Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

This paper investigates the impact of aid for trade (AfT) targeted at trade policies on the participation of recipient countries in global value chains (GVCs), and how this impact varies with their prevailing political regimes. In democratic countries, the need for the authorities to account for the interests of various stakeholders (e.g., lobbies, trade unions) can compromise the allocation, use, and effectiveness of AfT. In contrast, less democratic regimes are typically more insulated from political pressures, which may lead to more effective outcomes of aid. At the same time, integration into some complex GVCs requires efficient and democratic institutions, to which these products are sensitive. Employing a sample of 110 countries and data covering 2002-2018, we control for standard determinants of GVC participation, while examining the effect of AfT and the moderating role of the political regime in place. Our estimation addresses the endogeneity of aid through an appropriate instrumentation strategy. Our results suggest that the effect of AfT is mostly positive in autocratic regimes, indicating more effective trade policy reforms. When we account for regional disparities, we find evidence that AfT for trade policy is also impactful in some democratic regimes. This might suggest that the efficacy of AfT is not strictly regime-dependent, but hinges on the government’s commitment to carry out significant reforms leading to greater participation in the global economy.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

Many colonies in Africa attained independence through negotiated settlements. However, several others engaged in armed liberation struggles, for example, Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and the Portuguese colonies of Angola, Cape Verde, Guinea Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé and Príncipe. Newly independent states provided liberation movements with bases on their territories and political, military, intellectual, ideological, material, and moral support. In West Africa, Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, a notable pan-Africanist, declared in his Independence Day speech in 1957, “Our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.” In East Africa, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta, the first presidents of independent Tanzania and Kenya respectively, showed similar commitment to Pan-Africanism and anticolonialism by hosting refugees fleeing armed struggles in Southern Africa. Tanzania hosted the Organization of African Unity Liberation Committee supported anticolonial resistance and liberation movements. President Nyerere supported them for “challenging injustices of empire and apartheid” and declared, “I train freedom fighters”. He encouraged Tanzanians living around liberation movement camps to welcome these movements and their freedom fighters and also protect them from agents of colonial governments. Support also came from many other countries on the continent including Nigeria, Ethiopia, and Algeria. The latter provided sanctuary to representatives of liberation movements such as Nelson Mandela of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa.

- Agenda / Grèce, France - Régions

Der Deutsche Bundestag hat soeben den Tankrabatt beschlossen. Wenn der Bundesrat am frühen Nachmittag ebenfalls zustimmt, sinkt die Energiesteuer auf Benzin und Diesel ab 1. Mai befristet auf zwei Monate um 17 Cent pro Liter. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Claudia Kemfert, Energieökonomin und Leiterin der Abteilung Energie, Verkehr, Umwelt im Deutschen Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Der Tankrabatt ist ein energiepolitischer Kurzschluss und in der aktuellen Situation die schlechteste aller Lösungen. Er ist teuer, ineffizient und sozial unausgewogen. Große Teile des Tankrabatts kommen womöglich gar nicht bei den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern an, sondern landen bei den Mineralölkonzernen. Gleichzeitig setzt der Tankrabatt Fehlanreize, da er den Verbrauch fossiler Energien stabilisiert, statt ihn zu reduzieren.

Wir stecken nach wie vor tief in fossilen Abhängigkeiten, und genau diese werden durch solche Maßnahmen eher verfestigt als aufgelöst. Kurzfristige Entlastungen mögen politisch attraktiv erscheinen, langfristig verschieben sie jedoch die Probleme und erhöhen die wirtschaftlichen und energiepolitischen Risiken. In einer geopolitisch angespannten Lage braucht es keine neuen Subventionen für fossile Energien, sondern eine konsequente Beschleunigung der Energiewende.

Entscheidend ist eine zielgenaue Entlastung, die insbesondere Haushalte mit niedrigen Einkommen erreicht, ohne klimapolitisch kontraproduktiv zu wirken. Gleichzeitig muss die Politik stärker auf Energieeinsparungen, den Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien und mehr Effizienz setzen. Nur so lassen sich Versorgungssicherheit, Preisstabilität und Klimaschutz miteinander in Einklang bringen.

Les militants dénoncent le manque de financement et l'absence de délais contraignants

The post Le plan AccelerateEU est jugé indispensable mais insuffisant pour faire face à la crise énergétique appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Ioannis Alexandris, Research Fellow and Alessandro Ieranò, Research Assistant at the Wider Europe Programme of ELIAMEP explore Hungary’s landmark electoral shift and its broader implications for the European Union. It highlights the key drivers behind Peter Magyar’s victory and assesses how a new political era in Budapest could reshape the country’s relationship with Brussels and the trajectory of EU integration.

Read the ELIAMEP Explainer here.

Event Video 
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IPI, in partnership with the Permanent Missions of Bahrain and Switzerland, and the United Nations Department of Safety and Security (UNDSS), cohosted a fireside chat between IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein and Gilles Michaud, UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) for Safety and Security on April 22nd.

In the conversation, USG Michaud reflected on his seven-year tenure leading the Department of Safety and Security (DSS) and the United Nations Security Management System (UNSMS), comprising over 50 organizations. The discussion shed light on how the UNSMS is addressing current challenges such as increasing threats from state and non-state actors, the UN funding crisis, and the evolving multilateral landscape. It also focused on how the UNSMS is embracing new opportunities, including emerging technologies, to meet its goal of enabling the UN to stay and deliver while mitigating security risks to its approximately 180,000 personnel.

This discussion took place against the backdrop of the recent Security Council briefing on Resolution 2730 (2024) and annual General Assembly deliberations culminating in the adoption of Resolution 80/112 (2025) on the safety and security of humanitarian personnel and protection of UN personnel. USG Michaud shared his lived experience, often behind the scenes, of directing security support to reach people in need or to assist personnel and families affected by traumatic incidents, and his efforts to ensure that the UNSMS remains fit for purpose for years to come.

Welcome and Opening Remarks:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute
Oliver Hoehne, Deputy Permanent Representative of Switzerland to the United Nations

Featured Speaker:
Gilles Michaud, UN Under-Secretary-General (USG) for Safety and Security

Closing Remarks:
Suma Sameer Abdulkarim Alalaiwat, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Bahrain to the United Nations

The post Fireside Chat between Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein and Gilles Michaud appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that existing explanations for the opposition’s success in Hungary are after the fact and secondary. Without Magyar’s legal immunity and financial mobilization, this victory would be impossible.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that existing explanations for the opposition’s success in Hungary are after the fact and secondary. Without Magyar’s legal immunity and financial mobilization, this victory would be impossible.

Dr. Semuhi Sinanoglu argues that existing explanations for the opposition’s success in Hungary are after the fact and secondary. Without Magyar’s legal immunity and financial mobilization, this victory would be impossible.

Climate action is shaped as much by politics as by technology and economics. The Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs), central to mitigation and adaptation assessments, do not yet include a quantitative representation of political development. We outline a research agenda to systematically integrate political dimensions into climate scenario modelling.

Climate action is shaped as much by politics as by technology and economics. The Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs), central to mitigation and adaptation assessments, do not yet include a quantitative representation of political development. We outline a research agenda to systematically integrate political dimensions into climate scenario modelling.

Climate action is shaped as much by politics as by technology and economics. The Shared Socioeconomic Pathways (SSPs), central to mitigation and adaptation assessments, do not yet include a quantitative representation of political development. We outline a research agenda to systematically integrate political dimensions into climate scenario modelling.

Ungarn hat es geschafft: Ein autokratisches Regime wurde an der Wahlurne gestürzt. Deutschland muss daraus lernen und die AfD-Propaganda endlich entlarven., Die überwältigende Abwahl Viktor Orbáns bei der ungarischen Parlamentswahl ist ein Zeichen der Hoffnung – für Ungarn, für Europa und für die liberale Demokratie weltweit. Péter Magyar und seine Tisza-Partei haben mit einer Zweidrittelmehrheit und einer Rekordwahlbeteiligung von fast 80 Prozent ...

Heute spricht 'fossilfrei' Host Wolf-Peter Schill mit Kai Wehnemann darüber, ob Deutschland seine Klimaziele erreicht und welche Rolle dabei die von ihm betreuten Treibhausgas-Projektionen des Umweltbundesamts spielen. Als Hintergrund erklärt Kai Wehnemann, wie aufwändig, aber auch wie transparent ...

Wegen des Iran-Kriegs wächst die Sorge, dass es zu Engpässen bei der Kerosin-Versorgung kommt. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Claudia Kemfert, Leiterin der Abteilung Energie, Verkehr, Umwelt im DIW Berlin:

Deutschland steht derzeit nicht vor einem akuten Kerosin-Blackout, aber vor einer ernsthaften Stressprobe. Die Versorgung ist noch stabil, doch anhaltende geopolitische Spannungen treiben Preise und erhöhen den Druck auf die Infrastruktur. Am Ende zahlen vor allem Verbraucher*innen die Rechnung dieser fossilen Krisenabhängigkeit. Das ist der Preis der verschleppten Energiewende.  

Aktuell ist Deutschland noch mit Kerosin versorgt, aber die Lage ist angespannt. Ein Großteil des Kerosins stammt aus heimischen und europäischen Raffinerien, insbesondere aus dem Nordwesteuropa-Raum rund um Rotterdam. Gleichzeitig ist Europa stark importabhängig und globale Lieferketten, etwa über die Straße von Hormus, spielen eine zentrale Rolle. Das macht das System krisenanfällig, auch wenn es aktuell noch stabil wirkt. 

Ein Kerosin-Mangel kann abgewendet werden, wenn schnell gegengesteuert wird. Entscheidend sind zusätzliche Importe, etwa aus den USA, eine höhere Auslastung der Raffinerien sowie der Zugriff auf strategische Reserven. Die Bundesregierung kann hier koordinierend eingreifen, Importwege flexibilisieren und die Verteilung priorisieren. Letztlich ist das aber eine europäische Aufgabe, die enge Abstimmung erfordert.

Reisende müssen sich derzeit eher auf höhere Preise als auf flächendeckende Ausfälle von Flügen einstellen. Airlines könnten bei anhaltender Knappheit einzelne Verbindungen reduzieren, vor allem weniger profitable Strecken. Ein genereller Zusammenbruch des Flugverkehrs ist aber nicht zu erwarten. Die Entwicklung wird sich zunächst über Preise und punktuelle Anpassungen im Flugplan zeigen.