This chapter analyses the digital divide in Africa by offering both a global perspective and a comparative examination of its various dimensions across and within African states. The main objective is to give an overview of the overall situation and trends in terms of moving African digital access from gaps to goals. In view of this objective, it describes overall trends to provide a continental perspective and does not provide a detailed description as to why individual countries perform differently from others. The chapter was prepared jointly with chapter 5 that analyses key policy dimensions and international cooperation initiatives focused on digital access, with a key focus on the European Union’s Global Gateway and the Italian government’s Mattei Plan.
This chapter analyses the digital divide in Africa by offering both a global perspective and a comparative examination of its various dimensions across and within African states. The main objective is to give an overview of the overall situation and trends in terms of moving African digital access from gaps to goals. In view of this objective, it describes overall trends to provide a continental perspective and does not provide a detailed description as to why individual countries perform differently from others. The chapter was prepared jointly with chapter 5 that analyses key policy dimensions and international cooperation initiatives focused on digital access, with a key focus on the European Union’s Global Gateway and the Italian government’s Mattei Plan.
ELIAMEP held the event “Climate Resilience in Islands Regions and Local Government” on 20 January 2026, at the Hellenic American Union, within the framework of the European project Pathways2Resilience (SMILE). More than 20 speakers from the scientific community, policymaking bodies, municipal authorities, and social partners participated, aiming to strengthen public dialogue on climate change in island areas and the role of Local Government in addressing it.
The discussion focused on the conceptual foundations of climate resilience and their interpretation through the lens of the specific characteristics of insularity. Small scale, geographic isolation, intense tourism pressure, uncontrolled construction, depletion of natural resources, and the lack of critical infrastructure render islands more exposed to climate risks and limit their adaptive capacity.
Particular emphasis was placed on the crucial role of local authorities, which manage key policy areas directly linked to climate resilience, such as flood risk management, infrastructure maintenance, prevention of environmental degradation, and response to extreme events. At the same time, it was highlighted that municipalities’ proximity to local communities and the experiential knowledge they possess can strengthen adaptation planning, risk assessment, and the legitimacy of interventions.
A significant part of the discussion was devoted to whether the existing institutional, administrative, and financial framework enables Local Government to effectively perform this role, particularly in island areas. Despite the transfer of critical competences, the lack of adequate resources, technical support, and administrative capacity-building remains a major obstacle.
The event highlighted as a central conclusion that prevention and the strengthening of resilience in island communities require a holistic approach and cooperation among the scientific community, local authorities, institutions, and citizens. In an environment of an intensifying climate crisis, timely action is a critical factor in limiting impacts and enhancing the resilience of islands.
Many of these issues are also addressed in the ELIAMEP policy paper entitled “Climate Resilience in Island Regions and Local Government”, authored by Othon Kaminiaris, Expert on Environment and Climate Change at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Research Associate, ELIAMEP, and Artemis Androni, International Development Advisor.
The full text of the paper is available here, and its executive summary is available here (in Greek).
Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) hat in ihrer heutigen Ratssitzung den Leitzins unverändert gelassen. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):
Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) steckt derzeit in einem Dilemma: Die schwache Wirtschaft im Euroraum könnte die Inflation zu stark drücken, während geopolitische und geoökonomische Konflikte den gegenteiligen Effekt haben und die Inflation wieder anheizen könnten. Auch wenn die EZB ihre Leitzinsen erneut unverändert lässt, muss sie jetzt signalisieren, dass sie flexibel bleibt.
Momentan liegt die Inflationsrate unter dem EZB-Ziel der Preisstabilität. Die anhaltende wirtschaftliche Schwäche im Euroraum – besonders in Deutschland – könnte in diesem Jahr zu weiter fallenden Inflationsraten und einem klaren Verfehlen des Inflationsziels führen. Eine Aufwertung des Euro würde diesen Trend noch verstärken und vor allem deutschen Exporteuren zusätzlich schaden. Gleichzeitig könnten Strafzölle und steigende Energiepreise infolge geopolitischer Spannungen die Preise wieder deutlich steigen lassen.
Die EZB muss daher sorgfältig zwischen langfristigen strukturellen Problemen und kurzfristigen konjunkturellen Schwankungen unterscheiden. Es zeichnet sich ab, dass die strukturellen Schwächen der europäischen Wirtschaft noch länger bestehen bleiben werden.
Daher sollte die EZB klar kommunizieren, dass sie gewillt und fähig ist, schnell und flexibel zu handeln. Ich gehe davon aus, dass der nächste Zinsschritt noch in diesem Jahr eine weitere Senkung des Leitzinses sein wird.
Investment facilitation is an increasingly important policy tool to promote foreign investment. However, we know very little about its prevalence. This paper introduces a new dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 101 measures, grouped into six policy areas, and maps adoption across 142 economies. The paper outlines the conceptual and methodological framework of the IFI, analyses the current levels of adoption, and demonstrates the index’s robustness. The data show that economies with lower adoption rates typically belong to the low-income or lower-middle-income groups, often located in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. This dataset serves as a benchmark for assessing the design and impact of international agreements, such as the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It can also support the IFDA implementation by guiding domestic assessments of technical assistance needs and capacity development.
Investment facilitation is an increasingly important policy tool to promote foreign investment. However, we know very little about its prevalence. This paper introduces a new dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 101 measures, grouped into six policy areas, and maps adoption across 142 economies. The paper outlines the conceptual and methodological framework of the IFI, analyses the current levels of adoption, and demonstrates the index’s robustness. The data show that economies with lower adoption rates typically belong to the low-income or lower-middle-income groups, often located in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. This dataset serves as a benchmark for assessing the design and impact of international agreements, such as the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It can also support the IFDA implementation by guiding domestic assessments of technical assistance needs and capacity development.
Investment facilitation is an increasingly important policy tool to promote foreign investment. However, we know very little about its prevalence. This paper introduces a new dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 101 measures, grouped into six policy areas, and maps adoption across 142 economies. The paper outlines the conceptual and methodological framework of the IFI, analyses the current levels of adoption, and demonstrates the index’s robustness. The data show that economies with lower adoption rates typically belong to the low-income or lower-middle-income groups, often located in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. This dataset serves as a benchmark for assessing the design and impact of international agreements, such as the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It can also support the IFDA implementation by guiding domestic assessments of technical assistance needs and capacity development.
15 Jahre sind seit Beginn der ägyptischen Revolution vergangen, die am 25. Januar 2011 Präsident Mubarak stürzte. Statt Feierlichkeiten sind die Jahrestage von Trauer geprägt, von erzwungenem Schweigen und stillem Gedenken an jene, die im Streben nach einem verratenen Traum gefallen sind. Die Revolution wurde demontiert, umgeschrieben und ihres Sinns entleert – nicht nur wegen dem, was verloren ging, sondern auch dem, was niemals Wirklichkeit wurde. Revolutionen werden nicht an Parolen oder Momenten kollektiver Euphorie gemessen, sondern daran, ob sie radikale institutionelle Veränderungen bewirken, die über den Moment der Straße hinaus Bestand haben. Gemessen daran ist die ägyptische Januarrevolution politisch, wirtschaftlich und moralisch gescheitert.
15 Jahre sind seit Beginn der ägyptischen Revolution vergangen, die am 25. Januar 2011 Präsident Mubarak stürzte. Statt Feierlichkeiten sind die Jahrestage von Trauer geprägt, von erzwungenem Schweigen und stillem Gedenken an jene, die im Streben nach einem verratenen Traum gefallen sind. Die Revolution wurde demontiert, umgeschrieben und ihres Sinns entleert – nicht nur wegen dem, was verloren ging, sondern auch dem, was niemals Wirklichkeit wurde. Revolutionen werden nicht an Parolen oder Momenten kollektiver Euphorie gemessen, sondern daran, ob sie radikale institutionelle Veränderungen bewirken, die über den Moment der Straße hinaus Bestand haben. Gemessen daran ist die ägyptische Januarrevolution politisch, wirtschaftlich und moralisch gescheitert.
15 Jahre sind seit Beginn der ägyptischen Revolution vergangen, die am 25. Januar 2011 Präsident Mubarak stürzte. Statt Feierlichkeiten sind die Jahrestage von Trauer geprägt, von erzwungenem Schweigen und stillem Gedenken an jene, die im Streben nach einem verratenen Traum gefallen sind. Die Revolution wurde demontiert, umgeschrieben und ihres Sinns entleert – nicht nur wegen dem, was verloren ging, sondern auch dem, was niemals Wirklichkeit wurde. Revolutionen werden nicht an Parolen oder Momenten kollektiver Euphorie gemessen, sondern daran, ob sie radikale institutionelle Veränderungen bewirken, die über den Moment der Straße hinaus Bestand haben. Gemessen daran ist die ägyptische Januarrevolution politisch, wirtschaftlich und moralisch gescheitert.
Nucleus-outgrower schemes (NOSs) are considered particularly effective private-sector mechanisms for supporting smallholder farmers and mitigating problematic aspects of large-scale agricultural investments. Using two rounds of panel household surveys from approximately 780 households in Zambia, this study examines the impact of a NOS associated with one of the largest foreign land-based investments in agriculture in Zambia. We focus on links between NOS interventions and smallholder farmers’ adoption of agricultural technologies, sustainable land management (SLM) practices, and crop productivity. Findings indicate that NOS participation increased adoption of full-suite conservation agriculture (CA) practices. However, impacts on other technologies, specifically improved seed varieties, are less clear and depend on support type and scheme design. Results also show that while overall productivity impacts are modest, the programme contributed to maize productivity improvements during its initial phase, but less so latter when focus shifted towards oilseed crops. In summary, NOSs, despite associated risks, have potential to make substantial contributions to sustainable agricultural practices and improve smallholder productivity.
Nucleus-outgrower schemes (NOSs) are considered particularly effective private-sector mechanisms for supporting smallholder farmers and mitigating problematic aspects of large-scale agricultural investments. Using two rounds of panel household surveys from approximately 780 households in Zambia, this study examines the impact of a NOS associated with one of the largest foreign land-based investments in agriculture in Zambia. We focus on links between NOS interventions and smallholder farmers’ adoption of agricultural technologies, sustainable land management (SLM) practices, and crop productivity. Findings indicate that NOS participation increased adoption of full-suite conservation agriculture (CA) practices. However, impacts on other technologies, specifically improved seed varieties, are less clear and depend on support type and scheme design. Results also show that while overall productivity impacts are modest, the programme contributed to maize productivity improvements during its initial phase, but less so latter when focus shifted towards oilseed crops. In summary, NOSs, despite associated risks, have potential to make substantial contributions to sustainable agricultural practices and improve smallholder productivity.
Nucleus-outgrower schemes (NOSs) are considered particularly effective private-sector mechanisms for supporting smallholder farmers and mitigating problematic aspects of large-scale agricultural investments. Using two rounds of panel household surveys from approximately 780 households in Zambia, this study examines the impact of a NOS associated with one of the largest foreign land-based investments in agriculture in Zambia. We focus on links between NOS interventions and smallholder farmers’ adoption of agricultural technologies, sustainable land management (SLM) practices, and crop productivity. Findings indicate that NOS participation increased adoption of full-suite conservation agriculture (CA) practices. However, impacts on other technologies, specifically improved seed varieties, are less clear and depend on support type and scheme design. Results also show that while overall productivity impacts are modest, the programme contributed to maize productivity improvements during its initial phase, but less so latter when focus shifted towards oilseed crops. In summary, NOSs, despite associated risks, have potential to make substantial contributions to sustainable agricultural practices and improve smallholder productivity.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the United States abducting Venezuela’s president,and U.S. President Donald Trump’s public musings about annexing Greenland all point in the same direction. After decades marked by Western dominance, economic globalization and the expansion of multilateral institutions, the ostentatious exercise and threat of raw military power are back at the center of world politics. Overall, we are seeing the return of overt geopolitics: a style of major power politics that does not bother to hide behind international law or multilateral norms. That’s good news for China – and bad news for Taiwan.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the United States abducting Venezuela’s president,and U.S. President Donald Trump’s public musings about annexing Greenland all point in the same direction. After decades marked by Western dominance, economic globalization and the expansion of multilateral institutions, the ostentatious exercise and threat of raw military power are back at the center of world politics. Overall, we are seeing the return of overt geopolitics: a style of major power politics that does not bother to hide behind international law or multilateral norms. That’s good news for China – and bad news for Taiwan.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the United States abducting Venezuela’s president,and U.S. President Donald Trump’s public musings about annexing Greenland all point in the same direction. After decades marked by Western dominance, economic globalization and the expansion of multilateral institutions, the ostentatious exercise and threat of raw military power are back at the center of world politics. Overall, we are seeing the return of overt geopolitics: a style of major power politics that does not bother to hide behind international law or multilateral norms. That’s good news for China – and bad news for Taiwan.