Dernier virage pour cette première édition du tournoi de football de petit camp dénommé "Tous ensemble". Après les demi-finales des Plays Offs, la grande finale va opposer dimanche prochain Canada FC du 13e arrondissement à Tonato FC du 8e arrondissement.
Cette première édition du tournoi "Tous ensemble" va fermer ses portes définitivement dimanche prochain. Démarrés le weekend dernier, les Play Offs de la compétition ont livré leur verdict. Et ce sont Canada FC et Tonato FC qui ont pu tirer leur épingle du jeu. Mais il reste encore à prouver. Les deux équipes livreront bataille dimanche prochain lors de la Grande finale de la compétition.
En demi finales, Tonato FC s'était débarrassé de Nowa FC du 10e arrondissement sur le score de 2 buts à 1. De son côté, Canada FC s'est difficilement imposé devant Djomidjowamon FC 1-0.
J.S
Written by Martina Prpic.
In the European Union, provisions concerning prisoners’ right to vote vary from one Member State to another. While a significant number of EU Member States place no restrictions at all on prisoners voting, many Member States deprive inmates of the right to vote, depending on the type of offence committed and/or the length of their sentence. A small number of Member States deprive inmates of the right to vote permanently, even after they have served their sentences. In those cases where inmates do have the right to vote, the process is facilitated in various ways, including postal votes, proxy votes and the creation of special polling stations.
The arguments in favour and against disenfranchisement on account of a criminal conviction are well known. Those in favour argue that depriving a person of the right to vote is part of the punitive process, while those against argue that voting is a right linked to citizenship and when individuals are convicted and lose their right to liberty, they do not cease to exist as citizens. They argue that deprivation of the right to vote should not be part of the punitive process because there is no evidence supporting the claim that disenfranchisement acts as a significant deterrent.
The current European Electoral Act on elections to the European Parliament does not provide for a uniform electoral system applicable in all the EU Member States. It contains a set of common principles that are to be upheld in the different domestic laws applicable to European elections. It does not define expressly and precisely who is entitled to vote or stand for election. Nor does it contain specific provisions concerning the exercise of the right to vote of prisoners. The definition of such provisions remains within the competence of each Member State. This briefing looks at the international and European standards applicable to the right to vote of prisoners. It also examines the existing provisions in the 27 EU Member States in relation the European Parliament elections.
This briefing is one in a series of publications looking ahead to the 2024 European elections.
Read the complete briefing on ‘Prisoners’ voting rights in European Parliament elections‘ in the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.
The meeting agenda and documents will be published here.
SEDE missions 2023:
Le ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la Communauté nationale à l’étranger, Ahmed Attaf, a entamé ce vendredi 8 seotembre 2023 une visite officielle à […]
L’article Chargé par Tebboune, Attaf entame une visite de travail en Hongrie est apparu en premier sur .
Our understanding of how state fragility leads to new refugee flows and displacement continues to empirically and theoretically evolve. When a state is fragile, lacking in administrative, social, and security capacity, the population is more likely to be forced to seek safety and economic opportunity elsewhere. The goal of this chapter is to provide background on the current research on refugee movements and state fragility, and use new quantitative measures of the latter to highlight where new research opportunities exist. It is well established that violence is the dominant factor in forcing people to leave their homes, and is the most commonly accepted reason states grant refugees asylum. However, using a novel dataset on different constellations of fragile states, we see that a substantial number of people also decide to move between states characterized by a low capacity to provide basic public services. This chapter closes with suggestions for new research directions while also outlining the practical implications for developing national and international policies that address how state fragility leads to forced displacement and new refugees.
Our understanding of how state fragility leads to new refugee flows and displacement continues to empirically and theoretically evolve. When a state is fragile, lacking in administrative, social, and security capacity, the population is more likely to be forced to seek safety and economic opportunity elsewhere. The goal of this chapter is to provide background on the current research on refugee movements and state fragility, and use new quantitative measures of the latter to highlight where new research opportunities exist. It is well established that violence is the dominant factor in forcing people to leave their homes, and is the most commonly accepted reason states grant refugees asylum. However, using a novel dataset on different constellations of fragile states, we see that a substantial number of people also decide to move between states characterized by a low capacity to provide basic public services. This chapter closes with suggestions for new research directions while also outlining the practical implications for developing national and international policies that address how state fragility leads to forced displacement and new refugees.