Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

IPI, the Stimson Center, and Security Council Report (SCR), in partnership with the Permanent Missions of Germany and Switzerland to the UN, hosted a closed-door workshop on “MINUSMA’s Mandate Evolution and Lessons Learned” on June 13th. The workshop addressed key lessons from the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) which withdrew from Mali in December 2023.

The workshop, convened under the Chatham House rule of non-attribution, brought together representatives from the UN Secretariat and member states and external experts to take stock of the 10 years of MINUSMA’s mandate and operations. It will reflect on the inflection points, drawdowns, and lessons learned to contribute to broader discussions on the future of peacekeeping. The first session focused on a historical overview of the mission and how it evolved with Mali’s changing political and security landscape. The second session focused on lessons learned and how they can be applied to future missions.

This event is part of a series of workshops aiming to support the sustained engagement of UN member states in discussions on how to make UN peace operations’ mandates more realistic, effective, and achievable.

The post MINUSMA’s Mandate Evolution and Lessons Learned appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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On Wednesday, December 14th, IPI is hosting a Global Leaders Series event featuring H.E. Mr. Simon Coveney, T.D., Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Defence of Ireland.

Remarks will begin at 8:30am EDT

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Ireland has served as an elected member of the UN Security Council from January 2021 to December 2022. As Ireland’s term comes to a close, Minister Coveney will reflect on the achievements and challenges faced while on the Security Council.

Minister Coveney currently serves as Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Defence of Ireland. Prior to this appointment, he served as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade from November 2017 until June 2020. Minister Coveney has also served as Ireland’s Minister for Housing, Planning and Local Government (2016‒–2017), Minister for Defence (2014–2016), and Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine (2011–2014). He began his career as an elected member of the Dáil (Irish Parliament) in 1998. He was also elected to the European Parliament (2004–2007), where he served on the Foreign Affairs Committee and Internal Market and Consumer Affairs Committee.

This event will be moderated by Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and Chief Executive Officer, International Peace Institute.

The post Holding and Passing the Baton: Reflections on Ireland’s Term as an Elected Member of the UN Security Council appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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Wednesday, September 14th at 10:00am EDT
UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs to Launch “Guidance on Mediation of Ceasefires” at IPI
DPPA’s report presents a set of tools and approaches to strengthen agreements to support a more sustainable peace process in any setting. Its goal is to provide a baseline of technical knowledge to UN and other mediators, conflict parties, and other stakeholders in contemporary mediation processes, such as representatives of states and regional organizations, national and international nongovernmental organizations, and women’s groups. Read more>>

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Watch Videos of Past #UNGA2020 Events Monday, September 19th at 10:00am EDT
For Good Measure: Introducing the Multilateralism Index
The index provides an evidence-based assessment of multilateralism by measuring changes in international cooperation over the period 2010–2020. By providing a qualitative assessment of the multilateral system, it serves as an analytic tool to inform decision-making and guide political attention. The event provides an opportunity to present the key findings of the index and discuss concrete ways to create a stronger, more nimble multilateral system to meet the challenges of today and of the coming decades. Read more>>

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Monday, September 19th at 3:00pm EDT
Doing Aid Better: Actions to Support Local Leadership in Policy, Funding, and Practice
This conversation will explore actions the international community can take to shift policy, funding, and practice in support of local civil society efforts and to change the power dynamics to ensure a meaningful seat at the table for local actors. Read more>>

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Wednesday, September 21st at 8:00am EDT
Achieving Sustainable Peace and Security through Gender-Responsive Leadership
Gender-responsive leadership is essential for building gender-equal peace and security organizations. Presentations at the event will focus on good practices, challenges, and opportunities around gender-responsive leadership and how leaders have incorporated this concept into their daily work to advance gender-equal peace and security. Read more>>

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Friday, September 23rd at 10:00am EDT
First Kofi Annan Lecture Series Event to Feature Mia Mottley, Prime Minister of Barbados
IPI in partnership with the Kofi Annan Foundation, Open Society Foundations, and International Crisis Group will cohost the inaugural event in the Kofi Annan Lecture Series featuring H.E. Mia Mottley, Prime Minister of Barbados. The series provides an opportunity for leaders to set out new ideas and agendas for international cooperation and diplomacy, recalling Secretary-General Annan’s role in championing rules-based cooperation and sustainable solutions. Read more>>

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The post IPI Virtual Events During the UN General Assembly appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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On Tuesday, May 24th, The United Nations University Centre for Policy Research, the International Review of the Red Cross and IPI are hosting a webinar on “United Nations Security Council Sanctions, International Humanitarian Law, and Humanitarian Action: Contrast and Convergence.”

Remarks will begin at 6:00am PDT / 9:00am EDT

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This discussion will draw on several recent publications and projects, including the International Review of the Red Cross’s double edition on “Counterterrorism, Sanctions and War,” the United Nations University’s project on “UN Sanctions and Humanitarian Action,” and the International Peace Institute’s policy paper on “Carving Out Space for Humanitarian Action in the UN Security Council’s Counterterrorism Resolutions and Related Sanctions.” All of these have called for confronting the continued challenges posed by Security Council sanctions to humanitarian organizations and offered solutions to address them.

This virtual discussion will provide the opportunity to reflect on the ways the Security Council has approached humanitarian action within both the ISIL/al-Qaida sanctions regime and conflict-related sanctions regimes.

Download the the agenda and concept note here>>

The post UN Security Council Sanctions, IHL and Humanitarian Action: Contrast and Convergence appeared first on International Peace Institute.

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On Tuesday, November 30th, IPI together with GWL Voices for Change and Inclusion is cohosting a policy forum on “Commemorating the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women: Addressing Perpetration at Social and Institutional Levels.”

Remarks will begin at 10:00am PST / 1:00pm EST

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In 2021, violence against women (VAW) remains a major global issue. During the COVID-19 pandemic, restrictions on movement prevented many women from escaping the perpetrators of VAW, who are often their partners. In addition, there have been ongoing cases of VAW perpetrated by the very people entrusted with women’s protection, including police officers sexually assaulting and killing young women in the UK and peacekeepers in conflict areas abusing their position of trust as protectors of host communities and representatives of the UN.

This event presents an opportunity to broaden the way VAW is typically viewed by focusing inward on the social, domestic, and institutional levels. In addition to discussing patterns related to VAW, panelists will highlight ways in which civil society has addressed these patterns and how the international community can support civil society efforts as well as promote reform from within its own institutions. Panelists will also provide insight on the role of multilateral institutions in creating agendas and partnerships to prevent VAW at all levels.

Speakers:
Susana Malcorra, former Minister of Foreign Affairs & Worship (2015–2017), Argentina; former Under-Secretary-General, UN Department of Field Support; member and co-founder, GWL Voices
Åsa Regnér, Deputy Executive Director for Policy, Programme, Civil Society and Intergovernmental Support, UN Women
Fatiha Serour, co-founder, Justice Impact Lab; former Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia; member, Africa Group for Justice and Accountability; member, GWL Voices

Moderator:
Adam Lupel, IPI Vice President

The post Commemorating the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The post IPI’s Francesco Mancini Discusses Syria and Crisis in the Middle East [Arise TV, skip ahead to minute 26] appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The post IPI’s Arthur Boutellis Discusses the Demise of M23 in the DRC and the UN’s Intervention Brigade [VOA News] appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The post IPI’s Adam Smith Talks About M23 and the UN’s Intervention Brigade [All Things Considered, NPR] appeared first on International Peace Institute.

On May 14-15, IPI, together with the Austrian Federal Ministry of Defence and Sports, and the Austrian Federal Ministry for European and International Affairs, will host the 43rd Annual IPI Vienna Seminar which will focus on the dangerous nexus between crime, conflict and terrorism in failing states.

The live webcast from Vienna will begin at 9:30am GMT+1

More info:

Vienna_Seminar_Program.pdf

The webcast will broadcast two sessions:

Tuesday at 9:30-10am GMT+1 Opening/Welcoming Remarks

Wednesday at 11:15-12:45pm GMT+1 Sovereignty Under Attack: What are the Implications of the Dangerous Nexus on International Relations and Security Policy

The post IPI Vienna Seminar on Crime, Conflict, and Terrorism in Failing States appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Wegen eines Meningitis-Falls in der Kaserne Emmen bleibt 120 Personen am Wochenende isoliert. Die Rekrutinnen und Rekruten erhalten Antibiotika, um eine mögliche Ausbreitung zu verhindern.

Credit: Denis Balibouse/Reuters via Gallo Images

By Samuel King
BRUSSELS, Belgium, Feb 6 2026 (IPS)

In early January, an emergency UN Security Council meeting on Venezuela followed a familiar path of paralysis. Members clashed over the US government’s abduction of Nicolás Maduro, with many warning it set a dangerous precedent, but no resolution came.

This wasn’t exceptional. In 2024, permanent members cast eight vetoes, the highest since 1986. In 2025, the Council adopted only 44 resolutions, the lowest since 1991. Deep divisions prevented meaningful responses to Gaza and to conflicts in Myanmar, Sudan and Ukraine.

Designed in 1945, the Security Council is the UN’s most powerful body, tasked with maintaining international peace and security, but also crucially protecting the privileged position of the most powerful states following the Second World War. Of its 15 members, 10 are elected for two-year terms, but five – China, France, Russia, the UK and the USA – are permanent and have veto powers. A single veto can block any resolution, regardless of global support. The Council’s anachronistic structure reflects and reproduces outdated power dynamics.

Since launching its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has continually used its veto despite breaching the UN Charter. On Gaza, the USA vetoed four ceasefire proposals before the Council passed Resolution 2728 in March 2024, 171 days into Israel’s assault. By then over 10,000 people had been killed.

When the Council is gridlocked, it means more suffering on the ground. Civilian protection fails, peace processes stall and human rights crimes go unpunished.

The case for reform

Since the UN was established, the number of member states has quadrupled and the global population has grown from 2.5 to 8 billion. But former colonial powers that represent a minority of the world’s population still hold permanent seats while entire continents remain unrepresented.

Calls for reform have been made for decades, but they face a formidable challenge: reform requires amendment of the UN Charter, a process that needs a favourable two-thirds General Assembly vote, ratification by two-thirds of member states and approval from all five permanent Council members.

The African Union has advanced the clearest demand. Emphasising historical justice and equal power for the global south, it calls for the Council to be expanded to 26 members, with Africa holding two permanent seats with full veto rights and five non-permanent seats.

India has been particularly vocal in demanding a greater role on a reformed Council. The G4 – Brazil, Germany, India and Japan – has proposed expansion to 25 or 26 members with six new permanent seats: two for Africa, two for Asia and the Pacific, one for Latin America and the Caribbean and one for Western Europe. New permanent members would gain veto powers after a 10-to-15-year review period.

Uniting for Consensus, a group led by Italy that includes Argentina, Mexico, Pakistan and South Korea, opposes the creation of new permanent seats, arguing this would simply expand an existing oligarchy. Instead, they propose longer rotating terms and greater representation for underrepresented regions.

The five permanent members show varying degrees of openness to reform. France and the UK support expansion with veto powers, while the USA supports adding permanent African seats but without a veto. China backs new African seats, but virulently opposes Japan’s permanent membership, while Russia supports reform in principle but warns against making the Council ‘too broad’.

These positions reflect competition and a desire to prevent rivals gaining power. Current permanent members fear diluted influence, while states that see themselves as rising powers want the status and sway that comes with Council membership.

Adding new members could help redress the imbalance against the global south, but wouldn’t necessarily make the Council more effective, accountable and committed to protecting human lives and human rights, particularly if more states get veto powers.

A French-Mexican initiative from 2015 offers a more modest path: voluntary veto restraint in mass atrocity situations. The proposal asks permanent members to refrain from vetoes in cases of crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. This complements efforts to increase the political costs of vetoes, including the Code of Conduct signed by 121 states and General Assembly Resolution 76/262, which requires debate whenever a veto is cast.

New challenges

Now a new challenge has emerged from the Trump administration, which recently launched the Board of Peace at the World Economic Forum in Davos. This has mutated from a temporary institution set up by a Security Council resolution to govern over Gaza into a seemingly permanent one that envisages a broader global role under Trump’s personal control. Its membership skews toward authoritarian regimes, and human rights don’t get a mention in its draft charter.

Instead of legitimising the Board of Peace, efforts should focus on Security Council reform to address the two fundamental flaws of representation and veto power. Accountability and transparency must also be enhanced. Civil society must have space to engage with the Council and urge states to prioritise the UN Charter over self-interest.

Some momentum exists. The September 2024 Pact for the Future committed leaders to developing a consolidated reform model. Since 2008, formal intergovernmental negotiations have addressed membership expansion, regional representation, veto reform and working methods. These became more transparent in 2023, with sessions recorded online, allowing civil society to track proceedings and challenge blocking states.

However, reform efforts faced entrenched interests, geopolitical rivalries and institutional inertia even before Trump started causing chaos. The UN faces a demanding 2026, forced to make funding cuts amid a liquidity crisis while choosing the next secretary-general. In such circumstances, it’s tempting to defer difficult decisions.

But the reform case is clear, as is the choice: act to make the Council fit for purpose or accept continuing paralysis and irrelevance, allowing it to be supplanted by Trump’s Board of Peace.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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Credit: United Nations

By Thalif Deen
UNITED NATIONS, Feb 6 2026 (IPS)

The current UN financial crisis, described as the worst in the 80-year-old history of the world body, triggers the question: is the US using its financial clout defaulting in its arrears and its assessed contributions to precipitate the collapse of the UN?

If the crisis continues, the UN headquarters will be forced to shut down by August, ahead of the annual meeting of world leaders in September this year, according to a report in the New York Times last week, quoting unnamed senior UN officials.

But apparently there is still hope for survival —judging by a report coming out of the White House.

Asked about the current state of finances, UN Spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters February 5: “We’ve seen cuts by the United States. We’ve seen cuts by European countries over the last year. And every day, I talk to you about what happens when there’s no money, right?”

“Rations are being reduced, health care not being delivered. So, I mean it’s pretty clear. In terms of the Secretariat, should it come to pass, it will impact our ability to run meetings in this building, to do the political work we do, the peacekeeping work that we do”, he pointed out.

About hopes of a possible resolution, he said “I do also have to say that we saw the reports…earlier this week – of the President of the United States signing a budget bill, which includes funding for the United Nations”.

“We welcome that, and we will stay in contact with the US over the coming days and weeks to monitor the transfers of those monies,” said Dujarric.

Meanwhile, in an interview with IPS last week, Sanam Naraghi Anderlini, Founder/CEO, International Civil Society Action Network (ICAN), said the potential financial collapse of the UN is depressing and yet so indicative of these times, when leadership everywhere is devoid of any sense of responsibility and has no care for the future.

They are the antithesis of the UN’s founding fathers and mothers, who, having experienced the hell of war and destitution first hand, committed themselves to creating a global peace and security architecture with the goal of preventing such hell for us – the future generation – their descendants, she argued.

“We all know that the UN system has never been perfect. It has never lived up to its potential. Often this has been due to the shenanigans of the powerful states, who persist in manipulating the institution for their own interests”.

The UN Security Council has long been the insecurity Council, given how the P5 are all implicated in one or other of the worst wars and genocides of the past 25 years, she said.

“But they are not solely to blame. Within the system too, we have seen both leadership and staff with vested interests, benefitting from the inertia, and unwilling to uphold new practices and priorities that would have brought transformative impact”.

“But dysfunction should not lead to abandonment and the dismantling of the system. The UN cannot be stripped and have its key assets and functions sold to the lowest bidder”.

Already, she said, the dystopian (US-created) Board of Peace is akin to the corporate raiders and vulture funds of the finance world – trying to strip the UN of its key functions but with no accountability or guard rails pertaining to its actions.

As it stands, the U.S. currently owes about $2.196 billion to the U.N.’s regular budget, including $767 million for this year and for prior years, according to U.N. sources.

The U.S. also owes $1.8 billion for the separate budget for the U.N.’s peacekeeping operations overseas, and that also will rise.

As of February 5, only 51 countries had paid their dues in full for 2026—that’s 51 out of 193. A breakdown of the last four payments follows: Australia, $65,309,876, Austria, $20,041,168, Croatia, $2,801,889, and Cyprus $1,120,513.

Dr. Stephen Zunes, Professor of Politics and International Studies at the University of San Francisco, told IPS on the one hand, the United States has been in arrears in its payments to the United Nations quite a bit in recent years, but the UN has managed to get by.

However, the extent of the Trump administration’s cutbacks and the ways they are being targeted at particularly vulnerable programs has resulted in this unprecedented fiscal crisis.

“The hostility of the Trump administration to the United Nations is extreme. Trump has made clear he believes there should be no legal restraints on the conduct of U.S. foreign policy, so it is not surprising he would seek to undermine the world’s primary institution mandated with supporting international law and world order,” declared Dr Zunes.

Addressing the UN’s Administrative and Budgetary Committee last week Chandramouli Ramanathan, Assistant Secretary-General, Controller, Management Strategy, Policy said: “The UN staff is progressively losing confidence in the entire budget process,” referring to cash shortages that have led to severe spending and hiring restrictions. The United Nations needs to find a compromise that allows the Organization to function effectively, he added.

Anderlini, elaborating further, told IPS “now more than ever, the institution must be sustained and enabled to thrive and deliver on the promise of the Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the body of conventions and policies that have been developed through painstaking work to meet the challenges of today’s world.”

When global military spending is topping $2.6 trillion, she said, the UN’s approved annual budget of $3.45 billion seems like pocket change.

“It is absurd for our governments to be borrowing billions to fund weapons, but nickel and diming the UN, governmental agencies and civil society organizations that work to prevent conflict, build peace and ensure human and environmental security.”

“We live in an era where one man’s assets may soon be valued at over one trillion dollars and the world’s billionaire class wealth increased by $2.5 trillion in just one year 2025. They are lauded and applauded even though their wealth is made on the backs, bodies and lands of “We the people of the United Nations” – whether through tax avoidance or investment in high climate impact sectors such as fossil fuels and mining.”

Perhaps they should be taxed and forced to foot the bill for their complicity in the disasters that the UN is forced to clean up.

Peace and development are good for business, she argued. “They are essential for any society to survive and thrive. The UN and the global ecosystem of institutions and people dedicated to caring for the world give us our humanity – far beyond anything that can be limited to monetary value. But in dollar terms they are a great investment with returns that benefit billions of people worldwide, not just a stockpile of deadly weapons or a handful of billionaires”.

Thanks to member states’ abrogation of responsibility to uphold human rights and prevent the scourge of war, violence cost the world $19.97 trillion in 2024, or 11.6% of global GDP. According the Institute of Economics and peace this represents $2,455 per person, includes military spending, internal security, and lost economic activity, declared Anderlini.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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This chapter analyses the digital divide in Africa by offering both a global perspective and a comparative examination of its various dimensions across and within African states. The main objective is to give an overview of the overall situation and trends in terms of moving African digital access from gaps to goals. In view of this objective, it describes overall trends to provide a continental perspective and does not provide a detailed description as to why individual countries perform differently from others. The chapter was prepared jointly with chapter 5 that analyses key policy dimensions and international cooperation initiatives focused on digital access, with a key focus on the European Union’s Global Gateway and the Italian government’s Mattei Plan.

This chapter analyses the digital divide in Africa by offering both a global perspective and a comparative examination of its various dimensions across and within African states. The main objective is to give an overview of the overall situation and trends in terms of moving African digital access from gaps to goals. In view of this objective, it describes overall trends to provide a continental perspective and does not provide a detailed description as to why individual countries perform differently from others. The chapter was prepared jointly with chapter 5 that analyses key policy dimensions and international cooperation initiatives focused on digital access, with a key focus on the European Union’s Global Gateway and the Italian government’s Mattei Plan.

This chapter analyses the digital divide in Africa by offering both a global perspective and a comparative examination of its various dimensions across and within African states. The main objective is to give an overview of the overall situation and trends in terms of moving African digital access from gaps to goals. In view of this objective, it describes overall trends to provide a continental perspective and does not provide a detailed description as to why individual countries perform differently from others. The chapter was prepared jointly with chapter 5 that analyses key policy dimensions and international cooperation initiatives focused on digital access, with a key focus on the European Union’s Global Gateway and the Italian government’s Mattei Plan.

BERICHT über strategische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspartnerschaften der EU
Ausschuss für Sicherheit und Verteidigung
Michał Szczerba

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

ELIAMEP held the event “Climate Resilience in Islands Regions and Local Government” on 20 January 2026, at the Hellenic American Union, within the framework of the European project Pathways2Resilience (SMILE). More than 20 speakers from the scientific community, policymaking bodies, municipal authorities, and social partners participated, aiming to strengthen public dialogue on climate change in island areas and the role of Local Government in addressing it.

The discussion focused on the conceptual foundations of climate resilience and their interpretation through the lens of the specific characteristics of insularity. Small scale, geographic isolation, intense tourism pressure, uncontrolled construction, depletion of natural resources, and the lack of critical infrastructure render islands more exposed to climate risks and limit their adaptive capacity.

Particular emphasis was placed on the crucial role of local authorities, which manage key policy areas directly linked to climate resilience, such as flood risk management, infrastructure maintenance, prevention of environmental degradation, and response to extreme events. At the same time, it was highlighted that municipalities’ proximity to local communities and the experiential knowledge they possess can strengthen adaptation planning, risk assessment, and the legitimacy of interventions.

A significant part of the discussion was devoted to whether the existing institutional, administrative, and financial framework enables Local Government to effectively perform this role, particularly in island areas. Despite the transfer of critical competences, the lack of adequate resources, technical support, and administrative capacity-building remains a major obstacle.

The event highlighted as a central conclusion that prevention and the strengthening of resilience in island communities require a holistic approach and cooperation among the scientific community, local authorities, institutions, and citizens. In an environment of an intensifying climate crisis, timely action is a critical factor in limiting impacts and enhancing the resilience of islands.

Many of these issues are also addressed in the ELIAMEP policy paper entitled “Climate Resilience in Island Regions and Local Government”, authored by Othon Kaminiaris, Expert on Environment and Climate Change at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Research Associate, ELIAMEP, and Artemis Androni, International Development Advisor.

The full text of the paper is available here, and its executive summary is available here (in Greek).

 

Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) hat in ihrer heutigen Ratssitzung den Leitzins unverändert gelassen. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Marcel Fratzscher, Präsident des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) steckt derzeit in einem Dilemma: Die schwache Wirtschaft im Euroraum könnte die Inflation zu stark drücken, während geopolitische und geoökonomische Konflikte den gegenteiligen Effekt haben und die Inflation wieder anheizen könnten. Auch wenn die EZB ihre Leitzinsen erneut unverändert lässt, muss sie jetzt signalisieren, dass sie flexibel bleibt.

Momentan liegt die Inflationsrate unter dem EZB-Ziel der Preisstabilität. Die anhaltende wirtschaftliche Schwäche im Euroraum – besonders in Deutschland – könnte in diesem Jahr zu weiter fallenden Inflationsraten und einem klaren Verfehlen des Inflationsziels führen. Eine Aufwertung des Euro würde diesen Trend noch verstärken und vor allem deutschen Exporteuren zusätzlich schaden. Gleichzeitig könnten Strafzölle und steigende Energiepreise infolge geopolitischer Spannungen die Preise wieder deutlich steigen lassen.

Die EZB muss daher sorgfältig zwischen langfristigen strukturellen Problemen und kurzfristigen konjunkturellen Schwankungen unterscheiden. Es zeichnet sich ab, dass die strukturellen Schwächen der europäischen Wirtschaft noch länger bestehen bleiben werden.

Daher sollte die EZB klar kommunizieren, dass sie gewillt und fähig ist, schnell und flexibel zu handeln. Ich gehe davon aus, dass der nächste Zinsschritt noch in diesem Jahr eine weitere Senkung des Leitzinses sein wird.

Investment facilitation is an increasingly important policy tool to promote foreign investment. However, we know very little about its prevalence. This paper introduces a new dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 101 measures, grouped into six policy areas, and maps adoption across 142 economies. The paper outlines the conceptual and methodological framework of the IFI, analyses the current levels of adoption, and demonstrates the index’s robustness. The data show that economies with lower adoption rates typically belong to the low-income or lower-middle-income groups, often located in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. This dataset serves as a benchmark for assessing the design and impact of international agreements, such as the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It can also support the IFDA implementation by guiding domestic assessments of technical assistance needs and capacity development.

Investment facilitation is an increasingly important policy tool to promote foreign investment. However, we know very little about its prevalence. This paper introduces a new dataset for measuring the adoption of investment facilitation measures at country level. The Investment Facilitation Index (IFI) covers 101 measures, grouped into six policy areas, and maps adoption across 142 economies. The paper outlines the conceptual and methodological framework of the IFI, analyses the current levels of adoption, and demonstrates the index’s robustness. The data show that economies with lower adoption rates typically belong to the low-income or lower-middle-income groups, often located in Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. This dataset serves as a benchmark for assessing the design and impact of international agreements, such as the Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA). It can also support the IFDA implementation by guiding domestic assessments of technical assistance needs and capacity development.