SWP

Felix Schenuit von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik über mögliche wirtschaftspolitische Strategien, den Hochlauf von Carbon-Management-Technologien wie CCS zu unterstützen – ohne dabei den Ausstieg aus fossilen Energien zu verzögern und die Akzeptanzbereitschaft der Bevölkerung zu verspielen.

Turkey’s voters moved decisively against President Erdoğan in the local elections. Does this give an opening to the opposition in 2028?

The dataset contains all resolutions of the United Nations between session 49 (1995/1996) and 76 (2021/2022) until September 2022, as well as newly developed issue categories that allow for in-depth analysis of voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly. The issue categories are based on the subjects used by the UN. Metadata for each resolution, such as information on the authorship, as well as corresponding draft resolutions were collected through webscraping and subsequently cleaned from the UN Digital Library website.

The data covers the following time period: 10.03.1995-01.01.2024.

In many European countries, the number of asylum applications continues to rise, as does the appeal of right-wing populist parties. In response, initiatives such as the Brit­ish government’s Rwanda Plan and the Italian government’s agreement with Albania aim to significantly reduce the number of arrivals by transferring asylum procedures and refugee protection to third countries. It is worth noting that although similar pro­posals in the past have never progressed beyond the idea stage, concrete implemen­tation procedures are currently under discussion for Rwanda and Albania. However, there are several legal and normative concerns as well as practical challenges that need to be carefully considered. These approaches would fundamentally jeopardise international refugee protection and harm vital foreign policy interests as well as the credibility of the development cooperation of Germany and the European Union (EU).

Am 26. Januar haben die beiden Ko-Fazilitator:innen für den Zukunftsgipfel der Vereinten Nationen (UN) im September 2024 den Erstentwurf für das Abschlussdoku­ment vorgelegt, den »Pakt für die Zukunft«. Nach umfangreichen Konsultationen verhandeln die Mit­glied­staaten nun diesen sogenannten Zero Draft. Dass der Pakt im Konsens verabschie­det werden soll, hatten die Staaten bereits 2022 vereinbart. Das begrenzt die Chancen, über einen dünnen und vagen Minimalkonsens hinauszukommen. Was steht im Entwurf? Kann es gelingen, beim »Summit of the Future« im September einen Pakt zu schließen, der eine Vision mit kon­kreten Reformvorhaben verbindet, um alte und neue Herausforderungen effektiver multilateral zu bearbeiten?

In mid-February, the world’s largest elections took place in Indonesia over the course of a single day. Around 205 million eligible voters were called to the polls to elect a new president, vice president and almost 20,000 representatives for the national, pro­vincial and district parliaments. The spotlight was largely centred on the presidential election, as the president plays a prominent role in the country’s political system, and according to the official results released on 20 March, General Prabowo Subianto will be assuming office in October. His election as head of state is seen by some observers as a threat to Indonesian democracy or even a return to dictatorship. However, it is much more likely that Prabowo will maintain the policies of his predecessor Jokowi, who prioritised the economic development of the country. Nonetheless, democratic institutions and procedures are likely to be further weakened. Germany and the EU should be prepared for Indonesia to adopt a more active and self-confident foreign policy stance under Prabowo as Jakarta will likely come to be driven by a decidedly transactional understanding of international cooperation.

Diversifying Germany’s bilateral partnerships in the Indo-Pacific is one of the central goals of German policy. On the one hand, this diversification aims to reduce economic dependence on China, and on the other – in the context of systemic rivalry with authoritarian states – to bring about cooperation with states that share common values with Germany, so-called Wertepartnern (value-based partners). However, it is not clearly defined which values are fundamental to value-based partnerships. It also remains unclear which states in the Indo-Pacific are referred to as value-based partners and how these value-based partnerships differ from “normal” bilateral relations with other states in the region. Instead, this study shows that the significance that is rhetorically attached to cooperation with value-based partners is at odds with the vague concept of “value-based partnership” and its limited importance as a basis for bilateral cooperation. A comparison of value-based partners with a control group of non-value-based partners across different policy areas produces mixed results. The assumed correlation between being categorised as a value-based partner and closer international cooperation based on shared norms and values cannot, with any coherence, be demonstrated empirically. A comprehensive revision of the hitherto diffuse concept of value-based partnerships is recommended – either by normative sharpening, combined with a narrowing of the circle of states designated as value-based partners, or by eradicating the term from the political vocabulary.

European Perspectives on potential consequences and the policy areas most affected