À l’approche du premier tour de l’élection présidentielle, prévu dimanche 18 mai, la droite polonaise est en pleine tourmente. La montée en puissance d’un mouvement d’extrême droite divise les conservateurs et suscite un débat plus large sur l’avenir politique du pays.
The post En Pologne, une extrême droite en pleine ascension bouscule la droite traditionnelle à la veille du scrutin présidentiel appeared first on Euractiv FR.
A Akadja Gbodjè, une localité située dans la commune d'Ifangni, département du Plateau, un drame familial a fait deux morts dans la nuit du lundi 12 au mardi 13 mai 2025. L'homme, auteur des atrocités, aurait également ouvert le feu sur la police intervenue pour maîtriser la situation.
Crime crapuleux à Ifangni. Dans cette commune du département du Plateau, un homme a donné la mort à deux membres de sa famille ; il s'agit de son épouse et de son cousin. Après ce double crime, il a pris la fuite, et est actuellement recherché.
Selon des sources concordantes, tout a commencé quand l'un des enfants, très bouleversé par la situation au sein de la famille, a alerté les forces de l'ordre pour signaler que sa mère venait d'être grièvement blessée par son père. Ce dernier aurait ouvert le feu à bout portant, atteignant sa femme au bras droit. Une patrouille du commissariat de Banigbé s'est alors rendue d'urgence sur les lieux. Loin de se rendre, l'homme, armé et furieux, aurait ouvert le feu en direction des agents. Il aurait même accusé la police d'être de mèche avec le chef du village qui, d'après lui, a orchestré l'intervention. Face à la menace, les forces de l'ordre ont tenté de le neutraliser sans succès. Il a fui par une zone marécageuse proférant des menaces contre toute personne qui tenterait de s'approcher de sa maison.
Son épouse a succombé à ses blessures lors de son évacuation vers un centre de santé. La seconde victime, cousin du suspect, a également perdu la vie. Il l'aurait accusé d'entretenir des relations avec sa femme. Une enquête est ouverte, et le présumé criminel, activement recherché.
F. A. A.
Written by Isabelle Ioannides.
The Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom (UK), which entered into force in May 2021, governs the EU’s relationship with the UK, following its withdrawal from the EU. In addition to the European Commission evaluating the implementation of the TCA on an annual basis, Article 776 of the TCA provides for a joint review of the deal’s implementation five years after its entry into force, in 2026.
On 20 November 2024, the European Parliament’s Conference of Presidents approved a joint request from the Committees on Foreign Affairs (AFET) and on International Trade (INTA) to draw up an implementation report in response to the European Commission’s 21 March 2024 report on the implementation and application of the EU-UK TCA.
This briefing seeks to inform the drafting of the joint AFET–INTA implementation report. The briefing provides an analysis of the data on trade flows between the EU and the UK in the last two years (2023 and 2024), in the context of the implementation of the TCA. It should be read in tandem with the European Implementation Assessment on the EU-UK TCA, published by the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS) in December 2023, which analyses EU-UK trade flows in the first two years of the TCA’s implementation. That EPRS study was requested by AFET and INTA to inform their 2023 joint implementation report on the same subject.
Similar to the 2023 EPRS study, this briefing concludes that the TCA continues to have a stronger impact on the UK than on the EU in the trade relationship. Trade between the EU and the UK continues to be more complex and challenging compared to when the UK was an EU Member State, even if the implementation of the TCA in the last four years has been generally smooth, with some exceptions. The UK has managed to bounce back from COVID and Brexit less successfully than the EU and has, like the EU-27, been affected by Russia’s war in Ukraine and inflation. EU-UK trade in goods decreased slightly in 2023 and 2024, and it is still below pre-Brexit levels. EU-UK trade in services (the TCA does not cover financial services), continues to be less disrupted, and surpassed pre-COVID‑19 levels as of 2023. At a time of uncertainty on the future direction of trade policy, geopolitical upheaval, and the United States administration’s (potential) new tariffs on imports from its trading partners (including the UK and the EU), the TCA offers an opportunity to deepen EU-UK trade relations.
Read the complete briefing on ‘EU-UK trade flows: Continuities, changes and trends‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
EU-UK trade in the agri-food sector EU services imports from the UK EU services exports to the UK EU goods imports from the UK EU goods exports to the UK UK share in EU total trade EU-UK trade in goods and services (2010-2024 for goods, 2010-2023 for services) The UK’s top 10 Member State partners in terms of trade in goods (imports and exports) Main EU-27 and UK global partners in terms of trade in goods (exports and imports) Trends in EU-UK total trade versus trade between the EU and the rest of the world (trade in goods and services, imports and exports)Face à l’explosion des escroqueries en ligne, le ministère des Postes et des Télécommunications lance une vaste opération de sensibilisation baptisée « Soyez vigilants, le fraudeur […]
L’article Cartes Edahabia, réseaux sociaux, faux sites : la cybercriminalité explose en Algérie est apparu en premier sur .
La Commission a affirmé lundi 12 mai que la lettre envoyée par Stéphane Séjourné aux autorités tchèques ne constituait pas une demande de suspension du contrat nucléaire entre Prague et le sud-coréen KHNP. Pourtant, il y invite explicitement le ministre tchèque de l’Industrie à ne pas signer l’accord.
The post Nucléaire tchèque : des questions se posent sur la lettre du commissaire français appeared first on Euractiv FR.
Fort de ses 20 ans d’expérience de la RTBF et deux ans après son séjour dans le pays, le reporter François Mazure est de retour […]
L’article François Mazure de retour en Algérie : une nouvelle série vidéo sur « Les visages de la Casbah » est apparu en premier sur .
The Colombian government’s response to the Venezuelan displacement crisis has largely been lauded for its efforts to support displaced persons by granting legal residency. However, this comes with challenges, as resources at the local level are strained. These challenges can be understood through the lens of social cohesion, which encompasses a sense of belonging, trust, the common good, shared values, identity and, at its core, inequality. By examining the case of Colombia, this research provides context-specific findings that potentially deepen our understanding of social cohesion in displacement contexts. In a very short period, Colombia has received more than 3 million displaced Venezuelans. The government of Colombia responded to this displacement with open-door policies that included large regularisation programmes. In response, Colombians have learnt to live with Venezeulans in relative harmony, despite the structural economic and social issues affecting the communities.
Looking to the future of developing greater social cohesion in the context of Venezuelan displacement in Colombia, the research points to four main themes. Investments in civic education and support with integration at the local level can help Venezuelans and host communities better understand one another’s social and economic realities in the present and future. This is key since Venezuelans struggle to understand the long-standing Colombian conflict and how the violence permeates the society and their communities. Engaging with local peacebuilding actors can help develop a shared understanding about violence in Colombia, both for Venezuelans and host communities. While xenophobia and discrimination have diminished over time, policy-makers should build on the local efforts that have helped tamp down xenophobia. Finally, the media has an important role in spreading xenophobic narratives about migrants harming social cohesion in the communities. These narratives can have a toxic effect on building social cohesion in host communities, and leaders need to push back against these messages.
Dr Stephanie López Villamil is an independent consultant.
The Colombian government’s response to the Venezuelan displacement crisis has largely been lauded for its efforts to support displaced persons by granting legal residency. However, this comes with challenges, as resources at the local level are strained. These challenges can be understood through the lens of social cohesion, which encompasses a sense of belonging, trust, the common good, shared values, identity and, at its core, inequality. By examining the case of Colombia, this research provides context-specific findings that potentially deepen our understanding of social cohesion in displacement contexts. In a very short period, Colombia has received more than 3 million displaced Venezuelans. The government of Colombia responded to this displacement with open-door policies that included large regularisation programmes. In response, Colombians have learnt to live with Venezeulans in relative harmony, despite the structural economic and social issues affecting the communities.
Looking to the future of developing greater social cohesion in the context of Venezuelan displacement in Colombia, the research points to four main themes. Investments in civic education and support with integration at the local level can help Venezuelans and host communities better understand one another’s social and economic realities in the present and future. This is key since Venezuelans struggle to understand the long-standing Colombian conflict and how the violence permeates the society and their communities. Engaging with local peacebuilding actors can help develop a shared understanding about violence in Colombia, both for Venezuelans and host communities. While xenophobia and discrimination have diminished over time, policy-makers should build on the local efforts that have helped tamp down xenophobia. Finally, the media has an important role in spreading xenophobic narratives about migrants harming social cohesion in the communities. These narratives can have a toxic effect on building social cohesion in host communities, and leaders need to push back against these messages.
Dr Stephanie López Villamil is an independent consultant.
The Colombian government’s response to the Venezuelan displacement crisis has largely been lauded for its efforts to support displaced persons by granting legal residency. However, this comes with challenges, as resources at the local level are strained. These challenges can be understood through the lens of social cohesion, which encompasses a sense of belonging, trust, the common good, shared values, identity and, at its core, inequality. By examining the case of Colombia, this research provides context-specific findings that potentially deepen our understanding of social cohesion in displacement contexts. In a very short period, Colombia has received more than 3 million displaced Venezuelans. The government of Colombia responded to this displacement with open-door policies that included large regularisation programmes. In response, Colombians have learnt to live with Venezeulans in relative harmony, despite the structural economic and social issues affecting the communities.
Looking to the future of developing greater social cohesion in the context of Venezuelan displacement in Colombia, the research points to four main themes. Investments in civic education and support with integration at the local level can help Venezuelans and host communities better understand one another’s social and economic realities in the present and future. This is key since Venezuelans struggle to understand the long-standing Colombian conflict and how the violence permeates the society and their communities. Engaging with local peacebuilding actors can help develop a shared understanding about violence in Colombia, both for Venezuelans and host communities. While xenophobia and discrimination have diminished over time, policy-makers should build on the local efforts that have helped tamp down xenophobia. Finally, the media has an important role in spreading xenophobic narratives about migrants harming social cohesion in the communities. These narratives can have a toxic effect on building social cohesion in host communities, and leaders need to push back against these messages.
Dr Stephanie López Villamil is an independent consultant.