Feed aggregator

Une forte explosion a eu lieu dans le centre de Cetinje. Deux personnes ont été tuées et plusieurs autres blessées. La police avance le cas d'un règlement de compte entre deux puissants gangs criminels.

- Le fil de l'Info / Monténégro, Courrier des Balkans, Défense, police et justice, armes

Jens Stoltenberg estime que Pékin ne peut plus soutenir l'effort de guerre de la Russie si elle veut préserver ses relations avec les membres de l'Union

Written by Ralf Drachenberg.

On 17 June, the European Council members met for an informal dinner to discuss the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections and possible candidates for the leadership positions in the coming EU institutional cycle. The Heads of State or Government did not come to any decision on the appointments, and indeed they were not due to take any formal decision at this stage in the procedure. High-level discussions will now take place between the European Council and the European Parliament, as well as between the political families. The EU leaders are expected to agree on the package of high-level EU posts, and on the political priorities for the next 5 years, at the formal European Council meeting on 27‑28 June 2024.

Start of the meeting

As usual at the start of the meeting, the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, addressed the members of the European Council. While emphasising that the 2024 European elections had seen the ‘highest voter turnout in over 30 years’, she stressed that the main takeaway from the elections was that ‘the constructive pro-European centre holds’. This view was supported by German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, ahead of the meeting, who underlined that the elections had brought a stable majority of the political forces that had traditionally worked closely together in the European Parliament (the European People’s Party – EPP, the Socialists and Democrats – S&D, and the Liberal family – Renew Europe). Moreover, Metsola informed the EU leaders that the majority of political groups in Parliament supported the ‘lead candidate’ process and, in view of the results of the elections, agreed that the EPP was once again the largest political group in the European Parliament. Metsola’s address was followed by a statement by Ursula von der Leyen, the current European Commission President and EPP lead candidate for the post in the coming term. She presented her views on the future of the European Union.

As flagged up in the EPRS outlook, the purpose of this meeting was not to take a decision. This point was also stressed by some Heads of State or Government before the meeting, notably the Irish Taoiseach, Simon Harris, and reiterated by the European Council President, Charles Michel, after the meeting. The objective was to reflect on the election results and begin discussions on possible candidates for the EU top jobs ahead of the formal European Council meeting on 27-28 June.

Senior EU institutional posts to be filled

In 2024, the appointments to be made include three high-level EU positions: the presidents of the European Commission and of the European Council, and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Commission Vice-President (HR/VP). Several EU leaders, notably Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, stressed that the decisions on these positions would be taken as a ‘package’. Harris called for ‘a balanced package reflecting the results of the European elections, geography and size of Member States’.

Another high-level post – that of European Parliament President – must also be filled at the start of the new institutional cycle. The European Council has no legal involvement in this case, as underlined by Metsola. However, Parliament does not make this choice in a vacuum and has to consider the wider context, notably the election results and the other high-level appointments. On 17 June, Metsola put forward her own candidacy to continue in the post of European Parliament President.

Party political balance in the EU institutions when filling senior posts

The allocation of high-level EU positions has a strong political party dimension (see EPRS briefing on European political parties and the European Council). Michel confirmed this when stating that ‘the political parties are playing a role and that is natural in such a political moment’; he also indicated that the European political families had made proposals for the EU institutional leadership posts.

NB Figure 1 represents the party political balance on 18 June 2024. For Parliament, this is based on preliminary election results. The membership of the European Council changes on average every 2 months and could be different at the next meeting.

As Figure 1 shows, in June 2024 the party political balance, in both the European Council and the European Parliament, differs from the situation after the 2019 elections. While the share of EPP-affiliated members in the European Council increased from 29 to 41 per cent from 2019 to 2024, the Liberal members’ share shrank from 29 to 19 per cent. Similarly, Socialist family leaders now account for only 15 per cent of European Council members compared with 25 per cent in 2019. This shift is also seen in the European Parliament.

Next steps: The formal European Council meeting of 27-28 June

Charles Michel stressed that it was important to have a transparent decision-making process, with all EU leaders having the same level of information; for him, the dinner on 17 June served that purpose.

The President of the European Council will now continue his consultations, notably with the European Parliament – the two institutions being ‘jointly responsible for the smooth running of the process leading to the election of the President of the European Commission’ (Declaration 11 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). In that context, Metsola pointed out that Michel had been invited to attend Parliament’s Conference of Presidents, to discuss with the political group leaders, on 20 June, and again on 26 June.

At the same time, the European political parties will continue their internal discussions and their talks with other political families. The ‘negotiators‘ for the political families, who met initially ahead of the informal dinner, are: Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis for the EPP, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez for the PES, and French President Emmanuel Macron and Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte for ALDE/Renew Europe. An important point in the discussions will be whether there is again an understanding that the person appointed European Council President should see their 2.5-year mandate automatically renewed for the second half of the institutional cycle or whether another person from a different political family could take over at that point.

As various Heads of State or Government, such as Macron and Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo, have mentioned, the European Council is expected to reach a political agreement on the EU’s new leadership positions at its next formal meeting, on 27-28 June. Michel also noted that another important decision was to be taken at that meeting: the adoption of the new political priorities for the European Union, in the form of the Strategic Agenda 2024-2029. Both of these decisions will then shape the coming EU institutional cycle (see EPRS briefing, The European Council’s role at the start of the new EU institutional cycle). In that context, Michel expressed the view that it was the European Council’s collective responsibility to take a decision on both these matters by the end of June.

Read this ‘at a glance note’ on ‘Outcome of the informal dinner of EU leaders of 17 June 2024‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

Staatssecretaris van Justitie en Veiligheid (Détachement de travailleurs de pays tiers)
Travailleurs détachés ukrainiens : l’État membre dans lequel les travaux sont réalisés peut imposer l’obligation d’obtenir un permis de séjour

Staatssecretaris van Justitie en Veiligheid
Kiküldött ukrán munkavállalók: a munkavégzés helye szerinti tagállam előírhat a tartózkodási engedély beszerzésére vonatkozó kötelezettséget

Staatssecretaris van Justitie en Veiligheid
Posted Ukrainian workers: the Member State in which the works are carried out may impose an obligation to obtain a residence permit

A Himalayan settlement in the Everest region of Nepal. The impact of climate change is more intense in the mountain region than in others. Photo: Tanka Dhakal/IPS

By Tanka Dhakal
KATHMANDU, Jun 20 2024 (IPS)

The global public opinion research on climate change reveals that 80 percent, or four out of five, of people globally want their governments to take stronger action to tackle the climate crisis.

According to the Peoples’ Climate Vote 2024 (PCV2024), 86 percent want to see their countries set aside geopolitical differences and work together on climate change.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) collaborated with the University of Oxford in the UK and GeoPoll on the study, which involved asking 15 questions about climate change to more than 75,000 people in 77 countries who spoke 87 different languages. The report released today (Thursday, June 20, 2024) claims to be the biggest ever standalone public opinion survey on climate change and questions were designed to help understand how people are experiencing the impacts of climate change and how they want world leaders to respond. The 77 countries polled represent 87 percent of the global population.

“The People’s Climate Vote is loud and clear. They want their leaders to transcend their differences, to act now and to act boldly to fight the climate crisis,” said UNDP Administrator Achim Steiner. “The survey results—unprecedented in their coverage—reveal a level of consensus that is truly astonishing. We urge leaders and policymakers to take note, especially as countries develop their next round of climate action pledges, or ‘nationally determined contributions’ under the Paris Agreement. This is an issue that almost everyone, everywhere, can agree on.”

Map showing public support for stronger country climate commitments. Source: Peoples’ Climate Vote 2024

Globally, climate change is on people’s mind

Regardless of differences, people across the world reported that climate change was on their minds. According to the report, globally, 56 percent said they were thinking about it regularly (daily or weekly), and some 63 percent of those in Least Developed Countries (LDCs), who are on the frontlines of the climate change impact, are waiting for external support to adapt and mitigate.

The report shows worry around climate change is growing; 53 percent, or more than half, of people globally said they were more worried than last year about climate change. Again, worry is higher in Least Developed Countries (LDCs), where 59 percent of people experience climate change-related fear. On average, across the nine Small Island Developing States (SIDS) surveyed, as many as 71 percent said they were more worried than last year about climate change.

Climate change has an impact on people’s major decisions. According to the report, 69 percent of people worldwide said that climate change was having an impact on their major decisions, like where to live or work. The proportion so affected was higher in LDCs at 74 percent but notably lower in Western and Northern Europe at 52 percent and Northern America at 42 percent.

People are in favor of fossil fuel phaseout

The survey results also show overwhelming support for a faster transition away from fossil fuels. For a few years now, whenever leaders meet for climate summits, their major disagreement is the phaseout of fossil fuels, but people are not only calling for bolder climate action; they also want a transition to “green energy.”

The survey shows support by a global majority of 72 percent in favor of a quick transition away from fossil fuels. This is true for countries among the top 10 biggest producers of oil, coal, or gas, including majorities of 89 percent in Nigeria and Türkiye, 80 percent in China, 76 percent in Germany, 75 percent of people in Saudi Arabia, 69 percent in Australia, and 54 percent of people in the United States. Only 7 percent of people globally said their country should not transition at all.

People are in support for stronger climate action in 20 of the world’s biggest greenhouse gas emitters, with majorities ranging from 66 percent of people in the United States and Russia, to 67 percent in Germany, 73 percent in China, 77 percent in South Africa and India, 85 percent in Brazil, 88 percent in Iran and up to 93 percent in Italy.

Australia, Canada, France, Germany and the United States—in these five big emitters, women were more in favor of strengthening their country’s commitments by 10 to 17 percentage points. This gap was biggest in Germany, where women were 17 percentage points more likely than men to want more climate action (75 percent vs. 58 percent).

Additionally, a majority of people in every country surveyed said rich countries should give more help to poorer countries to address climate change. The poorest countries—those most immediately in need of international support to address climate change—were more likely to be in favor of rich countries giving more help to poorer countries—by upwards of 30 percent—than the world’s wealthiest countries—94 percent in Bhutan and 64 percent in the United States of America. Globally, around eight in ten people said they wanted rich countries to give more support to poorer countries.

Support for climate change education in schools

The survey results showed that people want climate change-related courses in schools; four in five people or 80 percent globally, called for schools in their country to teach more about the topic related to it. The report says education is a critical part of addressing the issue of climate change. In schools, especially, young people need to be taught the impact of our changing climate and given the opportunity to learn how to adapt to it and help identify future solutions.

Large majorities in all countries want schools in their countries to do more to teach people about climate change. Significantly higher proportions of people in LDCs (93 percent) supported more education on climate change compared to 74 percent support in G20 countries.  In Haiti 99 percent people want more education on climate change in schools. But support is low in some countries, with only 29 percent in the USA, 26 percent in Indonesia and 21 percent in Papua New Guinea.

Evidence to develop climate action

This is the first time the public has been asked about climate change in a way that relates to their day-to-day lives, and according to experts, this is important for upcoming discussions.

The first Peoples’ Climate Vote took place in 2021 and surveyed people across 50 countries through advertisements in popular mobile gaming apps.

Prof. Stephen Fisher, Department of Sociology, University of Oxford, said, “A survey of this size was a huge scientific endeavor. While maintaining rigorous methodology, special efforts were also made to include people from marginalized groups in the poorest parts of the world. This is some of the very highest quality global data on public opinions on climate change available.”

As world leaders decide on the next round of pledges under the Paris Agreement by 2025, these results seem to have an impact as evidence that people everywhere support bold climate action.

“The Peoples’ Climate Vote has enlisted the voices of people everywhere, including amongst groups traditionally the most difficult to poll. For example, people in nine of the 77 countries surveyed had never before been polled on climate change,” Cassie Flynn, Global Director of Climate Change, UNDP, said.

“The next two years stand as one of the best chances we have as the international community to ensure that warming stays under 1.5°. We stand ready to support policymakers in stepping up their efforts as they develop their climate action plans.”

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');   Related Articles

• Explainer: Why GLOFs Are Growing Concern in the Himalaya
• Climate Crisis in Mountains: Borderless Struggle for Frontline Communities
• Another World Seen Through the Lenses of Gender and Sexuality

Lille's former Tottenham and Newcastle midfielder Nabil Bentaleb is taken to hospital in France after falling ill.

dm-drogerie markt
Rapprochement des législations
Publicité portant sur des produits biocides : le droit de l’Union interdit l’utilisation de l’indication « respectueux de la peau »

dm-drogerie markt
Jogszabályok közelítése
Biocid termékek reklámozása: az uniós jog tiltja a "bőrbarát" fordulat használatát

dm-drogerie markt
Approximation of laws
Advertising for biocidal products: EU law prohibits use of the indication ‘skin friendly’

Credit: Alain Pitton/NurPhoto via Getty Images

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Jun 20 2024 (IPS)

The violence that rocked New Caledonia last month has subsided. French President Emmanuel Macron has recently announced the suspension of changes to voting rights in the Pacific island nation, annexed by his country in 1853. His attempt to introduce these changes sparked weeks of violence.

Colonial legacies

Scattered around the world are 13 territories once part of the French Empire that haven’t achieved independence. Their status varies. Some, such as Guadeloupe and Martinique, have the same legal standing as French mainland regions. Others have more autonomy. New Caledonia is in a category of its own: since the 1998 Nouméa Accord, named after New Caledonia’s capital, France agreed to a gradual transfer of power. Currently, France determines New Caledonia’s defence, economic, electoral, foreign and migration policies.

The Accord came in response to a rising independence movement led by Kanak people, the country’s Indigenous inhabitants. Kanaks make up around 40 per cent of the population, with the rest being people of European descent and smaller groups of Asian, Oceanian and mixed heritage. Kanaks experienced severe discrimination under French colonial rule, and for a period were confined to reservations.

An independence movement formed after a fresh wave of Europeans arrived in the 1970s to work in the nickel-mining industry. New Caledonia is the world’s fourth-largest producer of nickel, a key ingredient in stainless steel and, increasingly, electric vehicle batteries. The nickel boom highlighted the divide in economic opportunities. Unrest lead to worsening violence and, eventually, the Nouméa Accord.

A downturn in the industry has deepened economic strife, exacerbating the poverty, inequality and unemployment many Kanaks experience. Today, around a third of Kanaks live in poverty compared to nine per cent of non-Kanaks.

Multiple referendums

The Accord created different electoral rolls for voting in mainland France and in New Caledonian elections and referendums, where the roll is frozen and only people who lived in the country in 1998 and their children can vote. These limitations were intended to give Kanak people a greater say in three independence referendums provided for in the Accord.

Referendums took place in 2018, 2020 and 2021, and the pro-independence camp lost every time. The 2020 vote was close, with around 47 per cent in favour of independence. But the December 2021 referendum was held amid a boycott by pro-independence parties, which called for a postponement due to the COVID-19 pandemic: an outbreak that began in September 2021 left 280 people dead, most of them Kanak. Independence campaigners complained the vote impinged on traditional Kanak mourning rituals, making it impossible to campaign.

Almost 97 per cent of those who voted rejected independence, but the boycott meant only around 44 per cent of eligible people voted, compared to past turnouts of over 80 per cent.

France viewed this referendum as marking the completion of the Nouméa Accord. Macron made clear he considered the issue settled and appointed anti-independence people to key positions. The independence movement insisted that the vote, imposed by France against its wishes, wasn’t valid and another should be held.

Since the Accord was agreed, the far right has risen to prominence in France, as seen in the recent European Parliament elections. French politics and its politicians have become more racist, with mainstream parties, including Macron’s, tacking rightwards in response to the growing popularity of the far-right National Rally party. The ripple effect in New Caledonia is growing polarisation. As French politicians have promoted a narrow understanding of national identity, New Caledonia’s anti-independence movement has become more emboldened.

China’s push for closer ties with Pacific countries has also raised Oceania’s strategic importance. The US government and its allies, including France, have responded by paying renewed attention to a long-neglected region. France may be less willing to tolerate independence than before, particularly given the growing demand for electric vehicles.

State of emergency

The immediate cause of the protests was the French government’s plan to extend the franchise to anyone who has lived in New Caledonia for more than 10 years. For the independence movement, this was a unilateral departure from the Nouméa Accord’s principles and a setback for prospects for decolonisation and self-determination. Tens of thousands took part in protests against the change, approved by the French National Assembly but pending final confirmation.

On 13 May, clashes between pro-independence protesters and security forces led to riots. Rioters burned down hundreds of buildings in Nouméa. Communities set up barricades and people formed defence groups. Eight people are reported to have died.

France declared a state of emergency and brought in around 3,000 troops to suppress the violence, a move many in civil society criticised as heavy-handed. French authorities also banned TikTok. It was the first time a European Union country has made such a move, potentially setting a dangerous precedent.

Blocking social media platforms will never be the answer!

For two weeks, French authorities blocked TikTok in New Caledonia in an attempt to quell protests. Learn why this action was unacceptable and will always be in violation of human rights:https://t.co/NFaTHvidXI

— Access Now (@accessnow) June 5, 2024

Dialogue needed

Macron, who paid a brief visit once violence had subsided, has said the electoral changes will be suspended to allow for dialogue. His decision to gamble on early elections in France in the wake of his European election defeat has bought him some time.

This time should be used to build bridges and address the evident fact that many Kanak people don’t feel listened to. This goes beyond the question of the franchise. There are deep and unaddressed problems of economic and social exclusion. Many of those involved in violence were young, unemployed Kanaks who feel life has little to offer.

As a consequence of recent developments, New Caledonia is now more divided than it’s been in decades. The question of independence hasn’t been settled. Many Kanak people feel betrayed. For them, before there can be any extension of the franchise, France must agree to complete the unfinished process of decolonisation.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Die am DIW Berlin angesiedelte forschungsbasierte Infrastruktureinrichtung Sozio-oekonomisches

Panel (SOEP) sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt

zwei studentische Hilfskräfte (w/m/div)

(für je 10 Wochenstunden)

Credit: UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel (UNOWAS)
 
Recalling the proclamation in 1993 by the United Nations General Assembly that established 03 May as World Press Freedom Day, the Deputy Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary General for West Africa and the Sahel, Giovanie BIHA, said that "the right to inform and be informed is essential to our freedom as individuals and as a society”. In shaping a future of rights for all, it is imperative to remember that freedom of expression is a key element of democracy and citizen participation.

By Sefa Ikpa
LAGOS, Nigeria, Jun 20 2024 (IPS)

Authoritarian overreach is re-defining itself across West Africa, fuelled by armed conflicts, military coups, and electoral manipulation and violence, as the region experiences a decline in democracy.

Notably, repressive governments are increasingly turning to content moderation laws as the newest tools for gagging the press and stifling free speech on the internet. The internet means many different things to many people. For some, it means a free space to express themselves and ventilate their thoughts without fear of retribution, silencing or coercion.

For politicians, it is a powerful tool to recruit supporters and disseminate campaign messages. For activists, it is a platform to build solidarity, draw attention to social causes, and foster accountability for governments and corporations.

For the media, the internet has revolutionised operations by providing innovative and creative ways for news production, audience engagement, information gathering and dissemination.

For smaller media houses, which otherwise would have struggled with visibility and the costs associated with physical newsroom operations and news production, the internet has offered smarter and cheaper ways to amplify their work.

But the internet’s many successes in facilitating access to critical information and spaces for raising citizens’ concerns have not come without its downsides. The digital revolution has, unfortunately, also provided a platform for widespread misinformation and disinformation, posing a real threat to national security, public order and democratic governance — a paradigm that is particularly troubling for developing democracies like those in West Africa.

Although the challenge of misinformation is not new, the wide scope of manipulation and the multiplicity of techniques and platforms to disseminate information, enabled by evolving technology, have placed the issue in a very unique and unprecedented context.

Ample room for misuse and misinterpretation

In response, state authorities have implemented several technological measures to counter this threat, including the introduction of content moderation laws. These laws, presented as genuine efforts to combat the spread of false information and maintain social order, often end up clashing with already existing laws that guarantee freedom of expression.

In particular, the vague and broad wording of these laws leaves room for misapplication and executive overreach, providing state actors with the impetus to regulate the press or severely punish journalists they consider ‘stubborn’.

Adeboye Adegoke, a digital rights expert and senior manager at Paradigm Initiative, says that ‘content moderation through executive fiat is very common, in which case the governments can take down “offending” content as they choose.

That is the major problem when content moderation laws are not made in consideration of existing laws.’ This issue is exemplified in Mali, where stakeholders denounced the new Suppression of Cybercrime Law, stating that its provisions affecting online press freedom were inconsistent with constitutional laws protecting the press.

While physical harm and overt legal actions are already problematic, the widespread press suppression through legal actions has led to a climate of fear among journalists.

The implementation of these content moderation laws has had a deleterious effect on press freedom across the region. Under the provisions of these laws, journalists have been subjected to harassment, intimidation and legal action.

Nigeria, for example, has passed and implemented a Cybercrimes Act, originally developed as a tool to curb internet-related offenses. Section 24 of the Act, which criminalises the dissemination of offensive, false or menacing messages, has been particularly contentious.

The case of Agba Jalingo, a journalist accused of treasonable felony, terrorism and an attempt to topple the Cross River State Government, has become emblematic of the government’s relentless pursuit of dissident journalists.

Similarly, since taking over power in 2022, Burkina Faso’s junta-led government has overseen the suspension of various media outlets in the country. The country has amended its penal code to criminalise the reporting of terrorist attacks or security issues that could ‘undermine public order’ or ‘demoralise security and defence forces’.

Such offenses can lead to imprisonment for up to 10 years as well as hefty fines. Similar legislation has been enacted in other West African countries like Ghana, Senegal, Togo, Sierra Leone and others.

Self-censorship

While physical harm and overt legal actions are already problematic, the widespread press suppression through legal actions, also known as Strategic lawsuits against public participation, or SLAPP suits, has also led to a climate of fear among journalists, who now resort to self-censorship to avoid punitive measures. In turn, journalists are increasingly afraid to report on sensitive issues.

Blessing Oladunjoye, a Nigerian journalist and publisher of BONews Service, is currently being prosecuted under the Cybercrimes Act for an undercover investigation on fertility clinics and surrogacy in Nigeria.

She expressed the effect of this legal action on her work as follows: ‘After I was served those papers, I started asking myself, what kind of stories am I supposed to do now that I am sure will not provoke anybody? It was terrifying. It has affected the kind of stories I want to pursue.’

In environments where content moderation laws are harshly enforced, journalists may choose to avoid reporting on government corruption, human rights abuses or social unrest. An anonymous Nigerian journalist from a government-owned media house explained that they often had to gauge the government’s stance before publishing stories:

‘Sometimes, you need to feel the pulse of the government. It determines what you write. For instance, with any content that goes against the interest of my principal, you have to think about it beforehand. Personally, I had to be transferred to another state as a result of a story that I wrote that was not in the interest of the government.’

In a true democracy, the press does not live in fear.

But the campaign of calumny against journalists is not only championed by governments; Non-state actors have also taken a page from the authoritarian playbook now, as seen in the case of Oladunjoye. ‘Non-state actors are emboldened to commit attacks against journalists because state actors do it with impunity and, of course, no one holds them accountable for it’, she laments.

Democratic governance in West Africa has been extremely challenging, especially in the last decade, and the suppression of press freedom through content moderation laws poses a significant threat to democratic stability in the region. A free and empowered press – free from any form of control and censorship – is essential for any functional democracy.

The press acts as a check on governments and powerful entities, uncovering corruption, human rights violations, abuse of power and other breaches of social contracts. When journalists are silenced, either through direct legal action or self-censorship, these critical functions are compromised.

As West Africa continues to grapple with these challenges, the path forward requires a nuanced approach that respects the freedoms of the press while addressing the real dangers posed by digital misinformation.

While misinformation and disinformation may have become more prevalent with the rise of digital technologies, content moderation laws must be narrowly tailored to target genuine threats to public order and national security without being used as tools of repression.

The implications of content moderation on journalists can only be mitigated if content moderation laws are developed in the context of existing constitutional laws and with strict legal guidelines applied to protect journalists and ensure that their rights to free expression and access to information are upheld. In a true democracy, the press does not live in fear.

Sefa Ikpa is a social justice advocate and a development communications expert. She works for the inclusion of marginalised groups and voices in governance processes in Nigeria and the protection of civil liberties. She is an electrical and electronics engineer with a passion to enhance digital access and close the gender gap in STEM education, safeguard the civic space in West Africa and promote women’s involvement in governance processes.

Source: International Politics and Society, published by the Global and European Policy Unit of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Hiroshimastrasse 28, D-10785 Berlin.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Written by Anita Orav.

In December 2000, the United Nations General Assembly designated 20 June as World Refugee Day, to mark the 50th anniversary of the 1951 Geneva Convention on to the Status of Refugees. It is a day to honour the courage of people who have been forced to flee their homes to escape conflict or persecution.

A refugee is a person who, owing to a well-founded fear of persecution in their country of origin based on race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, receives international protection from another state on its territory.

A call for solidarity with refugees

According to United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates, 130.8 million people worldwide have been forcibly displaced or are stateless in 2024, with over 32 million of them refugees. With growing numbers of people being forced to flee their homes, the international day serves as a reminder that refugees need support more than ever. This year, World Refugee Day is focusing on solidarity with refugees and creating a world where refugees are welcome. There are many ways to express solidarity, starting with an open and empathetic approach towards refugees, making them feel welcome and included. It also involves seeking solutions to end the conflicts causing their plight, providing them with opportunities to integrate and thrive in host societies, even temporarily, and ensuring adequate support for host countries and regions in their reception and integration efforts.

Looking for protection in the European Union

Many displaced people around the world seek protection in the European Union (EU). After a peak in migrant arrivals in 2015 and 2016, followed by a decrease due to the pandemic, arrival numbers began rising again in 2021. In 2023, over a million first-time asylum seekers applied for international protection in the EU, up 20 % from 2022 and the highest number since the peak in the 2015 to 2016 period. Additionally, there are nearly 6 million Ukrainians in the EU receiving support under the Temporary Protection Directive.

In addition to asylum-seekers arriving at EU borders, the EU has set up a system for all EU countries to receive refugees directly from countries outside the EU – such as Türkiye, Lebanon and Jordan – that are currently hosting large numbers. This scheme is based largely on EU cooperation with the UNHCR, which helps resettle refugees directly from refugee camps. For the 2024-2025 period, 14 EU Member States have pledged more than 60 735 places for resettlement and humanitarian admission.

Solidarity and inclusion in the EU

The European Parliament has consistently called for solidarity with refugees. In its 2016 resolution on the situation in the Mediterranean and the need for a holistic EU approach to migration, Parliament emphasised that hosting Member States ‘must offer refugees support and opportunities to integrate and build a life in their new society’. It also noted that respect for the EU’s founding values, as well as respect for the fundamental rights of refugees, must be integral to the integration process.

While the responsibility for integration policies lies primarily with the Member States, the EU has established its guiding principles in the EU action plan on integration and inclusion (2021-2027) to support national, regional and local authorities and civil society. To help bring together innovation, good practice and analysis on migrant integration at both EU and country levels, the European Commission launched the European website on integration (EWSI). The site currently lists over 1 440 successful practices from across the EU Member States.

Read this ‘at a glance note’ on ‘World Refugee Day 2024‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

A területvédelmi tartalékos rendszer országos lefedettséget biztosít, így a katonai szolgálatot munkájuk mellett vállalók lakóhelyükhöz közel teljesíthetik szolgálatukat – jelentette ki Szalay-Bobrovniczky Kristóf honvédelmi miniszter az M1 „HadERŐ – Hazámat szolgálom!” műsorában. A jelentkezők számos szolgálati terület közül választhatnak, és akár békefenntartó missziókban is részt vehetnek.

„Mindenkit várunk, aki szereti a hazáját, a történelmét, a kultúráját, és tenni szeretne érte” – hangsúlyozta a honvédelmi miniszter, aki maga is tartalékos katona. A június 17-én indult toborzókampány célja, hogy tettre kész jelentkezőket vonjon be az ország minden részéről.

A honvédelmi miniszter kiemelte, hogy a Magyar Honvédség célja az ország védelmének megerősítése, a béke fenntartása. A védelmi rendszer teljessé a hivatásos haderőt támogató területvédelmi tartalékosokkal válik teljessé.

A műsorban bemutatott Vernes Árpád főtörzsőrmester, civilben hegedűtanár, most a precíziós lövészet fortélyait sajátítja el. Molnár Dénes százados pedig különböző területekről érkezett katonákat képez ki Hajdúhadházon.

Deboyser Sylvie Julie főtörzsőrmester gyógytornász és Dániel Róbert Tamás főhadnagy ügyvéd szakmai tudásukat a Magyar Honvédség szolgálatába állították. Mindketten barátaik ajánlására csatlakoztak a haderőhöz.

A műsorban megszólaló dr. Drót László dandártábornok, az MH Területvédelmi Erők Parancsnoksága parancsnoka hangsúlyozta, hogy a területvédelmi rendszer összeköti a honvédséget és a társadalmat.

A Magyar Honvédség rugalmas rendszere a bevezetett szolgálati formákkal és anyagi megbecsüléssel biztosítja a lehetőséget azoknak, akik az alapkiképzés után bármilyen módon szolgálni szeretnék hazájukat.

A műsorban bemutatott Tar Bence szakaszvezető a Honvédelmi Minisztérium díszőrségének tagja, Mikó Sándor szakaszvezető pedig Koszovóban teljesített békefenntartó szolgálatot. Csombok Dóra szakaszvezető Hajdúhadházon gyakorlatozott társaival, felkészülve egy újabb misszióra.

A tartalékosok külföldi békefenntartó műveletekben való részvétele is bizonyítja, hogy a Magyar Honvédség minden szolgálatra jelentkező számára kihívásokat és lehetőségeket kínál.

The post Haderőnk jövője: A tartalékosok fontossága appeared first on Biztonságpiac.

L'accord de Prespa a mis fin en juin 2018 au vieux contentieux entre la Grèce et la Macédoine – devenue « du Nord ». Alors que cet accord est désormais remis en cause, ses deux artisans, Alexis Tsipras et Zoran Zaev, tirent la sonnette d'alarme.

- Le fil de l'Info / Macédoine du Nord, Grèce, Courrier des Balkans, Nom de la Macédoine, Relations régionales

By Ndongo Samba Sylla and Jomo Kwame Sundaram
DAKAR and KUALA LUMPUR, Jun 20 2024 (IPS)

Developing country governments are being blamed for irresponsibly borrowing too much. The resulting debt stress has blocked investments and growth in this unequal and unfair world economic order.

Money as debt
Myths about public debt are legion. The most pernicious see governments as households. Hence, a ‘responsible’ government must try to run a surplus like an exemplary household head or balance its budget.

Ndongo Samba Sylla

This analogy is simplistic, unfounded and misleading. It ignores the fact that governments and households are not equivalent monetary entities. Unlike households, most national governments issue their currencies.

As currency is widely used for economic transactions, government debt and liabilities influence households’ and businesses’ earnings and wealth accumulation.

The standard analogy also ignores principles of double-entry bookkeeping, as one entity’s expenditure is another’s income, one entity’s debit is another’s credit, and so on. The government deficit equals the surplus of the non-government sector, which includes households, businesses, and the ‘rest of the world’.

Thus, when a government budget is in deficit – spending exceeds revenue – the government has created net financial wealth for the non-government sector. Government deficits, therefore, increase private savings and the money supply.

Since only the government issues the national currency, its spending does not ‘crowd out’ private-sector spending but complements it. As the currency is debt issued by the state, no money would be left in an economy if the government paid off all its debt!

Hence, media hysteria about public debt is unjustified. Instead, attention should be paid to the macroeconomic and distributive impacts of public spending. For example, will it generate inflation or negatively impact the balance of payments? Who would benefit or lose?

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Debt-to-GDP ratio useless
Another widespread myth maintains that public debt beyond a certain level is not sustainable or negatively impacts economic growth. Allegedly supportive studies have been discredited many times, including by IMF research. Yet, the myth persists.

Mimicking eurozone criteria, many West African governments have set policy targets, including public deficits of less than 3% of GDP and debt-to-GDP ratios of less than 70%.

The debt-to-GDP ratio undoubtedly shows relative levels of indebtedness. But otherwise, this ratio has no analytical utility. After all, public debt is a ‘stock’, whereas GDP or output is a ‘flow’.

Suppose a country has an annual income of $100 and zero debt. Suppose its government issues debt of $50 over 25 years, with annual repayments of $2. Its public debt-to-GDP ratio will suddenly increase by 50%.

This poses no problem as GDP will likely increase thanks to increased investments while repaying the $50 debt. With an annual economic growth rate averaging 3%, GDP will more than double over this period.

Second, public debt is always sustainable when issued and held in domestic currency, and the central bank controls interest rates.

With a debt-to-GDP ratio of 254%, the Japanese government will never lack the means to pay off its debt. Unlike developing countries that take on foreign currency debt at rates they do not control, it will always be solvent. Thus, Peru defaulted in 2022 with a debt-to-GDP ratio of 33.9%!

Monetary ‘Berlin Wall’
Thus, there is a significant difference between the governments of the North – mainly indebted in their own currencies – and those in the South, whose debt is at least partly denominated in foreign currencies.

But governments in the South are not indebted in foreign currencies due to inadequate savings.

They can always finance any spending requiring local resources, including labour, land, equipment, etc. Objectively, no country issuing currency can lack ‘financing’ for what it has the technical and material capacity to do.

The chronic indebtedness of most developing countries and the ensuing crises are thus manifestations of the international economic and financial system’s unequal and unfair nature.

Global South countries have been required to accumulate ‘hard currencies’ – typically dollars – to transact internationally. This monetary ‘Berlin Wall’ separates two types of developing countries.

First, net exporting countries that accumulate ‘enough’ dollars usually invest in low-yielding US Treasury bonds, allowing the US to import goods and services virtually free.

Second, those which do not earn ‘enough’ hard currencies resort to transnational finance, typically increasing their foreign indebtedness. Most eventually have to turn to the IMF for emergency relief, inadvertently deepening their predicament.

However, as they have to cope with prohibitive terms and conditions for access to emergency foreign financing, it is difficult to escape these external debt traps.

Paradoxically, countries of the South with chronic dollar deficits are often rich in natural resources. Bretton Woods institutions typically demand protracted fiscal austerity and economic denationalisation, undermining developing countries’ chances of getting fair returns for their resources and labour.

Abuses and mismanagement may aggravate Global South governments’ indebtedness in foreign currencies, but these should always be understood in the context of the unequal world economic and financial order.

IPS UN Bureau

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');   Related Articles

• Developing Countries’ Government Debt Crises Loom Larger
• Global South Stagnating under Heavier Debt Burden
• Onerous Debt Making Poorest Poorer
• Debt-Pushing as Financial Inclusion
• Inflation Phobia Hastens Recessions, Debt Crises

Young people angered by tax storm Nairobi in a surprise revolt devoid of ethnic or political allegiances.