Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

رأسمالية المحاسيب Crony Capitalismفي دمشق ما بعد الأسد: من وهم التحرير إلى إعادة إنتاج الإقصاء
(English Summary)
The fall of the Assad regime dramatically changed Syria’s landscape and sparked hopes for a future built on justice and transparency, but beneath the surface, old patterns of crony capitalism are re-emerging, threatening real reform and inclusive growth. Without transparency, independent institutions, and genuine public participation, economic opportunities remain confined to those close to power, risking a repeat of past failures despite new slogans and faces.

 

رأسمالية المحاسيب Crony Capitalismفي دمشق ما بعد الأسد: من وهم التحرير إلى إعادة إنتاج الإقصاء
(English Summary)
The fall of the Assad regime dramatically changed Syria’s landscape and sparked hopes for a future built on justice and transparency, but beneath the surface, old patterns of crony capitalism are re-emerging, threatening real reform and inclusive growth. Without transparency, independent institutions, and genuine public participation, economic opportunities remain confined to those close to power, risking a repeat of past failures despite new slogans and faces.

 

The international landscape in mid-2025 is characterized by a retreat from liberal institutionalism, as seen by the U.S. withdrawal from the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals and its adoption of transactional, power-based international relations. This shift has profound implications for international cooperation, particularly in the fields of development, climate, and global public goods.

The international landscape in mid-2025 is characterized by a retreat from liberal institutionalism, as seen by the U.S. withdrawal from the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals and its adoption of transactional, power-based international relations. This shift has profound implications for international cooperation, particularly in the fields of development, climate, and global public goods.

The international landscape in mid-2025 is characterized by a retreat from liberal institutionalism, as seen by the U.S. withdrawal from the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals and its adoption of transactional, power-based international relations. This shift has profound implications for international cooperation, particularly in the fields of development, climate, and global public goods.

The Transatlantic Periscope is an interactive, multimedia tool that brings together expert commentary, high-quality media coverage, official policy documents, quantitative data, social media posts, and gray literature. It will provide on a monthly basis a summary of the most important news concerning the Greek-US relations, as reflected in the media. Below you will find an overview for May 2025.

On May 7, 2025, Kimberly Guilfoyle completed the US State Department’s mandatory training for incoming ambassadors at the Foreign Service Institute, ahead of her anticipated appointment as US ambassador to Greece. According to the Greek newspaper ‘To Vima’, Guilfoyle’s confirmation hearing before the Senate is expected to take place between late June and early July, with a potential arrival in Athens projected for early September.

According to a statement issued by the Hellenic National Defence General Staff (HNDGS), from April 26 to May 8, 2025, and within the framework of the ongoing military cooperation between Greece and the United States, the bilateral exercise “STOLEN CERBERUS XI” was conducted under the coordination of the Special Warfare Command (SWC) of the HNDGS. Personnel and assets from the SWC and the Underwater Demolitions Command (UDC) of the Hellenic Navy General Staff, paratroopers from the Parachutists School of the Hellenic Army General Staff as well as Hellenic Air Force C-130 aircrafts participated in the exercise, along with US personnel from the 37th Airlift Squadron (86th Airlift Wing) and 3 MC-130J aircraft. The exercise took place in the wider area of Attica and the island of Skyros. It included air Cooperation, supply drops, Medical Evacuation (MEDEVAC), as well as Military Free Fall and Static Line parachute jumps, contributing to the improvement of the military cooperation between the Armed Forces of the two countries.

The Chief of the General Staff of the Hellenic Air Force, Lieutenant General Dimosthenis Grigoriadis, visited the United States on May 19-23 in the context of preparations for the delivery of F-35 fighter jets, with the first four expected to be delivered in the second half of 2028. Adding the advanced US multi-role aircraft to the Hellenic Air Force fleet is considered crucial in boosting Greece’s deterrent power, at a time when geopolitical stability in the Eastern Mediterranean is gaining in importance. Lieutenant General Grigoriadis visited the Lockheed Martin facilities in Fort Worth, Texas, where he was briefed on the progress of the production of the Greek F-35 fighter aircraft. He was also briefed on the training procedures for both pilots and technical personnel who will support the operation and maintenance of the F-35 in order to ensuring a high level of operational availability. He also had successive meetings with US Defense Department officials and Lockheed Martin’s F-35 program managers and other top management.

The American-Hellenic Chamber of Commerce officially inaugurated its US branch, in Washington DC, on May 22, thereby boosting its physical presence in the States and marking a new chapter in Greek-American economic relations. The official opening ceremony brought together leaders of the Greek-American community, US government officials, past and present ambassadors, stakeholders, and business representatives from Greece and the United States, including the leadership of its founding organization, the American-Hellenic Chamber.

In his correspondence dated May 26, 2025, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth expressed gratitude for his counterpart, Minister NIkos Dendias’ congratulatory letter regarding his appointment and for his ongoing support in bilateral cooperation. Hegseth also stated the strong ties that have existed for decades between the United States of America and Greece both on the bilateral level and through the North Atlantic Treaty (NATO). Hegseth underlined that the US Department of Defence remains committed to cooperation with Greece, adding that he believes that this relationship will get deeper in the future as Greece’s participation in the F-35 programme continues.

More at: https://transatlanticperiscope.org/relationship/GR#

Die heutige Entscheidung des Rates der Europäischen Zentralbank (EZB), die Leitzinsen erneut zu senken, kommentiert Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin), wie folgt:

Die Zinssenkung der EZB wurde so erwartet und ist das Resultat einer sich weiter abschwächenden Wirtschaft im Euroraum. Die zentrale Frage ist, ob und um wie viel die EZB die Zinsen weiter senken muss, um ihr Ziel der Preisstabilität weiterhin zu erfüllen und die schwache Wirtschaft besser zu unterstützen.

EZB-Präsidentin Lagarde hat sich zu dieser Frage bedeckt gehalten, obwohl ein klares Signal für weitere Zinssenkungen die Finanzierungbedingungen verbessert hätte, was viele willkommen geheißen hätten. Die Entwicklung der Preise und der Wirtschaft lassen weitere Zinssenkungen um 50 Basispunkte bis zum vierten Quartal dieses Jahres notwendig erscheinen, zumal die EZB ihre Inflationsprognose für 2026 auf 1,6 Prozent gesenkt hat, was deutlich unter dem Preisstabilitätsziel liegt.

Die Inflation und ihre Komponenten haben sich in den vergangenen Monaten weiter reduziert oder stabilisiert. Gleichzeitig steigt die Arbeitslosigkeit und die Wirtschaft des Euroraums schwächt sich weiter ab. Das geringere Wachstum ist nicht primär das Resultat externer Faktoren, wie des Handelskonflikts, sondern beruht auf fehlendem Vertrauen und unzureichenden Reformen innerhalb des Euroraums. Die zusätzlichen Ausgaben für Verteidigung und Investitionen werden dagegen erst in der mittleren Frist ihre volle Wirkung entfalten können. 

The UN80 Initiative, on which UN Secretary-General António Guterres briefed member states in early May, was as unexpected as it was praised by many experts as overdue. It suggests a massive overhaul and restructuring of the UN, driven primarily by the liquidity crises in the UN Secretariat and budget cuts to other parts of the UN. The overall thrust of the reform, centering on efficiency, as well as some ideas from a leaked internal document, are plausible, have found traction among experts (with notable exceptions), and deserve respect for their unparalleled ambition. Yet based on past reform experiences, caution is advised. The reform process should avoid two mistakes. First, reform efforts should avoid drifting toward old and convenient recipes focused mainly on coordination and decentralization. Real change requires tackling performance deficits at the level of UN agencies. Second, the reform process should not be seen only as a technical exercise. It should be guided by thinking about the desired roles and function of the UN rather than just cutting costs. One such function could be identifying best practices and translating them into policy advice across borders.

The UN80 Initiative, on which UN Secretary-General António Guterres briefed member states in early May, was as unexpected as it was praised by many experts as overdue. It suggests a massive overhaul and restructuring of the UN, driven primarily by the liquidity crises in the UN Secretariat and budget cuts to other parts of the UN. The overall thrust of the reform, centering on efficiency, as well as some ideas from a leaked internal document, are plausible, have found traction among experts (with notable exceptions), and deserve respect for their unparalleled ambition. Yet based on past reform experiences, caution is advised. The reform process should avoid two mistakes. First, reform efforts should avoid drifting toward old and convenient recipes focused mainly on coordination and decentralization. Real change requires tackling performance deficits at the level of UN agencies. Second, the reform process should not be seen only as a technical exercise. It should be guided by thinking about the desired roles and function of the UN rather than just cutting costs. One such function could be identifying best practices and translating them into policy advice across borders.

The UN80 Initiative, on which UN Secretary-General António Guterres briefed member states in early May, was as unexpected as it was praised by many experts as overdue. It suggests a massive overhaul and restructuring of the UN, driven primarily by the liquidity crises in the UN Secretariat and budget cuts to other parts of the UN. The overall thrust of the reform, centering on efficiency, as well as some ideas from a leaked internal document, are plausible, have found traction among experts (with notable exceptions), and deserve respect for their unparalleled ambition. Yet based on past reform experiences, caution is advised. The reform process should avoid two mistakes. First, reform efforts should avoid drifting toward old and convenient recipes focused mainly on coordination and decentralization. Real change requires tackling performance deficits at the level of UN agencies. Second, the reform process should not be seen only as a technical exercise. It should be guided by thinking about the desired roles and function of the UN rather than just cutting costs. One such function could be identifying best practices and translating them into policy advice across borders.

Beispiel US-Haushalte und Automobilindustrie zeigt: Wenn Verbraucher*innen „grünere“ Einstellungen entwickeln, treiben Autobauer saubere Technologien wie Elektroautos voran – Effekt stärker als im Fall steigender Benzinpreise – Politik sollte für mehr Transparenz sorgen, welche Umweltbilanz Produkte ...

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IPI and the Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (DCAF) cohosted an event on “Modular, Effective, and Sustainable? Leveraging Insights from Security Sector Governance to Shape Tomorrow’s Peace Operations” on June 3rd.

Recent discussions at the UN Peacekeeping Ministerial in Berlin emphasized the urgent need for more modular peace operations, improved mission effectiveness, and strengthened sustainability, particularly in the context of transitions and long-term peacebuilding. As the UN undertakes the review on the future of all forms of peace operations mandated by the Pact for the Future and undertakes efforts to shift toward more focused, adaptable models, key questions arise about how to reshape peace operations to meet today’s challenges.

Insights from peace operations’ support to security sector governance and reform (SSG/R) offer critical lessons. One concern is that modularity may lead to fragmented efforts, particularly if SSG/R continues to be treated as a stand-alone activity rather than a means to achieve broader strategic goals. DCAF’s recent study, “Review of Security Sector Reform Language in the Mandates of UN Peace Operations,” commissioned by Switzerland, highlights missed opportunities and recommendations to improve such efforts.

Opening Remarks:
Riccarda Chanda, Deputy Permanent Representative of Switzerland to the United Nations
Beatrice Godefroy, Deputy Director of DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance (virtual)

Speakers:
Vincenza Scherrer, Head of Policy Engagement, DCAF – Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance
Daniel Prins, Chief of SSR Unit, UN Department of Peace Operations
Carole Baudoin, Security Sector Reform Chief, MINUSCA
David Haeri, Director, Division for Policy, Evaluation and Training, UN Department of Peace Operations

Closing Remarks:
Ed Caelen, Military Advisor, Permanent Mission of the Kingdom of the Netherlands to the United Nations

Moderator:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations, International Peace Institute

The post Modular, Effective, and Sustainable? Leveraging Insights from Security Sector Governance to Shape Tomorrow’s Peace Operations appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The global landscape of development cooperation is fracturing. The promise of the 2030 Agenda and the pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals is giving way to geopolitical tensions. The international order is no longer merely under strain; it is in disarray. Amid this uncertainty, the idea of convening a new Independent North–South Commission (INSC) has re-emerged in the German government’s coalition agreement and potentially in the UK’s proposal for a ‘global conference’. We argue that the time has come to imagine a new independent commission. A new INSC could offer a credible response to today’s fragmentation by providing a structured space for international dialogue grounded in fairness, feasibility, and forward-thinking. But such a commission must be different in tone, structure, and ambition from the high-level panels of the past.

The global landscape of development cooperation is fracturing. The promise of the 2030 Agenda and the pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals is giving way to geopolitical tensions. The international order is no longer merely under strain; it is in disarray. Amid this uncertainty, the idea of convening a new Independent North–South Commission (INSC) has re-emerged in the German government’s coalition agreement and potentially in the UK’s proposal for a ‘global conference’. We argue that the time has come to imagine a new independent commission. A new INSC could offer a credible response to today’s fragmentation by providing a structured space for international dialogue grounded in fairness, feasibility, and forward-thinking. But such a commission must be different in tone, structure, and ambition from the high-level panels of the past.

The global landscape of development cooperation is fracturing. The promise of the 2030 Agenda and the pursuit of the Sustainable Development Goals is giving way to geopolitical tensions. The international order is no longer merely under strain; it is in disarray. Amid this uncertainty, the idea of convening a new Independent North–South Commission (INSC) has re-emerged in the German government’s coalition agreement and potentially in the UK’s proposal for a ‘global conference’. We argue that the time has come to imagine a new independent commission. A new INSC could offer a credible response to today’s fragmentation by providing a structured space for international dialogue grounded in fairness, feasibility, and forward-thinking. But such a commission must be different in tone, structure, and ambition from the high-level panels of the past.

Gestiegene Wohnkosten belasten vor allem arme Menschen. Die neue Regierung muss jetzt Leerstände bekämpfen und Immobiliengewinne fair besteuern. Dafür braucht sie Mut. , Das Wohnen ist eine der drängendsten sozialen Fragen. Viele Menschen haben in den vergangenen Jahren nicht nur unter der hohen Inflation gelitten, sondern auch unter stark gestiegenen Wohnkosten und fehlendem angemessenem Wohnraum. Das vertieft die wirtschaftliche und soziale Kluft und verschärft ...

This paper examines the effect of public expenditure efficiency on FDI inflows, using data on a panel of 100 developing countries from 1990 to 2017. We find robust evidence that improvements in public expenditure efficiency significantly increase FDI inflows. This effect is complementary to institutional quality, per capita income and binding fiscal frameworks such as fiscal rules. Our findings highlight that, in addition to promoting the sustainability of public finances, the efficient use of public resources can exert significant positive spillover effects on the attractiveness of developing countries to foreign investors.

Adama Ouedraogo is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Clermont-Auvergne and CERDI, in Clermont-Ferrand, France.

This paper examines the effect of public expenditure efficiency on FDI inflows, using data on a panel of 100 developing countries from 1990 to 2017. We find robust evidence that improvements in public expenditure efficiency significantly increase FDI inflows. This effect is complementary to institutional quality, per capita income and binding fiscal frameworks such as fiscal rules. Our findings highlight that, in addition to promoting the sustainability of public finances, the efficient use of public resources can exert significant positive spillover effects on the attractiveness of developing countries to foreign investors.

Adama Ouedraogo is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Clermont-Auvergne and CERDI, in Clermont-Ferrand, France.

This paper examines the effect of public expenditure efficiency on FDI inflows, using data on a panel of 100 developing countries from 1990 to 2017. We find robust evidence that improvements in public expenditure efficiency significantly increase FDI inflows. This effect is complementary to institutional quality, per capita income and binding fiscal frameworks such as fiscal rules. Our findings highlight that, in addition to promoting the sustainability of public finances, the efficient use of public resources can exert significant positive spillover effects on the attractiveness of developing countries to foreign investors.

Adama Ouedraogo is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Clermont-Auvergne and CERDI, in Clermont-Ferrand, France.

Zahlreiche Studien weisen seit Jahrzehnten eindrücklich auf die planetaren Auswirkungen des Klimawandels in diesen Gebieten hin. Vor dem Hintergrund des gegenwärtigen Geopolitisierungstrends erhält die Ausarbeitung wirksamer Maßnahmen zur Minderung des Klimawandels allerdings eine geringere politische Priorität – auch in den Arktisregionen selbst, obwohl klimabedingte Veränderungen das Leben der dort lebenden Menschen bereits stark prägen. Im Fall der Arktisregionen führt Geopolitisierung zu: 1. einer Abkehr von regionaler Kooperation, 2. einer Fokussierung auf zwischenstaatliche Kooperationen mit „like-minded“ Partner*innen und der Priorisierung militärischer Sicherheitsfragen, 3. einer Schwächung lokaler und nicht-staatlicher Akteur*innen in politischen Entscheidungsprozessen sowie einer Schwächung der Entwicklung wirksamer Handlungsstrategien im Umgang mit der Klimakatastrophe.