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2019. április 30-án hajnalban Juan Guaidó videón minden venezuelai állampolgárt az utcára hívott, hogy együtt lázadjanak a Maduro-kormány ellen. A videóban, melyet a Generalissimo Francisco de Miranda Légi Támaszponton, egy caracasi katonai reptéren vettek fel, Guaidó több egyenruhás katona társaságában buzdítja nemcsak a civileket, hanem a venezuelai katonai erőket is a kormányellenes fellépésre. A reptér közelében a bejelentés után a kormányerők és az ellenzék oldalára álló katonák erőszakos összecsapására került sor, ahol könnygázt és harckocsit is bevetettek a katonák. A zavargásban több mint 70 ember sérült meg, köztük civilek és egy ezredes is.

Az ellenzéki erők oldalán megjelent Leopoldo Lopez is, akit 2014-ben a Venezuelai Legfelsőbb Bíróság 14 év börtönre ítélt kormányellenes erőszakos tüntetések vezetése miatt. Lopezt – aki jelenleg a venezuelai Népakart Párt vezetője – elmondása szerint az ellenzék oldalára átálló katonák szabadították ki.

Az önmagát ügyvezető államfőnek kinevezett Guaidó által immár három hónapja vezetett tüntetési folyamatot „Operación Libertad” (Szabadság-hadművelet) néven említik, melynek nem titkolt célja a szocialista Maduro-rezsim megdöntése. Egyelőre tisztázatlan, hogy a venezuelai katonai erők mekkora része állt be mögé; Vladimir Padrino, venezuelai védelmi miniszter továbbra is Maduró elnököt támogatja és kijelentette, hogy a dezertáló egyenruhások ellen az venezuelai ügyészéség eljárást fog indítani.

Maduro elnök 2019. április 30-án kedd este már úgy nyilatkozott, hogy nemzetközi hatalmak által támogatott államcsínyt sikerült megakadályozniuk; ahogy a korábbi, Caracast súlytó áramszünetért (Operation Blackout), úgy a puccs elkövetéséért is az Egyesült Államokat tartja felelősnek.

Ugyanezen a napon Samuel Moncada, Venezuela ENSZ-nagykövete sajtótájékoztatón úgy nyilatkozott, hogy a puccs leverésével Maduro elnök bebizonyította, hogy ő az egyetlen ember, aki képes garantálni a békét és jogállamiságot; arra kérte a nemzetközi közösséget, hogy ítéljék el egy ország belpolitikai ügyeibe történő külső beavatkozást, melynek nincs más célja, mint bábkormányt felállítani és nemcsak gazdasági, de katonai erőt alkalmazva megdönteni a jelenlegi vezetést.

Ki támogat kit? (kék: Guaidó; narancssárga: Maduró; zöld: párbeszéd; fehér: nincs elérhető adat); forrás: StatistaCharts

A latin-amerikai régió

Dél-Amerika az utóbbi évtizedekben politikai–ideológiai változáson ment keresztül. Míg a 2000-es évek elején hódított a „rózsaszín hullám” – konszolidált baloldali politikai gondolkodás, mely főleg a szocializmushoz áll közel –, addig manapság a jobboldali erők törnek előre. Brazília és Kolumbia – melyek szomszédos országokként összesen 3,4 millió venezuelai menekültnek biztosítanak menedékjogot –, Peru, Paraguay, Argentína, Chile és Ecuador Guaidót támogatják, ahogy a Lima-csoport is; Bolívia és Kuba viszont határozottan Madurót tartják Venezuela legitim elnökének.

Különböző álláspontok a nemzetközi közösségben

John R. Bolton, az Egyesült Államok elnökének nemzetbiztonsági tanácsadója azt nyilatkozta, hogy Amerika továbbra is Juan Guaidót támogatja, a hadsereg Maduro elleni buzdítását nem tekinti puccsnak; mivel Maduro nem Venezuela legitim elnöke, ezért békés hatalomátadást kíván látni Maduro elnök részéről. Ezt egyelőre „békés eszközökkel” próbálják előidézni, melyek közül az egyik legjelentősebb a gazdasági szankciók alkalmazása. Bolton megerősítette, hogy továbbra is minden lehetőséget mérlegelnek, így nem zárta ki a katonai beavatkozás lehetőségét sem.

Az orosz álláspont továbbra is változatlan: Putyin Maduro elnökségét támogatja és az Amerikai Egyesült Államokat felhívja arra, hogy ne avatkozzon be egy ország belpolitikai ügyeibe. 2019. március végén Oroszország nemcsak diplomáciai úton erősítette meg támogatását, hanem katonai tanácsadók, technikusok és kiképzőtisztek küldésével is. Az orosz külügyminisztérium úgy nyilatkozott, hogy az alakulat addig marad, ameddig a Maduro-kormánynak szüksége van rá, ez pedig egyszerűen a két állam közötti bilaterális katonai–technikai együttműködési egyezségen alapul.

Egy újabb befagyott konfliktus?

A nemzetközi közösség jelentős része összefogott a Maduro-rezsim ellen, ugyanakkor nem állíthatjuk, hogy támogatók nélkül maradt. A minden jelentős nemzetközi konfliktusban megjelenő két oldal, az Egyesült Államok és Oroszország egy újabb ország belpolitikai problémái kapcsán csap(hat)nak össze. Trump amerikai elnök Latin-Amerika politikája eddig elég bizonytalan volt – mondhatjuk azt is, hogy céltalan –, a Venezuelában megkezdőtött, szocialista kormány megdöntésére irányuló tüntetések viszont most szilárd alapot adtak a határozott fellépésre. Oroszország számára geostratégiai szempontból elengedhetetlen, hogy egy földrészen legyen az Egyesült Államokkal; Kuba és Nicaragua aktív támogatása – gazdasági és hadiipari befektetések sorozatával – ezt alá is támasztja.

A kérdés, hogy számíthat-e Venezuela külső katonai beavatkozásra; nemcsak a közeljövőben, hanem egyáltalán. A politikai helyzet ugyanis vagy Maduro hatalmon maradásával végződik, melynek következménye egy szocialista, válságot elszenvedő Venezuela; vagy Guaidó kerül hatalomra, ami a piacgazdaság bevezetésével Venezuela valószínű gazdasági kiszolgáltatottságához vezet; vagy továbbra is megmarad a két elnök, aminek következtében nagy valószínűséggel polgárháború fog kitörni az országban.

A nemzetközi közösség nem zárkózott el eddig sem, és folyamatosan figyelemmel kíséri az eseményeket. Az ENSZ Biztonsági Tanácsa valószínűleg napirendre emeli a problémát, ahol a konfliktus békés megoldását részesítik  majd előnyben.

Weil mehrere Suchaktionen bisher ohne Erfolg blieben, sucht die St. Galler Polizei nun mit einer Vermisstmeldung nach einem 39-jährigen Mann.

Thailands neue Königin Suthida hat am Donnerstag ihren ersten öffentlichen Auftritt absolviert. An der Seite ihres frischgebackenen Ehemannes, König Maha Vajiralongkorn, erwies sie Statuen früherer Monarchen Thailands in Bangkoks historischem Viertel ihren Respekt.

Selon Associated Press (AP), des responsables consulaires algériens et marocains sont accusés par la police espagnole d’être de mèche avec des trafiquants d’être humains. Les services consulaires algériens en Inde ont octroyé frauduleusement des visas à 350 personnes, sans toutefois divulguer des noms, a indiqué la police espagnole. Les migrants étaient accueillis dans des maisons […]

The post Des diplomates algériens accusés par la police espagnole de complicité avec des trafiquants d’êtres humains ! appeared first on .

Une manifestation a eu lieu dans la nuit de ce mercredi 01er mai à Kandi. Des individus non encore identifiés ont activé le feu à plusieurs endroits dans la ville. Du rond-point AIFI, à l'usine SODECO 2, Ex-Ccb en passant par la résidence du Chef d'usine, le dégât est énorme.

La manifestation a démarré aux environs de 22 heures. Des individus non encore identifiés ont déclenché le feu dans l'Usine SODECO 2. Les flammes ont commencé du côté Est de l'usine où sont déposées les balles de coton pour s'étendre au magasin de stockage dans l'enceinte de l'usine. Le groupe de manifestants a aussi incendié le domicile du chef de l'Usine situé à environ 300 mètres de son service.
Sur la route inter-état numéro 2 au niveau du rond-point AIFI, la circulation a été bloquée par les manifestants avec les brûlures de pneus. La descente des éléments de la Police Républicaine et des sapeurs-pompiers sur les lieux n'a rien changé et n'a nullement calmé les ardeurs des manifestants qui étaient décidés à aller jusqu'au bout.
Après plus de deux heures de manifestation, la circulation a repris mais timidement. Ceci grâce aux agents de la Police Républicaine et des militaires déployés sur le terrain. Il faut signaler qu'il n'y a pas eu d'affrontement entre manifestants et forces de l'ordre. Mais des tirs de gaz lacrymogène dans le but de maîtriser la situation et sécuriser les parties de l'usine non encore atteintes par les flammes.
Face à la pression des manifestants et le feu qui était difficile à contrôler, les sapeurs-pompiers se sont momentanément retirés. La route inter-état est praticable mais celles aux alentours des usines sont fortement militarisées et interdites d'accès jusqu'à la matinée de ce jeudi 02 mai 2019.

D'énormes dégâts enregistrés

Les dégâts issus de cette manifestation sont énormes. Dans l'enceinte de l'usine plusieurs balles de l'or blanc sont parties en fumée ainsi qu'une importante quantité stockée dans les magasins de l'usine SODECO 2. La route inter-état a été endommagée. Le domicile du chef d'usine a été totalement brûlé de même que sa voiture et une moto tricycle.
Aussi, un autre véhicule appartenant à un citoyen a-t-il pris feu quelques minutes après qu'il ait perdu le contrôle du volant suite aux manifestations pour se retrouver dans un caniveau. Le conducteur s'en est sorti sain et sauf, mais n'a rien n'a récupéré du véhicule.
Du côté des populations venues par curiosité, un jeune homme d'environ 18 ans est atteint par balle blanche. Le calme serait revenu dans la ville de Kandi et ce matin le feu semble maîtrisé par les sapeurs-pompiers dans l'enceinte de l'usine SODECO 2.
A.A

Was der Bregenzer Liebesanwärter Cedric einen sarkastischen Spurch nennt, findet der verantwortliche TV-Sender weder witzig noch akzeptabel. Das hat Folgen.

Schweizer Architekten werden häufig unterschätzt. Dabei haben wir hierzulande ebenso einzigartige Kunstwerke zu bieten, wie man es nur von Grossstädten zu kennen glaubt.

In an open letter, 600 European scientists and 300 indigenous groups are calling for the EU to insist on the respect for environmental and human rights standards in its current trade negotiations with Brazil.  EURACTIV Germany reports.

L'audience solennelle de proclamation des résultats du scrutin législatif du dimanche 28 avril dernier, apprend-on, aura lieu ce jeudi 02 Mai 2019 à 16h00 à la Cour constitutionnelle. Après la publication des grandes tendances par la Commission électorale nationale autonome (Cena), la haute juridiction va donc proclamer les résultats provisoires en attendant les éventuels recours.
Les résultats de la Cour constitutionnelle pourraient infirmer ou confirmer les grandes tendances données par la Cena.
F. A. A.

Une machine de chantier a déversé des hydrocarbures dans la rivière «La Glâne» à Romont. Des barrages flottants ont été installés pour contenir la pollution.

Gerüchte besagen, Prinz William habe seine Ehefrau Kate betrogen. Herzogin Meghan meint nun: Das ist Kate selbst schuld – weil sie langweilig sei.

Dans une vidéo publiée sur sa page Facebook officielle, le chef du parti talaie el houriat , Ali Benflis, a déclaré que des forces anticonstitutionnelles ont acquis 80% des projets économiques.

The post Benflis: « Les forces anticonstitutionnelles ont acquis 80% des projets économiques » [vidéo] appeared first on .

On Sunday, The ADL's Jonathan Greenblatt joined in the furor over The New York Times' antisemitic cartoon -- and Greenblatt didn't hold back.

Greenblatt warned against normalizing vile antisemitism

Greenblatt went further, calling out The New York Times for "a moral failing of major proportions" -- and the need for accountability and action



He concluded with recommendations, including that a review of policy is necessary:

The fact that Greenblatt and the ADL stepped in is important. It shows that at a time when accusations are flying back and forth accusing either the left or the right of being the main cause of the rise of antisemitism in the US, the ADL takes a balanced approach and rises above the fray, addressing the incitement of hate wherever it sees it.

If only Greenblatt could spot racism when he encounters it face to face.


Hat tip: Mark Jacobs

On the one hand, who better to go to for pointers on hate crimes than Al Sharpton - After all, Sharpton has a history of inciting hatred.

Putting aside Sharpton's central role in the Tawana Brawley hoax, Sharpton's history of deliberately inciting hatred against Jews is well established.
In 1991, after a Hasidic Jewish driver in Crown Heights accidentally killed Gavin Cato, a 7-year-old black child, antisemitic riots erupted. At the funeral, Sharpton made a point of inflaming the crowd, blaming the "diamond merchants" (Jews) with "the blood of innocent babies" on their hands. Going further, Sharpton then mobilized hundreds of demonstrators on a march through the Jewish neighborhood, chanting, "No justice, no peace." There, Yankel Rosenbaum, a rabbinical student, was surrounded by a mob shouting "Kill the Jews!" and was stabbed to death.
The Forward quotes comments by Sharpton at the time that could easily be mistaken for the racism spewed by Farrakhan:
The world will tell us [Cato] was killed by accident. Yes, it was a social accident...It’s an accident to allow an apartheid ambulance service in the middle of Crown Heights...Talk about how Oppenheimer in South Africa sends diamonds straight to Tel Aviv and deals with the diamond merchants right here in Crown Heights. The issue is not anti-Semitism; the issue is apartheid...All we want to say is what Jesus said: if you offend one of these little ones, you got to pay for it. No compromise, no meetings, no kaffe klatsch, no skinnin’ and grinnin’. Pay for your deeds...It’s no accident that we know we should not be run over. We are the royal family on the planet. We’re the original man. We gazed into the stars and wrote astrology. We had a conversation and that became philosophy. We are the ones who created mathematics. We’re not anybody to be left to die waiting on an ambulance. We are the alpha and omega of creation itself. [emphasis added]A few years later, in 1995, Sharpton got involved in the protests against Freddy's Fashion Mart and again raised tempers, warning "we will not stand by and allow them to move this brother so that some white interloper can expand his business." Sharpton's organization, National Action Network, set up picket lines. Customers who entered the store were spat on, cursed and accused of being "traitors" and "Uncle Toms." Some protesters starting shouting, "Burn down the Jew store!" while simulating striking a match and Sharpton's colleague Morris Powell saying "We're going to see that this cracker suffers". On December 8, one of the protestors entered Freddy's, shot 4 of the employees and set the store on fire, killing 7 employees. 
And it's not as if Sharpton has lost his touch. More recently, Sharpton involved himself in the 2012 shooting of Trayvon Martin. Without verifying the facts, Sharpton publicly made a statement "that racial language was used" -- a claim that an investigation proved false. Sharpton also exacerbated tensions by deliberately referring to Zimmerman as "white," despite the fact that his mother is Peruvian. 
But during their chummy get-together, Greenblatt doesn't say a word about Sharpton's background. These are just two activists fighting the good fight for human rights.

So despite Greenblatt's lecture to The New York Times on Twitter -

• Here we have the ADL normalizing the vile antisemitism of Al Sharpton
• It is the ADL, under Greenblatt's leadership, that demonstrates "a moral failing of major proportions"
• It is Greenblatt who should "commit to reviewing policies"

The question is how Sharpton gets away with this and has not only reinvented himself but is a figure that politicians come to in order to get his blessing.

Whatever the reason, the impunity Sharpton enjoys has spread to a new generation that includes Sarsour, Mallory (a disciple of Sharpton), Omar and Tlaib. Their immunity to criticism and ability to claim they are instead victims of smears and incitement are all part of a growing trend in the incitement of racism and antisemitism in the US.

And the ADL is no longer the champion it used to be in this fight.



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SDGs SDGs:  16 - Peace, justice and strong institutions

This report is for the media and the general public.

Summary

• Compared with the previous reporting period, the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations in both Donetsk and Luhansk regions.
• The SMM saw a fresh crater on the side of a road near the Zolote disengagement area.
• The SMM saw weapons in violation of withdrawal lines near government-controlled Bobrove and at the former Luhansk international airport about 10km south of non-government-controlled Luhansk city.
• The Mission facilitated and monitored adherence to the ceasefire to enable demining activities near Zolote-4/Rodina, Zolote-3/Stakhanovets and Katerynivka, as well as continued to facilitate the operation of the Donetsk Filtration Station and monitor the security situation around the pumping station near Vasylivka.
• Restrictions of the Mission’s access continued in all three disengagement areas. The SMM was also denied access at a checkpoint near non-government-controlled Pikuzy.*

Ceasefire violations[1]

In Donetsk region, the SMM recorded more ceasefire violations, including more explosions (about 100), compared with the previous reporting period (50 explosions). The majority of ceasefire violations were recorded in areas south, south-east and south-south-east of Chermalyk (government-controlled, 31km north-east of Mariupol). Positioned about 2km south-south-east of Kamianka (government-controlled, 20km north of Donetsk) to facilitate the operation of the Donetsk Filtration Station (DFS) (15km north of Donetsk) and to monitor the security situation around the pumping station near Vasylivka (non-government-controlled, 20km north of Donetsk), the SMM heard a shot of small-arms fire at an assessed range of 400-500m south and left the area immediately.

In Luhansk region, the Mission recorded more ceasefire violations, including a similar number of explosions (about 20), compared with the previous reporting period. The majority of ceasefire violations were recorded at southerly and easterly directions of Popasna (government-controlled, 69km west of Luhansk).

Disengagement areas[2]

On 30 April, the SMM saw a fresh crater outside the disengagement area near Zolote (government-controlled, 60km west of Luhansk), about 300m south of its southern edge on the northern side of a road leading from Molodizhne (non-government-controlled, 63km north-west of Luhansk) to the checkpoint of the armed formations on the southern edge of the disengagement area, as well as dirt, gravel and pieces of concrete scattered across the same road. The SMM did not assess the type of weapon used or direction of fire.

On 1 May, positioned inside the disengagement area near Stanytsia Luhanska (government-controlled, 16km north-east of Luhansk), the SMM observed a calm situation.

Withdrawal of weapons

The SMM continued to monitor the withdrawal of weapons in implementation of the Memorandum and the Package of Measures and its Addendum.

In violation of withdrawal lines

Government-controlled areas

On 1 May, the SMM saw a surface-to-air missile system (9K33 Osa) near Bobrove (56km north-west of Luhansk).

Non-government-controlled areas

On 1 May, the SMM saw seven self-propelled howitzers (2S1 Gvozdika, 122mm), seven multiple launch rocket systems (BM-21 Grad, 122mm), and ten towed howitzers (five 2A65 Msta-B, 152mm and five D-30 Lyagushka, 122mm) at the former Luhansk international airport about 10km south of Luhansk city (for previous observations, see SMM Daily Report 26 April 2019).

Beyond withdrawal lines but outside of designated storage sites

Non-government-controlled areas

On 1 May, the SMM saw six surface-to-air missile systems (9K35 Strela-10) and seven tanks (T-72) at the former Luhansk international airport about 10km south of Luhansk city.

Weapons that the SMM could not verify as withdrawn[3]

At two heavy weapons holding areas in government-controlled areas of Donetsk region

On 1 May, the SMM saw that three anti-tank guns (MT-12 Rapira, 100mm), 31 mortars (18 2B11 Sani, 120mm, 12 M-120 Molot, 120mm and one BM-37, 82mm), 23 self-propelled howitzers (2S1) and six towed howitzers (D-30) continued to be missing.

Indications of military-type presence in the security zone[4]

Non-government-controlled areas

30 April

An SMM mini-unmanned aerial vehicle spotted:

• an anti-aircraft gun (ZU-23, 23mm) and an armoured personnel carrier (MT-LB) near Yashchykove (46km west of Luhansk) and
• two newly dug trenches (one about 160m-long and another about 50m-long) in fields about 2km south-west of Mytkovo-Kachkari (93km south of Donetsk) (not visible in imagery from 8 April 2019).

Presence of unexploded ordnance and mine hazard signs

On 30 April, the SMM saw exploded remnants of two of five previously observed anti-tank mines, with their fuses removed, about 10m south of road T-0504 and about 400m south-west of a Ukrainian Armed Forces checkpoint in the eastern outskirts of Popasna. A Ukrainian Armed Forces soldier at the checkpoint told the SMM that they had conducted demining activities in the area on 27 April.

On 1 May, in Uzhivka (formerly Leninske, non-government-controlled, 24km north-east of Mariupol), the SMM saw that a previously observed tailfin of a 120mm mortar round protruding from the asphalt on the edge of the road was still present.

On the same day, on the eastern edge of Chermalyk, the SMM saw that a previously observed red mine hazard sign, with “Stop Mines” written in Ukrainian and “Danger Mines” in English, attached to a rope extended across a road leading to a cemetery, was still present.

Border areas outside of government control

While at a border crossing point near Marynivka (78km east of Donetsk) for about 70 minutes, the SMM saw 36 cars (four with Ukrainian and 29 with Russian Federation licence plates, as well as three with “DPR” plates), three mini-vans (one with Ukrainian and one with Russian Federation licence plates, as well as one with “DPR” plates), a bus (with “DPR” plates) and seven pedestrians entering Ukraine. It also saw 27 cars (two with Ukrainian and 16 with Russian Federation licence plates, as well as eight with “DPR” and one with “LPR” plates), three covered cargo trucks (one with Ukrainian licence plates, as well as two with “DPR” plates) and three buses (with “DPR” plates) exiting Ukraine.

SMM facilitation of demining activities

The Mission facilitated and monitored adherence to the ceasefire to enable demining activities reportedly carried out by the Ukrainian Armed Forces in and around cemeteries near Zolote-4/Rodina (government-controlled, 59km west of Luhansk), Zolote-3/Stakhanovets (government-controlled, 61km west of Luhansk) and Katerynivka (government-controlled, 64km west of Luhansk). The Mission also continued to facilitate the operation of the DFS and to monitor the security situation around the pumping station near Vasylivka.

The SMM continued monitoring in Kherson, Odessa, Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Chernivtsi and Kyiv.

*Restrictions of SMM’s freedom of movement or other impediments to fulfilment of its mandate

The SMM’s monitoring and freedom of movement are restricted by security hazards and threats, including risks posed by mines, unexploded ordnance (UXO) and other impediments – which vary from day to day. The SMM’s mandate provides for safe and secure access throughout Ukraine. All signatories of the Package of Measures have agreed on the need for this safe and secure access, that restriction of the SMM’s freedom of movement constitutes a violation, and on the need for rapid response to these violations. They have also agreed that the Joint Centre on Control and Co-ordination should contribute to such response and co-ordinate mine clearance. Nonetheless, the armed formations in parts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions frequently deny the SMM access to areas adjacent to Ukraine’s border outside control of the Government (for example, see SMM Daily Report 29 April 2019). The SMM’s operations in Donetsk and Luhansk regions remain restricted following the fatal incident of 23 April 2017 near Pryshyb; these restrictions continued to limit the Mission’s observations.

Denials of access:

• At a checkpoint north-east of Pikuzy (formerly Kominternove, non-government-controlled, 23km north-east of Mariupol), two members of the armed formations (one of them armed) prevented the SMM from proceeding further, citing “ongoing heavy shelling in the area”.

Regular restrictions related to disengagement areas and mines/UXO:

• The sides continued to deny the SMM full access to the three disengagement areas, as well as the ability to travel certain roads previously identified as important for effective monitoring by the Mission and for civilians’ movement, through failure to conduct comprehensive clearance of mines and UXO.
• At a checkpoint of the armed formations about 3km south of the bridge in Shchastia (government-controlled, 20km north of Luhansk), a member of the armed formations told the Mission that anti-tank mines present across the road leading north had not been cleared.

[1] For a complete breakdown of ceasefire violations, please see the annexed table. During the reporting period, the SMM camera at Oktiabr mine (non-government-controlled, 9km north-west of Donetsk city centre) was not operational.

[2]Disengagement is foreseen in the Framework Decision of the Trilateral Contact Group relating to disengagement of forces and hardware of 21 September 2016.

[3] The SMM visited areas previously holding weapons that could not be verified as withdrawn, as their storage did not comply with the criteria set out in the 16 October 2015 notification from the SMM to the signatories of the Package of Measures on effective monitoring and verification of the withdrawal of heavy weapons.

[4] The hardware mentioned in this section is not proscribed by the provisions of the Minsk agreements on the withdrawal of weapons.

Das polnische Nationalmuseum zeigte bis Anfang Woche mehrere Fotos, auf denen eine Frau lustvoll Bananen verspeist. Weil das Kulturministerium die Serie entfernen liess, machen sich jetzt viele Landsleute auf laszive Weise für Kunstfreiheit stark.

ČTK: Meghalt a cseh igazságügyi rendészet egyik alkalmazottja abban a csütörtökön 13:00 órakor Prágában bekövetkezett tömegkarambolban, amelynek során összeütközött egy rabszállító autóbusz, egy tankot szállító tréler és egy másik teherautó. Az autóbusz teljesen kiégett, 14 személy megsebesült – az egyikük súlyosan.

Meryl Williams, Chair, Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section of the Asian Fisheries Society

By Meryl Williams
CANBERRA, Australia, May 2 2019 (IPS)

In my years in fisheries research in Australia, few researchers were women, all fishers were assumed to be men, “girly” calendars were occasionally pinned on the office, lab or tea room wall at work and the workplace rules of engagement for women were still being worked out by trial and error. I vividly remember when my colleague, “Jessie”, the only woman technician in our research agency, was assigned to go into the field for a week to support a fish tagging project run by men scientists. The men took umbrage and went to the Union to protest this affront to their work conditions. The Union warned them that they could be sacked for discriminating against a woman. So change was at hand – or so it seemed.

Meryl Williams

Over the last four decades, I discovered that some change is very slow, while other change can be very rapid. In fisheries and aquaculture, international gender research has revealed that gender equality is progressing slowly, and may even be resisted or eroding, but many other changes in the sector have transformed fishing and aquaculture and the seafood value chain beyond recognition. Unfortunately, many sectoral changes resulting from global drivers favouring international trade, more efficient production, the Blue Economy, even sustainability, have contributed to gender equality being ignored, resisted or eroded. The resistance is abetted by cultural norms favouring men with the means to amass and control capital assets for producing and processing fish.

Where does this place the women? In our 2019 International Women’s Day OpEd [1], eight colleagues and I said that the seafood industry is women intensive but male dominated. Women workers are over-represented in low skilled, low paid, low valued positions while men dominate the power positions. From the poor quality global statistics available, women are 15% of the primary production workers but rising to 20% in activities in inland water fisheries. Women dominate in the labour intensive processing industry, perhaps reaching 85% to 90% of the total processing workforce. Sex-disaggregated statistics for aquaculture, that now produces more than half of the fish we eat directly, are poorer than those for fisheries. Women aquaculture workers represent a lower share of the workforce in larger, more capital intensive and offshore operations. The top end of the workforce in fisheries and aquaculture is the realm of men, with 99% CEOs, 90% board members and leaders of professional organizations.

International research into gender in aquaculture and fisheries has been fundamental in revealing the detail of the inequality women experience in seafood value chains. For more than 28 years, my colleagues and I in the Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section and partner organisations have examined the depth of gender inequality and its impacts on women in studies, conferences and publications [2]. We have revealed the dearth of sex-disaggregated data, lack of time series to show trends and make comparisons, started to sketch the sectoral and economy-wide settings that exacerbate inequality, and experimented with creating gender transformative change in communities.

This leaves us knowing that positive change is not going to happen quickly but also realising that we have to stimulate the climate for positive change before other forces take over. From our collective experience, therefore, we found four revolutionary tips that can energise the system for a change to gender equality.

First, women need to work together for their rights. Rights will not otherwise be simply handed over on a plate. Women will need to challenge their current status – in their jobs, businesses or company positions. They must communicate what they need, in a manner effective for their work and national cultures. Women working together must not allow themselves to be treated as second class. Nor should they emulate men in their power relations at work, for example, by keeping other women and men in their secondary places. High profile cases have shown that some powerful women in the fishing sector have exploited the workers for the same personal benefits as do men in power.

Second, gender experts have an ongoing job advocating why equality matters, and how. They have a duty to raise the level of comprehension of their fellow professionals on why gender equality is important to the industry. Most importantly, this advocacy is not done once-only but requires agitating at every opportunity. We have to become the “squeaky wheel” that needs attention.

Third, training and capacity building are sorely needed to enable a shared gender equality vision. The capacity of current professionals to create a vision of a gender equitable industry is low and has to be raised. When asked why new fisheries policies are gender-blind, fisheries officers will often say they don’t see the importance. What would gender equality look like in my part of the world and what steps would lead to it?

Fourth and finally, a progressive environment of gender equality is not a “women only” realm but one that requires and invites men’s engagement, benefiting all in the transformation. Multiple institutions should be engaged. The exercise cannot become window dressing by dominant actors, e.g., corporations invoking corporate social responsibility for public effect, while marginalising workers representation in the workplace.

Notes
[1] The OpEd, “Boosting women in seafood and ending gender inequality: A call to the seafood community – time for commitment and change is now!” was published on 10 seafood industry and specialist sites: Link. I acknowledge my co-authors of the OpEd – Marie Christine Monfort, Natalia Briceno-Lagos, Jayne Gallagher, Leonie Noble, Editrudith Lukanga, Tamara Espiñeira, Marja Bekendam and Katia Frangoudes.

[2] Conferences, publications and presentations – http://www.genderaquafish.org/events/’ “From Catch to Consumer: Why Gender Matters in Aquaculture and Fisheries” – Link

About the author: Meryl Williams has been working in international fisheries research for more than four decades, and focusing on gender in fisheries since the mid 1990s, helping develop the activities and organising the Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section of the Asian Fisheries Society. She gratefully acknowledges Dr M.V. Gupta (2005 winner of the World Food Prize) and the late Dr M.C. Nandeesha, two men who greatly influenced her interest in gender in the fisheries sector. In 2015, she was awarded the Crawford Medal for her work in international agricultural research. She is an Honorary Life member of the Asian Fisheries Society.

This first appeared as part of Crawford Fund opinion piece series.

The post 4 Revolutionary Tips to Stop Aquaculture and Fisheries Ignoring, Resisting or Eroding Gender Equality appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Excerpt:

Meryl Williams, Chair, Gender in Aquaculture and Fisheries Section of the Asian Fisheries Society

The post 4 Revolutionary Tips to Stop Aquaculture and Fisheries Ignoring, Resisting or Eroding Gender Equality appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Amerikai kutatók a demencia új típusát azonosították, tünetei az Alzheimer-kórhoz hasonlóak.

Source : © European Union, 2019 - EP