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Mali Actu
Après la débâcle du camp Trump,États-Unis / Afrique : Les élections de mi-mandat 2026 et leurs répercussions sur le continent l’Afrique se met à espérer
Les élections de mi-mandat aux États-Unis en novembre 2026, sanctionnant par un net revers l’administration de Donald Trump et redonnant aux démocrates le contrôle du…
Après la débâcle du camp Trump,États-Unis / Afrique : Les élections de mi-mandat 2026 et leurs répercussions sur le continent l’Afrique se met à espérer
Mali Actu :
Après la débâcle du camp Trump,États-Unis / Afrique : Les élections de mi-mandat 2026 et leurs répercussions sur le continent l’Afrique se met à espérer
A katolikus egyház november 5-én ünnepli Szent Imre herceg emléknapját. Az Árpád-kori legendák és intelmek című könyv így ír az államalapító király fiáról, a magyar trón várományosáról: „A nemes Imre herceg előkelő nemzetségből, mint a cédrus a Libanonról, Szent Istvántól, Magyarország első királyától származott, erényekkel nagyon feldíszítve ragyogóan tündökölt.”
István és Gizella királyné gyermekei közül csak két fiúgyermek nevét ismeri az utókor, Ottóét és Imréét. Imre életének töredékeit és üzenetét krónikák és legendák őrzik.
A herceg 1000 és 1007 között született Székesfehérváron. Szülei különös gondot fordítottak nevelésére. 1015-től hét éven át Gellért püspök tanította az akkori tudományok minden ágára, latinra, a vallás és a papi élet rejtelmeire, beavatva őt a kor legmagasabb iskolai fokozataiba.
Imre tizenöt éves korától atyja, I. István mellett az államirányítás tudományát, a hadvezérséget, a diplomáciát sajátíthatta el.
A krónikák arról tanúskodnak, hogy apja rábízta a királyi testősrég vezetését, tehát bizonyára egy határozott katonaember volt.
Sík Sándor A szent magyarság című könyvében így ír ezzel kapcsolatban:
„Pedig Szent Imre kétségtelenül erőteljes, férfias jelenség volt. Kétféle vér egyesül az ereiben: apai és anyai öröksége bár kétféle, de édestestvérei egymásnak. Mindkettő a hősiességnek, a hivatásnak, a heroizmusnak hagyománya. Az apai vér Árpád vére, aki maga is folytatója volt a honfoglaló ősök hősies hagyományának. Szent István hitvédő harcaiban átlelkesült, átszellemiesült ez a vér, de erejéből, bizonyos értelemben még ősi vadságából, fiatalos nyerseségéből is alig vesztett. Nem lehet kétséges, hogy az uralkodó, hadvezér, diplomata Szent István trónusának várományosát is uralkodónak, hadvezérnek és diplomatának nevelte. A hősi magyar hagyományban nevelte. A másik hagyományt az anyatejjel szívta magába: anyja Gizella, maga is szent életű Boldog, a regensburgi udvar szent levegőjéből jön, ahol már akkor egy császári szent-család él, és szenteli meg az uralkodás német hagyományait.”
István király a fiához írt intelmekben, a kor szokásai szerint királytükröt készített, melyben őszintén, barátian tanítja. Figyelmébe ajánlja, hogy őrizze meg a katolikus hitet, erősítse az egyházi rendet, hozzon igaz ítéletet, minden cselekedetében mutasson türelmet, tanács nélkül semmit se tegyen, az elődök példája mindig legyen szeme előtt, „sűrűn teljesítse az imádkozás kötelmét, s a kegyességet, irgalmasságot s a többi erényt éber gonddal megtartsa”.
István király hatalmának csúcsán, 1031-ben egyetlen életben maradt fiát, Imrét kívánta megkoronáztatni Székesfehérvárott, trónját és országában a kereszténység zsenge vetését a jövő számára biztosítva. Valószínűleg erre az alkalomra készült Gizella királyné keze munkájával és irányítása alatt az a miseruha, amelyet 900 esztendőn keresztül használtak koronázási palástként.
Az írások szerint vadászat közben egy vadkan halálra sebezte a trónörököst, aki 1031. szeptember 2-án belehalt sebeibe.
„Siratta őt Szent István és egész Magyarország vigasztalhatatlanul, nagy sírással…”– szerepel a krónikában.
Szent László király volt, aki Imre herceget, atyjával, Istvánnal, és nevelőjével, Gellért püspökkel, 1083-ban az ország főpapjai és világi nagyjai jelenlétében oltárra emeltette, ami abban az időben a szentté avatásnak felelt meg.
Imre herceg, a magyar nemzet fiatal szentje és az első magyar szent család tagja. A magyar ifjak példaképeként és védőszentjeként maradt fenn emléke ezer éven át, melyről Prohászka Ottokár így írt:
„Szent Imre hivatása az, hogy eszményt hirdet, példája kihat századokra, s nemzetének nagyobb szolgálatot tesz, ha az erény uralmát benne biztosítja, mint ha az országot arasznyi uralmával boldogítja.”
Forrás: Felvidék.ma
Fotó: Vastagh György (1834–1922) – Szent Imre herceg (oltárkép)
The post Szent Imrére, a magyar királyi hercegre emlékezünk appeared first on Kárpátalja.ma.
Mali Actu - maliactu.net - Mali Actualités, Les Actus et Informations sur le Mali
Mali Actu
Sénégal : Impasse budgétaire et bras de fer institutionnel à l’Assemblée nationale
La vie politique sénégalaise traverse une zone de fortes turbulences institutionnelles après le rejet, pour la troisième fois consécutive par l’Assemblée nationale, de la loi…
Sénégal : Impasse budgétaire et bras de fer institutionnel à l’Assemblée nationale
Mali Actu :
Sénégal : Impasse budgétaire et bras de fer institutionnel à l’Assemblée nationale
Mali Actu - maliactu.net - Mali Actualités, Les Actus et Informations sur le Mali
Mali Actu
Mali : à Moscou, Assimi Goïta a fait le point sur le contrat de 350 véhicules KAMAZ
Le 27 octobre 2026 à Moscou, Assimi Goïta a reçu KAMAZ pour suivre un contrat de plus de 30 milliards de francs CFA portant sur 350 véhicules.
Mali : à Moscou, Assimi Goïta a fait le point sur le contrat de 350 véhicules KAMAZ
Mali Actu :
Mali : à Moscou, Assimi Goïta a fait le point sur le contrat de 350 véhicules KAMAZ
Mali Actu - maliactu.net - Mali Actualités, Les Actus et Informations sur le Mali
Mali Actu
Kayes : Rétablissement de l’approvisionnement en carburant après deux jours de perturbations
L’approvisionnement en produits pétroliers a officiellement repris un cours normal dans la région de Kayes, mettant un terme à deux jours de tensions sur les…
Kayes : Rétablissement de l’approvisionnement en carburant après deux jours de perturbations
Mali Actu :
Kayes : Rétablissement de l’approvisionnement en carburant après deux jours de perturbations
Mali Actu - maliactu.net - Mali Actualités, Les Actus et Informations sur le Mali
Mali Actu
Mali : Assimi Goïta a participé à l’ouverture du Forum Russie-Afrique à Moscou le 28 octobre 2026
Technologies, sécurité alimentaire et formation figuraient parmi les priorités du Mali au Forum Russie-Afrique, ouvert le 28 octobre 2026 à Moscou.
Mali : Assimi Goïta a participé à l’ouverture du Forum Russie-Afrique à Moscou le 28 octobre 2026
Mali Actu :
Mali : Assimi Goïta a participé à l’ouverture du Forum Russie-Afrique à Moscou le 28 octobre 2026
By CIVICUS
Nov 5 2026 (IPS)
CIVICUS discusses India’s Gen Z-led protest movement and civic space restrictions with Avinash Kumar, National Co-convenor of Wada Na Todo Abhiyan, a network that works on government accountability. Avinash is also a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Equity Studies.
Avinash Kumar
In India, the cockroach movement, a Gen Z mobilisation born out of satire, has grown to become a nationwide challenge to the government. Protests first arose in response to anger over a leaked medical entrance exam and have since targeted a revision of electoral rolls that threatens to strip many people of their vote. Authorities have responded with mass detentions and new limits on where people can protest. This latest crackdown follows years of tightening restrictions on Indian civil society, with activists jailed and organisations starved of funds.How did the cockroach movement emerge?
It started with this year’s national medical entrance exam, which was held on 3 May and cancelled on 12 May after a paper leak. The re-exam took place on 21 June, and in the meantime several students died by suicide. This was the latest failure of a highly centralised education system, in which engineering, humanities and medical entrance exams are all run centrally. The government has also pushed curriculum changes to suit its Hindu nationalist agenda.
Students’ anger needed an outlet. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), a movement born out of satire, channelled it by demanding Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation. It could do so because the education crisis was only the tip of the iceberg. India is among the youngest countries in the world, with around two-thirds of its people under 35, yet young people face high unemployment and growing reliance on informal work. They make up about 83 per cent of unemployed people, while close to 90 per cent of all workers are in informal jobs. On top of this come a divisive communal agenda and failures on security and women’s safety.
The CJP captured the imagination of largely unorganised young people. Left-wing student organisations gave it organisational muscle, climate activist Sonam Wangchuk lent it wider legitimacy among everyday people and opposition parties led by Rahul Gandhi helped spread it. Pradhan resigned on 25 July. Although other protest movements had challenged the government before, this was the government’s first major retreat, and it resonated widely.
How did protests evolve after the minister’s resignation?
Within months, the protests widened to target the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, a nationwide review of voter lists. Civil society had been raising concerns about it for a while. But when The Indian Express and other media reported leaked disagreements within the Election Commission, the issue spread across the country and across sectors. Roughly 130 million names have been dropped from the rolls, about an eighth of the electorate. The Election Commission says it is only removing dead, duplicate and ineligible voters, but many fear it’s targeting Muslims.
The CJP became one of several organisations calling for a full rollback of the SIR, a review of recent state elections whose results are in doubt and the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. Over 300 civil society organisations have joined this campaign. In this phase, opposition parties and left-wing student groups have taken the lead, with figures such as Neha Bora of the All India Students’ Association and Aishe Ghosh of the Students’ Federation of India at the forefront. The CJP still mobilises people on the streets.
This gives the movement a much broader base than earlier ones. Past protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens, led by students and Muslims, as well as the 2020–2021 farmers’ protest movement, were largely seen as serving specific sections of the population. This one began with education and has expanded to the SIR, which people fear is a conspiracy to take away their votes and their basic rights as citizens. Because that threat concerns everyone, the movement cuts across classes, regions and religions.
How has the state responded?
The government has responded with massive force. In Delhi on 10 October, authorities deployed over 30,000 police and paramilitary personnel, detained more than 7,000 people and stopped many others before they could reach Jantar Mantar, the city’s designated protest site near Parliament. They shut metro stations, suspended internet services and used a sports stadium to hold detainees. Two days later, Delhi Police removed Jantar Mantar from the list of approved protest locations.
The government has turned the police into a partisan, brutal force and let pro-government mobs target protesters and independent media. Right-wing mobs have turned up at protests, and members of a group calling itself the Hindu Raksha Dal were arrested for allegedly assaulting students and manhandling women at one of them.
Women and girls have been repeatedly beaten and detained, yet they keep coming back. That resilience owes much to the anger over sexual assaults in Delhi and elsewhere, and women had already been mobilising in towns including Patna, Prayagraj and Varanasi.
How do these reactions fit into a wider pattern of civic space restrictions, and how is civil society responding?
They’re part of a longer trend. Civic space keeps worsening, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third term has aggravated patterns set in the first two. The Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), which governs international funding, is choking civil society’s resources. By March 2026, over 21,900 organisations had lost their FCRA licences. A bill to amend the law would go further. If passed, it would allow the state to seize the assets of civil society organisations whose licences have lapsed or been cancelled, and require the central government’s approval before any agency investigates FCRA complaints.
Human rights defenders are jailed for years without trial. Student activists Sharjeel Imam and Umar Khalid have spent over six years in prison. They were arrested in 2020, accused of conspiring to incite riots in Delhi during the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act. In January, the Supreme Court denied them bail, ruling that delay is no ground for bail under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, and in July a Delhi court rejected fresh pleas. Sonam Wangchuk was held under the National Security Act, 1980, for around six months before the central government revoked the order.
Protests are crushed across the country, in mining areas and on the streets of Delhi and Mumbai. In July, police detained over 150 people who protested against the Ken–Betwa river-linking project in central India, including their leader, Amit Bhatnagar. Authorities routinely ban gatherings under section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, India’s criminal procedure code, and internet shutdowns and surveillance add to the pressure. A compromised judiciary and a largely pliant media make all this possible.
Human rights organisations have adapted to these restrictions in different ways. Some have taken to the streets alongside student groups and political organisations. Others have turned to building international support, mobilising global opinion and working with diaspora groups. They also support communities fighting on specific issues in different parts of India, challenge government decisions in the courts and build wider alliances.
How can civil society in other countries, international bodies and states support Indian protesters and civil society?
Governments, institutions and civil society abroad must name and shame the regime in all international forums and challenge its attempts to paint a glorious picture of itself. They should use the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council and its Universal Periodic Review process, treaty-body reviews and the UN Special Procedures, whose experts have formally raised the demolition of Muslim homes with the Indian government. They should also draw on reports from Amnesty International, CIVICUS and Human Rights Watch, and press freedom rankings such as those of Reporters Without Borders.
In November, the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions will review the accreditation of India’s National Human Rights Commission. This is another opportunity, and it should be backed by international political pressure through bilateral dialogues and parliamentary resolutions.
Funders and partners should protect human rights defenders through legal support, trial observation and visible solidarity with those in jail. Beyond that, human rights groups and social movements need to reconfigure their alliances with progressive student groups, and the international community can help create spaces for these conversations. Relying on diaspora groups is not enough.
What has the movement achieved so far, and what are your hopes?
Despite its aggressive stance, the government is already on the back foot, even if it government won’t admit it, and has announced measures to reinstate people removed from the voter rolls. But the revelations keep coming, people remain on the streets, and the movement refuses to die down.
People now openly distrust how elections are run, and many will not accept more elections under this government. But the Indian state is mighty and may try to wait until people’s energy runs out. The home minister boasts that his party will rule for another 30 or 50 years, but it is now clear that ideological hegemony alone won’t achieve that. Whatever happens next, the government’s legitimacy is now in doubt.
My hope rests on the student movement. It builds on the legacy of earlier movements and those still under way across India, and it’s part of a global wave of student protests. If it holds, as it seems to be doing, it could follow the path of neighbouring countries. The challenge is to rebuild a truly democratic state and the institutions that have been compromised and decimated. We must also restore a democratic culture and the values of the Indian Constitution, which are those of a secular, diverse and federal country.
CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.
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SEE ALSO
Gen Z protests: new resistance rises CIVICUS | State of Civil Society Report 2026
India’s young people find their voice CIVICUS Lens 07.Aug.2026
India: ‘The Cockroach Janta Party brings together everyone who has been neglected for years’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Harshit Singh 03.Aug.2026