Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

En 2022, los gastos tributarios (GTs) en Colombia representaron aproximadamente el 7.8% del PIB, desglosándose de la siguiente manera: el costo fiscal de estos gastos en el impuesto sobre la renta fue del 0.6% para personas naturales y del 1.5% para personas jurídicas. El otro 5.6% corresponde al IVA. Este total representa un aumento de 4 puntos porcentuales en comparación con el año anterior.
Este informe destaca la necesidad de revisar los GTs, una evaluación que ya era crucial antes de la pandemia, pero que se ha vuelto aún más urgente en el contexto post-COVID-19, dado su impacto en la desigualdad y en los ingresos estatales.
Transparencia: La información sobre GTs en Colombia no es detallada ni accesible para los ciudadanos o los investigadores. En algunos casos está dispersa o solo se dispone de información agregada, lo que dificulta su evaluación.
Escenario fiscal complejo: El sistema tributario colombiano es complejo, en parte, debido a las numerosas exenciones, exclusiones y deducciones especiales presentes en la regulación, lo que complejiza el cumplimiento tributario y el proceso de fiscalización y control.
Desafíos en la evaluación: Colombia no tenía definido su sistema de referencia (Benchmark) para la determinación del gasto tributario (GT). A mediados de 2024 se realizó el primer acercamiento a dicha definición para el impuesto sobre la renta y para el IVA, pero, al momento de este análisis no está disponible el informe desagregado. Sumado a ello, los beneficios tributarios no son objeto de una evaluación permanente y efectiva que permita determinar su pertinencia, lo que ha generado una acumulación de incentivos, muchas veces injustificados y que implican un elevado GT para el país.
Sostenibilidad fiscal: La capacidad del Estado colombiano para mantener unas finanzas saludables y cumplir con la regla fiscal se está viendo afectada por el escaso recaudo tributario. Esto se debe no solo al estancamiento de la economía sino, a la existencia de numerosos beneficios impositivos que conducen a un elevado GT que, solo en 2021 y 2022 representó 7.4% y 7.8% del PIB respectivamente.
Recomendaciones de política: en Colombia se requiere una reestructuración del sistema tributario para hacerlo más eficiente, sostenible y equitativo. Los beneficios tributarios se deben evaluar y, en ciertos casos, desmontar gradualmente con el fin de contribuir a la justicia tributaria y a la simplicidad del sistema.

Et aussi : LFI et les 7 censures ratees ; << "casser les ghettos de riches" pour les remplacer par des HLM >> et autres promesses pour gagner les municipales ; Picasso, Rubens et Proust a vendre...

La presidente de la region Ile-de-France met Emmanuel Macron au defi de consulter les electeurs pour sortir de l'actuelle crise budgetaire.

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In partnership with the government of South Africa, the African Union, and the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, IPI co-hosted the inaugural forum on “Africa and the Global Order” under the theme Reform of the Global Financial Architecture: G20 Imperatives for Sustainable Debt and Inclusive Growth. This year’s G20 carries both substantive and symbolic weight, as it is the first ever hosted by an African country. Taking place at the end of South Africa’s presidency and ahead of the November summit, the event reflected on South Africa’s progress in advancing its stated priorities, particularly on debt sustainability and inclusivity in the global financial architecture.

The event was chaired by IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein and co-hosted by the governments of South Africa and the African Union, represented respectively by Ronald Ozzy Lamola, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, and Téte António, Minister of External Relations of the Republic of Angola and Chair of the Executive Council of the African Union. 

Participants had a frank discussion on regional issues held under the Chatham House Rule.

Atendees included Gesa Bräutigam, Director for Sub-Saharan Africa and the Sahel at the Federal Foreign Office, Germany; Márcio Burity, Political Advisor to the Minister of External Relations of Angola; Işıl Cemali Doğan, Deputy Directorate General for Multilateral Economic Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Türkiye; Berris Ekinci, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Türkiye; Philip Fox-Drummond Gough, Secretary for Economic and Financial Affairs in the Ministry of External Relations of the Federative Republic of Brazil; Shambhu Hakki, Joint Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs of the Republic of India; Freya Jackson, Director of Multilateral and Human Rights at the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; Mathu Joyini, Permanent Representative of the Republic of South Africa to the United Nations; Thani Mohamed-Soilihi, Minister Delegate for Francophonie and International Partnerships of the French Republic; Masotsha Mnguni, Director of Economic Development at the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) and G20 Project Coordinator, South Africa; Stephen Del Rosso, Vice President, International Program at the Carnegie Corporation of New York; Hedda Samson, Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Union to the United Nations; and Thomas Schnöll, Permanent Observer for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development to the United Nations (OECD).

The post Inaugural Forum on Africa and the Global Order: A Focus on the G20 appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Event Video 
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Strategic philanthropy holds immense potential to drive large-scale social change, yet its impact is often constrained by a lack of data, research, and leadership. Addressing the world’s most intractable problems requires collaboration between philanthropy, government, and business.

On September 24th, IPI hosted a Global Leaders Series event featuring H.E. Badr Jafar, author of the book The Business of Philanthropy: Perspectives and Insights from Global Thought Leaders on How to Change the World.

The book, The Business of Philanthropy, features diverse insights into the power of strategic philanthropy to inform, inspire, and mobilize the next generation of social innovators in their pursuit of positive social and environmental impact.

Speakers:
H.E. Badr Jafar, Special Envoy for Business and Philanthropy, United Arab Emirates, and author of The Business of Philanthropy
Tsitsi Masiyiwa, Chair of Higherlife Foundation, Chair and Co-Founder of Delta Philanthropies, Chair of Co-Impact, Chair of END Fund, and a founding board member of the African Philanthropy Forum
Jacqueline Novogratz, Founder and CEO of Acumen

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

The post Global Leaders Series: Insights from The Business of Philanthropy appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The emerging alliance cannot be interpreted as an asymmetrical partnership in which one party dominates. Both see value in the partnership.

Three months after taking the presidency, Lee Jae-myung introduced the "END" initiative during his address at the United Nations.

While the constraining environment is a reality, so is the resilience and innovation demonstrated by women in Afghanistan.

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IPI together with the Permanent Mission of Ireland to the United Nations, and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, in partnership with Our Secure Future and the Nobel Women’s Initiative, cohosted the annual “Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium on Women’s Leadership for International Peace and Security” on September 24th. Now in its eighth year, this symposium aims to ensure that WPS is not only discussed within the UN Security Council during “WPS week” in October but is also integrated into broader high-level discussions at the UN.

This year, the Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium returns to the foundation of the series and focuses on women’s leadership in international peace and security. The discussion examined women’s leadership in formal political spaces, within conflict settings, at the community level, and in areas that are crucial to international peace and security, including technology. While this event highlighted innovations and successes in women’s leadership, the conversation encouraged people of all genders to fight these barriers and be accountable to international obligations to increase women’s participation.

Opening Remarks:
Hiroyuki Saruhashi, Director, Gender Mainstreaming Division at Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japan

Speakers:
H.E. Fergal Mythen, Permanent Representative of Ireland to the United Nations
Sahana Dharmapuri, Vice President of Our Secure Future and Vice President of the PAX sapiens Foundation
Pablo Arrocha, Legal Advisor, Mexico Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Tawakkol Karman, Nobel Peace Prize laureate
Sarah Hendriks, Director of Policy, Programme, and Intergovernmental Support Division (PPID), UN Women

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

Closing Remarks:
Phoebe Donnelly, IPI Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace, and Security

The post Women, Peace, and Leadership Symposium on Women’s Leadership for International Peace and Security appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Das, was aktuell durch Luftraumverletzungen durch russische Drohnen passiere, gehöre zum russischen Informationskrieg, sagt Helge Adrians, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik. Russland wolle damit die eigenen Positionen durchbringen, ohne kämpfen zu müssen.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

This book has come up with the most up-to-date, comprehensive and objective analysis of China’s investments in Pakistan under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project of the Belt and Road Initiative. It covers the broad range of Sino-Pakistan relations in the backdrop of Pakistan’s complex political, governance, security, socio-environmental and technological challenges that hinder implementation of CPEC projects.

Bestimmte Narrative über Einkommen, Unternehmen und Wirtschaft beeinflussen Einstellungen zur Klimapolitik – Einkommensnarrativ senkt zusätzlich die Zufriedenheit mit der Demokratie – Sozial ausgewogene und transparent kommunizierte Klimapolitik kann Polarisierung vorbeugen Populistische Parteien ...

This study takes a critical look at Franco-German relations in the field of international cooperation along the entire humanitarian-development-peace (HDP) spectrum to better gauge the usefulness of bilateral collaborative action in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Both the corresponding potential – for example in the current Syrian transition – as well as existing coordination formats are of interest to the inquiry. The latter are examined in more detail against the background of German and French activities in Libya and Iraq. In this context, the analysis also considers the HDP nexus as an instrument of cooperation, which offers ideal conditions for application in fragile, conflict-prone (Libya) or war-torn countries (Iraq) due to their complex needs. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations for initiating or strengthening Franco-German cooperation in fragile states of the MENA region in the fields of humanitarian aid, development policy, and peacebuilding measures.
The study is divided into three thematic sections, the first of which examines bilateral relations between Paris and Berlin, with a focus on the phase following the signing of the Aachen Agreement in 2019. The analysis of national and international framework conditions for and against international cooperation is also part of this section, taking into account the effects of the Trump 2.0 administration. In the second part, the foreign and development policy approaches of both countries are analysed with a focus on their Middle East policies. Here, convergences and divergent approaches are of special interest, allowing conclusions to be drawn about the ability and willingness to cooperate. The third section is devoted to a synthesis of the operationalisation of activities within the HDP spectrum, with Libya and Iraq as country examples, as well as additional considerations relating to Syria.
On the one hand, this approach enables one to identify structural factors that either hinder or promote bilateral Franco-German cooperation in the international context. On the other hand, sufficient space is also given to current developments in order to be able to categorise trends and contextual factors which have a reinforcing or weakening effect on cooperation drivers. The Discussion Paper concludes with a recapitulation of the findings, and derives actionable recommendations for strengthening cooperation between Paris and Berlin in the crisis-ridden MENA region on the basis of HDP coordination.

This study takes a critical look at Franco-German relations in the field of international cooperation along the entire humanitarian-development-peace (HDP) spectrum to better gauge the usefulness of bilateral collaborative action in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Both the corresponding potential – for example in the current Syrian transition – as well as existing coordination formats are of interest to the inquiry. The latter are examined in more detail against the background of German and French activities in Libya and Iraq. In this context, the analysis also considers the HDP nexus as an instrument of cooperation, which offers ideal conditions for application in fragile, conflict-prone (Libya) or war-torn countries (Iraq) due to their complex needs. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations for initiating or strengthening Franco-German cooperation in fragile states of the MENA region in the fields of humanitarian aid, development policy, and peacebuilding measures.
The study is divided into three thematic sections, the first of which examines bilateral relations between Paris and Berlin, with a focus on the phase following the signing of the Aachen Agreement in 2019. The analysis of national and international framework conditions for and against international cooperation is also part of this section, taking into account the effects of the Trump 2.0 administration. In the second part, the foreign and development policy approaches of both countries are analysed with a focus on their Middle East policies. Here, convergences and divergent approaches are of special interest, allowing conclusions to be drawn about the ability and willingness to cooperate. The third section is devoted to a synthesis of the operationalisation of activities within the HDP spectrum, with Libya and Iraq as country examples, as well as additional considerations relating to Syria.
On the one hand, this approach enables one to identify structural factors that either hinder or promote bilateral Franco-German cooperation in the international context. On the other hand, sufficient space is also given to current developments in order to be able to categorise trends and contextual factors which have a reinforcing or weakening effect on cooperation drivers. The Discussion Paper concludes with a recapitulation of the findings, and derives actionable recommendations for strengthening cooperation between Paris and Berlin in the crisis-ridden MENA region on the basis of HDP coordination.

This study takes a critical look at Franco-German relations in the field of international cooperation along the entire humanitarian-development-peace (HDP) spectrum to better gauge the usefulness of bilateral collaborative action in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Both the corresponding potential – for example in the current Syrian transition – as well as existing coordination formats are of interest to the inquiry. The latter are examined in more detail against the background of German and French activities in Libya and Iraq. In this context, the analysis also considers the HDP nexus as an instrument of cooperation, which offers ideal conditions for application in fragile, conflict-prone (Libya) or war-torn countries (Iraq) due to their complex needs. The paper concludes with a series of recommendations for initiating or strengthening Franco-German cooperation in fragile states of the MENA region in the fields of humanitarian aid, development policy, and peacebuilding measures.
The study is divided into three thematic sections, the first of which examines bilateral relations between Paris and Berlin, with a focus on the phase following the signing of the Aachen Agreement in 2019. The analysis of national and international framework conditions for and against international cooperation is also part of this section, taking into account the effects of the Trump 2.0 administration. In the second part, the foreign and development policy approaches of both countries are analysed with a focus on their Middle East policies. Here, convergences and divergent approaches are of special interest, allowing conclusions to be drawn about the ability and willingness to cooperate. The third section is devoted to a synthesis of the operationalisation of activities within the HDP spectrum, with Libya and Iraq as country examples, as well as additional considerations relating to Syria.
On the one hand, this approach enables one to identify structural factors that either hinder or promote bilateral Franco-German cooperation in the international context. On the other hand, sufficient space is also given to current developments in order to be able to categorise trends and contextual factors which have a reinforcing or weakening effect on cooperation drivers. The Discussion Paper concludes with a recapitulation of the findings, and derives actionable recommendations for strengthening cooperation between Paris and Berlin in the crisis-ridden MENA region on the basis of HDP coordination.

Promoting female employment remains a pressing challenge in many low- and middle-income countries. Despite ongoing efforts, too few women participate in the labour force – particularly in regions such as the Middle East and South Asia – and too many remain locked out of more decent wage employment – especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Promoting women’s employment is not just about fairness; it is essential for inclusive and sustainable development. Women’s economic participation matters for four reasons: it fosters growth and reduces poverty by increasing household income, it enhances women’s autonomy in the household, it promotes equity and cohesion in societies, and it strengthens the resilience of households to shocks by diversifying income sources. Recent research has deepened under­standing of both the barriers and enablers of gender equality in labour markets, offering useful guidance for development cooperation.

Building on empirical research by IDOS, this policy brief highlights that development cooperation can take three key approaches to promote female employment:

• Address foundational barriers: Development cooperation can work with local partners to remove the root barriers holding women back. This includes addressing restrictive gender norms in ways that respect cultural contexts, e.g. by investing in community-based care solutions (as successfully practised in several African cases) or better access to services and mobility. Projects should not only target women individually but also address constraints within households and communities and engage broader society. They must also challenge gendered labour market structures that limit women’s paths into wage work.
• Strengthen gender equality on the opera­tional level: The green and digital transitions offer new employ­ment opportunities – but women risk being left behind. Development cooperation can help to ensure that women benefit from these shifts. In cooperation with national governments, it can embed gender targets into economic reforms, incentivise companies to adopt inclusive hiring practices and to implement flexible work time arrangements (such as in Jordan), and fund training for women to reskill and motivate them for these fields.
• Create an enabling policy mix: Employment-focused reforms succeed when they connect with broader policy frameworks. Aligning employment initiatives with social policies – such as childcare support or public works – can boost women’s ability to work. At the same time, gender-sensitive approaches in areas like transport, finance and infrastructure can help overcome structural disadvantages that affect women at different stages of life.

In recent years, development cooperation has shifted from measures to support gender mainstreaming towards gender-transformative approaches that aim to reduce structural barriers. Recent funding cuts and public opinion that is becoming more critical of diversity and equity measures, mean that development cooperation must build on its experience to enable women to grasp economic opportunities and live a dignified life.

 

Promoting female employment remains a pressing challenge in many low- and middle-income countries. Despite ongoing efforts, too few women participate in the labour force – particularly in regions such as the Middle East and South Asia – and too many remain locked out of more decent wage employment – especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Promoting women’s employment is not just about fairness; it is essential for inclusive and sustainable development. Women’s economic participation matters for four reasons: it fosters growth and reduces poverty by increasing household income, it enhances women’s autonomy in the household, it promotes equity and cohesion in societies, and it strengthens the resilience of households to shocks by diversifying income sources. Recent research has deepened under­standing of both the barriers and enablers of gender equality in labour markets, offering useful guidance for development cooperation.

Building on empirical research by IDOS, this policy brief highlights that development cooperation can take three key approaches to promote female employment:

• Address foundational barriers: Development cooperation can work with local partners to remove the root barriers holding women back. This includes addressing restrictive gender norms in ways that respect cultural contexts, e.g. by investing in community-based care solutions (as successfully practised in several African cases) or better access to services and mobility. Projects should not only target women individually but also address constraints within households and communities and engage broader society. They must also challenge gendered labour market structures that limit women’s paths into wage work.
• Strengthen gender equality on the opera­tional level: The green and digital transitions offer new employ­ment opportunities – but women risk being left behind. Development cooperation can help to ensure that women benefit from these shifts. In cooperation with national governments, it can embed gender targets into economic reforms, incentivise companies to adopt inclusive hiring practices and to implement flexible work time arrangements (such as in Jordan), and fund training for women to reskill and motivate them for these fields.
• Create an enabling policy mix: Employment-focused reforms succeed when they connect with broader policy frameworks. Aligning employment initiatives with social policies – such as childcare support or public works – can boost women’s ability to work. At the same time, gender-sensitive approaches in areas like transport, finance and infrastructure can help overcome structural disadvantages that affect women at different stages of life.

In recent years, development cooperation has shifted from measures to support gender mainstreaming towards gender-transformative approaches that aim to reduce structural barriers. Recent funding cuts and public opinion that is becoming more critical of diversity and equity measures, mean that development cooperation must build on its experience to enable women to grasp economic opportunities and live a dignified life.

 

Promoting female employment remains a pressing challenge in many low- and middle-income countries. Despite ongoing efforts, too few women participate in the labour force – particularly in regions such as the Middle East and South Asia – and too many remain locked out of more decent wage employment – especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Promoting women’s employment is not just about fairness; it is essential for inclusive and sustainable development. Women’s economic participation matters for four reasons: it fosters growth and reduces poverty by increasing household income, it enhances women’s autonomy in the household, it promotes equity and cohesion in societies, and it strengthens the resilience of households to shocks by diversifying income sources. Recent research has deepened under­standing of both the barriers and enablers of gender equality in labour markets, offering useful guidance for development cooperation.

Building on empirical research by IDOS, this policy brief highlights that development cooperation can take three key approaches to promote female employment:

• Address foundational barriers: Development cooperation can work with local partners to remove the root barriers holding women back. This includes addressing restrictive gender norms in ways that respect cultural contexts, e.g. by investing in community-based care solutions (as successfully practised in several African cases) or better access to services and mobility. Projects should not only target women individually but also address constraints within households and communities and engage broader society. They must also challenge gendered labour market structures that limit women’s paths into wage work.
• Strengthen gender equality on the opera­tional level: The green and digital transitions offer new employ­ment opportunities – but women risk being left behind. Development cooperation can help to ensure that women benefit from these shifts. In cooperation with national governments, it can embed gender targets into economic reforms, incentivise companies to adopt inclusive hiring practices and to implement flexible work time arrangements (such as in Jordan), and fund training for women to reskill and motivate them for these fields.
• Create an enabling policy mix: Employment-focused reforms succeed when they connect with broader policy frameworks. Aligning employment initiatives with social policies – such as childcare support or public works – can boost women’s ability to work. At the same time, gender-sensitive approaches in areas like transport, finance and infrastructure can help overcome structural disadvantages that affect women at different stages of life.

In recent years, development cooperation has shifted from measures to support gender mainstreaming towards gender-transformative approaches that aim to reduce structural barriers. Recent funding cuts and public opinion that is becoming more critical of diversity and equity measures, mean that development cooperation must build on its experience to enable women to grasp economic opportunities and live a dignified life.