-eastern neighbours.

This report (Vlassis, A., Psychogiopoulou, E, Kandyla, A. and Sarikakis, K. (Eds) (2025)) examines EU film promotion by states and EU policies. It highlights the need for stronger gender equality support in the audiovisual sector.

Part B, authored by Evangelia Psychogiopoulou (ELIAMEP), Anna Kandyla (ELIAMEP), Pelin Turan (SSSA), Apostolos Samaras (ELIAMEP), Laia Comerma (ELIAMEP), and Caterina Sganga (SSSA), forms part of T3.5 (EU law and governance and the promotion of the EFI on the international scene). It examines and assesses whether—and, if so, how—EU law and policies promote European audiovisual works and film beyond the borders of the EU. It does so by mapping the policies and instruments in place, identifying their characteristics, complementarities, enablers and limitations in enhancing the internationalisation of the European audiovisual industry. The analysis focuses in particular on agreements the EU has negotiated with third countries and regions concerning trade facilitation and cooperation in the audiovisual and film sectors. It also  considers EU funding instruments supporting the audiovisual sector and external action in this field. Methodologically, the study draws on extensive desk research and the analysis of a range of primary and secondary sources, complemented by insights gathered through semi-structured interviews with EU officials and film stakeholders. Overall, the findings indicate that EU agreements with third countries, along with audiovisual cooperation and external funding tools, include various elements that can boost the positioning of European films worldwide, although the scope of these instruments varies. The analysis also suggests that considerable untapped potential remains and calls for a comprehensive internationalisation strategy that promotes the competitiveness of the European audiovisual sector while supporting cultural diversity.

The report is available here.

Der slowakische Ministerpräsident Robert Fico gehört zu den lautstarken Kritikern der Russlandpolitik der Europäischen Union und des Westens insgesamt. Fico, der seit Herbst 2023 einem linksnationalen Regierungsbündnis vorsteht, fordert eine Kurs­wende gegenüber Moskau und eine »friedensorientierte« Neuaufstellung des Westens bei der Unterstützung der Ukraine. Für Ficos russlandfreundliches Gebaren gibt es historische und innenpolitische Gründe. Sein Agieren ist Bestandteil einer von ihm selbst so bezeichneten »Außenpolitik in alle vier Himmelsrichtungen«. Trotz der zur Schau gestellten Russlandnähe, einer Übereinstimmung mit Moskau in Fragen der sicherheitspolitischen Ordnung und zahlreichen Konflikten mit der Ukraine unterstützt Fico den EU-Beitritt des Nachbarlands und bilaterale Kooperationsformate. Für Deutschland ist von Bedeutung, ob die Slowakei zu einem Veto-Player in der EU-Russ­landpolitik wird oder ob sie ihre Kombination aus Russlandnähe, verbaler Kritik an der Sicherheitspolitik des Westens, doch gleichzeitig auch pragmatischer Unter­stützung für die Ukraine fortführen wird.

As Cyprus assumes its second Presidency of the European Union, it steps into a role defined by crisis and change. The contrast with its first Presidency (2012) could not be sharper. Then, multilateralism prevailed; collaboration was possible, and conflict manageable. Today, multilateralism is under siege, conflicts dominate, and Europe faces existential challenges: its Union and Security, its Internal and Capital Markets, its Competitiveness, its Freedom and Values.

Every Presidency has one duty: to carry the Union’s business forward. For Cyprus, the central test will be guiding the negotiations on the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF). This is an exercise in listening, negotiation, and compromise. More than anything, it will demand that Cyprus acts as an honest broker — a role where smaller member states often succeed more than larger ones.

Three Tests of Success

Like all Presidencies, Cyprus will be judged on three fronts:

• Institutional: Can it leave a footprint by steering the MFF to conclusion?
• Representational: Can it represent a policy theme, bigger than its national interest that endures? Water, as a scarce resource and driver of conflict and migration –with impact across continents -, could anchor a “Nicosia Declaration on Water.”
• Reputational: Can it use neutrality to build a legacy as a convener of peace and compromise?

It is commendable that Cyprus wants to include regional neighbors as observers in EU deliberations. The EuroMediterranean region — 500 million people, 10% of global GDP — is paradoxically the least interconnected in the world. Intra-regional trade is just one quarter of total trade. For a decade, progress has been negligible.

Cyprus, as the EU’s southeastern border, can help change this. By bringing neighbors into the European conversation, it can foster trade, collaboration, and peace. But this must be pursued with neutrality and as part of a long-term strategy and within EU’s governance model— not as a one-off gesture.

The Presidency is about Europe’s collective good, not national gain. Yet Cyprus’ reality cannot be ignored. It remains divided, with EU law barred from 30% of its territory. And, it is Europe’s only isolated island Member State.

This Presidency can remind Cypriots of the benefits of EU membership. It can remind Europeans of the reality that part of EU territory remains occupied by Turkey — an EU trade partner and NATO member. That contradiction must never be normalized, and it must never be replicated elsewhere.

Cyprus should not instrumentalize its occupation and division but deploy it as a precedent and the learnings which point to European security risks, given the current world order, prevailing Russia threats across the EU’s borders and continuing conflict between Israel, Palestine and regional actors.

Cyprus’ Presidency comes at a moment when Europe needs resilience and vision. It is an opportunity for a small state to leave a large footprint. To prove that neutrality can be strength. To show that Cyprus is not an island on the margins, but a player at the heart of Europe’s frontier.

Photo: Flickr

Depuis l'effondrement mortel de l'auvent de la gare de Novi Sad, le 1er novembre 2024, la Serbie se soulève contre la corruption meurtrière du régime du président Vučić et pour le respect de l'État de droit. Cette exigence de justice menée par les étudiants a gagné tout le pays. Suivez les dernières informations en temps réel et en accès libre.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Vucic, Serbie, Politique, Société, Gratuit

Durrës devrait devenir le nouveau « Dubaï de la Méditerranée », avec la création d'une immense marina et le transfert du port actuel sur le site de Porto Romano. Oui, sauf que les appels d'offres ont été passés en toute opacité, que les investisseurs étrangers se sont largement retirés du projet, que le sol est argileux et la zone sismique...

- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Adriatique, PS Albanie, Albanie, Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso, Economie, Environnement, Une - Diaporama - En premier

L'entrée au Parlement des unionistes du Parti Démocratie à la maison, aux sympathies trumpistes affirmées, et le réseau social TikTok rebattent les cartes entre partisans de la « Grande Roumanie » et adeptes de la « Grande Moldavie ». Décryptage.

- Articles / Moldavie, Roumanie-Moldavie : gel, dégel et regel des relations bilatérales, Courrier des Balkans, Relations régionales, Politique, Une - Diaporama

Le Jardinier et la mort (Gradinariat i smurtta) de Guéorgui Gospodinov, traduit du bulgare par Marie Vrinat, Gallimard, 230 p., 21,50 €, numérique 15,99 €.

- Lettres de l'Est et des Balkans • Le blog de Pierre Glachant / Blogs - Diaporama, Bulgarie

This paper contributes to the extant literature by comparing and contrasting China’s and India’s rationale for leadership of the Global South in the Xi-Modi era and highlighting their motivations and strategies. Both China’s and India’s leadership styles can be characterized as flexible and pragmatic. Both have endeavoured to become the voice of the Global South, a goal pursued by organizing a myriad of international forums and conferences designed to facilitate dialogue, foster solidarity, and shape the collective agenda of developing countries on the global stage and by demonstrating a keen interest in championing the developmental aspirations of developing countries. In addition to diplomatic and political initiatives, both countries have focused on providing development-linked goods (including public goods) to nations within the Global South. However, their approaches to achieving this leadership exhibit notable differences, primarily in their engagement strategies and the extent of their global outreach.

This paper contributes to the extant literature by comparing and contrasting China’s and India’s rationale for leadership of the Global South in the Xi-Modi era and highlighting their motivations and strategies. Both China’s and India’s leadership styles can be characterized as flexible and pragmatic. Both have endeavoured to become the voice of the Global South, a goal pursued by organizing a myriad of international forums and conferences designed to facilitate dialogue, foster solidarity, and shape the collective agenda of developing countries on the global stage and by demonstrating a keen interest in championing the developmental aspirations of developing countries. In addition to diplomatic and political initiatives, both countries have focused on providing development-linked goods (including public goods) to nations within the Global South. However, their approaches to achieving this leadership exhibit notable differences, primarily in their engagement strategies and the extent of their global outreach.