Written by Anna Caprile and Angelos Delivorias.
Outraged by Russia’s illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, European Union countries swiftly adopted unprecedentedly tough sanctions, in close cooperation with partners including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and Japan. The rapid succession of ten packages of EU sanctions adopted since then, in what has already been labelled a ‘sanctions revolution’, have resulted in an unparalleled set of measures targeting the key sectors of the Russian economy and the political elites. New sanctions have also been adopted against Belarus and Iran, in response to their involvement in Russia’s war of aggression.
The unprecedented nature of the sanctions imposed against Russia, in scale and scope, has created new implementation challenges, in particular for the EU. Member States and EU institutions have renewed efforts to make alignment truly global, and to close loopholes to prevent circumvention. In November 2022, the violation of ‘restrictive measures’ (sanctions) was added to the list of ‘EU crimes’ included in the Treaties.
Despite the challenges, analysts consider that sanctions have already met three important objectives: they have sent the Kremlin a strong signal of Western resolve and unity, they have permanently degraded Russia’s military capabilities, and they are asphyxiating its economy and energy sector, with long-term consequences. However, most experts warn that the impact of sanctions will not be severe enough to limit Russia’s ability to wage war against Ukraine in 2023. The non-alignment of a significant number of countries has also evidenced divergent global perceptions of the stakes and priorities ahead.
Since Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and Sevastopol in 2014, the European Parliament has been a vocal advocate of severe sanctions. Parliament has unequivocally condemned Russia’s unjustified aggression against Ukraine, and has since demanded broader and better-enforced sanctions, including a secondary sanctions mechanism, as well as the confiscation of Russian assets frozen by the EU to pay for Ukraine’s reconstruction. On 23 November 2022, Parliament adopted a resolution recognising Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism.
Read the complete briefing on ‘EU sanctions on Russia: Overview, impact, challenges‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
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IPI together with the Gender, Justice and Security Hub cohosted a discussion on March 13th on the topic of Women’s Agency in Post-Conflict Reconciliation in Colombia, Sri Lanka, and Uganda.
Women in Colombia, Sri Lanka, and Uganda have figured prominently among the victims of war. They also face complex challenges in overcoming the legacies of war, rebuilding their livelihoods and communities, and confronting the horrors of the past. When women feel empowered and have agency, they can become strong advocates and facilitators of reconciliation processes, as well as peacebuilders in their communities.
This event shared research findings on women’s roles in post-conflict reconciliation in Colombia, Sri Lanka, and Uganda, as well as potential synergies between women peacebuilders in all three contexts. Despite being “disproportionately represented among the victims of armed conflict,” as highlighted by IPI Women, Peace and Security Head Phoebe Donnelly, women are still too often omitted from peace processes. This comparison of the three cases helped identify opportunities for women to build peace in their countries and promote awareness of these specific contexts.
During the event, Policy Analyst at UN Women Pablo Castillo Díaz, evoked a discussion on the challenges of labelling. Speakers shared their insight on their respective countries:
In Uganda, co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub explained that the use of the term “post-conflict” can be problematic and/or contradictory considering the war ended 40 years ago, and that there are several ongoing conflicts. In many cases there is real conflict, and “post-war” would be more suitable.
In the case of Sri Lanka, “conflict should not be labelled as over until there is rebuilding” stated Visaka Dharmadasa, co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub. She also asserted that women must be part of the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration process (DDR) and another R should be added for “Rebuilding” (DDRR).
In Colombia, co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub said that people are using the term “post-accord” which has to do with the fact that the country has had over 20 peace processes, including current negotiations to achieve sustainable peace.
The protection, participation and power of women peacebuilders is key for reconciliation and sustainable peace. Read more about the work of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub, and how they amplify the voices of women and marginalized groups here>>
Opening remarks:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations, International Peace Institute
Kirsten Ainley, Co-principal Investigator of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub and Associate Professor of International Relations, Australian National University
Panelists:
Angelika Rettberg, Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub and Professor of Political Science at Universidad de los Andes
Visaka Dharmadasa, Founder of the Association of War Affected Women in Sri Lanka and project partner on the Gender, Justice and Security Hub
Josephine Ahikire, Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub and Associate Professor of Gender Studies at the School of Women and Gender Studies, Principal of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences at Makerere University
Pablo Castillo Díaz, Policy Specialist, UN Women
Moderator:
Phoebe Donnelly, Senior Fellow and Head of the Women, Peace, and Security Program, International Peace Institute
for social media Evyn had me remove “the contexts of,” not sure if we need/should keep it. [MZ1] [MZ1]
“can…” is included in the concept note, without it it seems like a loaded statement [MZ3] [MZ3]
or “peacebuilding and reconciliation processes” (peace processes to avoid repetition) [MZ4] [MZ4]
Do I need to include “Associate Professor of Gender Studies at the School of Women and Gender Studies, Principal of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences at Makerere University, and Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub”? As it is quite lengthy and also right below… [MZ5] [MZ5]
Let’s just use “Co-director of Gender, Justice and Security Hub.” We do need to include an affiliation here. [AS6] [AS6]
Do I need to include “Founder of the Association of War Affected Women in Sri Lanka and project partner on the Gender, Justice and Security Hub” ? [MZ7] [MZ7]
I added (DDRR) at the end, and all capitalized since it’s a title. [MZ8]
include “Professor of Political Science at Universidad de los Andes and Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub” ? [MZ9] [MZ9]
Again, “Co-director” only here. [AS10] [AS10]
Opening remarks:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations, International Peace Institute
Kirsten Ainley, Co-principal Investigator of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub and Associate Professor of International Relations, Australian National University
Panelists:
Angelika Rettberg, Professor of Political Science at Universidad de los Andes and Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub
Visaka Dharmadasa, Founder of the Association of War Affected Women in Sri Lanka and project partner on the Gender, Justice and Security Hub
Josephine Ahikire, Associate Professor of Gender Studies at the School of Women and Gender Studies, Principal of the College of Humanities and Social Sciences at Makerere University, and Co-director of the Gender, Justice and Security Hub
Pablo Castillo Díaz, Policy Specialist, UN Women
Moderator:
Phoebe Donnelly, Senior Fellow and Head of the Women, Peace, and Security Program, International Peace Institute