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Heute entscheidet der Bundesrat über weitere Öffnungsschritte. Fitnesscenter hoffen, dass sie ihre Türen am Montag wieder öffnen dürfen. Blick TV besucht das «Jazzercise» Studio in Brunnen SZ.

After independence, energy and food subsidies became a cornerstone of the social contracts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. Governments spent heavily to reduce poverty and strengthen their own legitimacy. However, as government rents faded, subsidy spending became financially unsustainable and foreign donors pressed for reforms. Yet, reform has been challenging for all the governments as subsidies affect all consumers, therefore raising the risk of government delegitimisation. Several publications have analysed the subsidy reforms of various MENA countries, but few have systematically analysed their impacts on the prevailing social contracts. This paper shows that reforms in a key policy field such as subsidy spending can affect the nature of social contracts profoundly and distinctly, depending on the reform strategy. It assesses the reform processes that took place in Morocco, Egypt and Iran primarily between 2010 and 2017, thus before the United States once more tightened sanctions against Iran and before the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. We argue that governments applied distinct strategies to reduce subsidy spending without provoking major social unrest to reforms, with the effect that the social contracts of the three countries changed in quite different ways. Morocco’s government removed most subsidies, especially those that predominantly benefitted the middle-class. It explained the need for reforms, engaged in dialogue with society and implemented some compensatory measures for the poor. Thereby it succeeded in preserving substantial features of its prevailing social contract. The Egyptian government, in contrast, dismantled subsidy schemes more radically but without systematic information and consultation campaigns. Also, its compensatory measures remain limited, which shows that the government no longer relied on social benefits as a means of legitimisation. Instead, by using repression and a narrative of collective security, the emerging social contract has been transformed from being a provision to being a protection pact. Finally, Iran replaced subsidies with a generous quasi-universal cash transfer scheme, which was more cost-efficient and egalitarian. Even if inflation and external shocks eroded these benefits, the reform paved the way to a more inclusive social contract, at least for a couple of years. Lessons learnt from past social transfer reform strategies will be all the more interesting for MENA governments once they embark on post-COVID-19 reconstruction strategies, which are likely to compensate households for financial losses made during the COVID-19 crisis and help them make a new start in economic terms.

After independence, energy and food subsidies became a cornerstone of the social contracts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. Governments spent heavily to reduce poverty and strengthen their own legitimacy. However, as government rents faded, subsidy spending became financially unsustainable and foreign donors pressed for reforms. Yet, reform has been challenging for all the governments as subsidies affect all consumers, therefore raising the risk of government delegitimisation. Several publications have analysed the subsidy reforms of various MENA countries, but few have systematically analysed their impacts on the prevailing social contracts. This paper shows that reforms in a key policy field such as subsidy spending can affect the nature of social contracts profoundly and distinctly, depending on the reform strategy. It assesses the reform processes that took place in Morocco, Egypt and Iran primarily between 2010 and 2017, thus before the United States once more tightened sanctions against Iran and before the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. We argue that governments applied distinct strategies to reduce subsidy spending without provoking major social unrest to reforms, with the effect that the social contracts of the three countries changed in quite different ways. Morocco’s government removed most subsidies, especially those that predominantly benefitted the middle-class. It explained the need for reforms, engaged in dialogue with society and implemented some compensatory measures for the poor. Thereby it succeeded in preserving substantial features of its prevailing social contract. The Egyptian government, in contrast, dismantled subsidy schemes more radically but without systematic information and consultation campaigns. Also, its compensatory measures remain limited, which shows that the government no longer relied on social benefits as a means of legitimisation. Instead, by using repression and a narrative of collective security, the emerging social contract has been transformed from being a provision to being a protection pact. Finally, Iran replaced subsidies with a generous quasi-universal cash transfer scheme, which was more cost-efficient and egalitarian. Even if inflation and external shocks eroded these benefits, the reform paved the way to a more inclusive social contract, at least for a couple of years. Lessons learnt from past social transfer reform strategies will be all the more interesting for MENA governments once they embark on post-COVID-19 reconstruction strategies, which are likely to compensate households for financial losses made during the COVID-19 crisis and help them make a new start in economic terms.

After independence, energy and food subsidies became a cornerstone of the social contracts in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries. Governments spent heavily to reduce poverty and strengthen their own legitimacy. However, as government rents faded, subsidy spending became financially unsustainable and foreign donors pressed for reforms. Yet, reform has been challenging for all the governments as subsidies affect all consumers, therefore raising the risk of government delegitimisation. Several publications have analysed the subsidy reforms of various MENA countries, but few have systematically analysed their impacts on the prevailing social contracts. This paper shows that reforms in a key policy field such as subsidy spending can affect the nature of social contracts profoundly and distinctly, depending on the reform strategy. It assesses the reform processes that took place in Morocco, Egypt and Iran primarily between 2010 and 2017, thus before the United States once more tightened sanctions against Iran and before the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. We argue that governments applied distinct strategies to reduce subsidy spending without provoking major social unrest to reforms, with the effect that the social contracts of the three countries changed in quite different ways. Morocco’s government removed most subsidies, especially those that predominantly benefitted the middle-class. It explained the need for reforms, engaged in dialogue with society and implemented some compensatory measures for the poor. Thereby it succeeded in preserving substantial features of its prevailing social contract. The Egyptian government, in contrast, dismantled subsidy schemes more radically but without systematic information and consultation campaigns. Also, its compensatory measures remain limited, which shows that the government no longer relied on social benefits as a means of legitimisation. Instead, by using repression and a narrative of collective security, the emerging social contract has been transformed from being a provision to being a protection pact. Finally, Iran replaced subsidies with a generous quasi-universal cash transfer scheme, which was more cost-efficient and egalitarian. Even if inflation and external shocks eroded these benefits, the reform paved the way to a more inclusive social contract, at least for a couple of years. Lessons learnt from past social transfer reform strategies will be all the more interesting for MENA governments once they embark on post-COVID-19 reconstruction strategies, which are likely to compensate households for financial losses made during the COVID-19 crisis and help them make a new start in economic terms.

Heute entscheidet der Bundesrat über weitere Lockerungsschritte – in einer sehr unsicheren Corona-Lage.

Wenn es ums Geschäft geht, dann ist Ryanair-Chef Michael O'Leary nie um einen lockeren Spruch verlegen. Irland sollte mit dem Impfprogramm «in die Pötte kommen», polterte er kürzlich. Wie alle Fluggesellschaften ist auch Ryanair schwer von der Pandemie getroffen.

Der Europäische Rechnungshof wird eine Untersuchung der Verträge einleiten, die die Europäische Kommission mit externen Beratern abgeschlossen hat. Mit der Prüfung soll beurteilt werden, ob die Vereinbarungen ein angemessenes Preis-Leistungs-Verhältnis bieten.

Tourism will need help to become cleaner, safer and more sustainable after the pandemic, according to MEPs. They will vote on a report on this on 25 March.

Source : © European Union, 2021 - EP

Tourism will need help to become cleaner, safer and more sustainable after the pandemic, according to MEPs. They will vote on a report on this on 25 March .

Source : © European Union, 2021 - EP

Csütörtöki járványügyi jelentés: 3.315 új fertőzött, 76 további halálos áldozat. Életbe lép szombaton a rekreációs célú külföldi utazások tilalma. 126 ezer oltásra váró érdeklődő jelentkezett be az üzembe helyezett elektronikus váróterembe. Véget ért a romániai orvosok háromhetes szlovákiai missziója. A kormányválság 19-ik napján koalíciós csiki-csuki játék zajlott a Za ľudí és az SaS pártok között.

Fucsovics Márton két játszmában kikapott Andrej Rubljovtól a csütörtöki negyeddöntőben az 1,9 millió dollár (650 millió forint) összdíjazású dubaji keménypályás férfi tenisztornán.

L'autorité de réglementation des médicaments rend son rapport après que 13 États membres de l'UE ont suspendu l'utilisation du vaccin par mesure de précaution.

Die Klimajugen kündet einen schweizweiten Sitzstreik an. Mit einem friedlichen Protest, wollen die Demonstranten auf die Klimaziele aufmerksam machen - diese sollen schneller erreicht werden als geplant.

YB hat auch zu Hause gegen Ajax keinen Stich. Dennoch ist die Sache ausgeglichener als in Amsterdam. So ist nur eine knappe Mehrheit der Spieler ungenügend.

BLICK-Reporter Alain Kunz zum Europa-League-Out von YB gegen Ajax.

Spanyolország jövő szerdától ismét alkalmazza a az AstraZeneca brit-svéd gyógyszergyár és az Oxfordi Egyetem által kifejlesztett koronavírus elleni oltóanyagot - jelentette be Carolina Darias egészségügyi miniszter csütörtökön Madridban.

Heute u.a. mit dabei: Weiterhin Debatte um Nord Stream 2, Wiederaufnahme der Impfungen mit dem Astrazeneca-Stoff, und erneute Lockdowns in einigen EU-Ländern.

Kinder dürfen die Corona-Impfung noch nicht erhalten. Das könnte sich bald ändern. Das ist die Haltung von Swissmedic.

La chambre haute du Parlement tchèque a rejeté la proposition selon laquelle les épiceries d'une superficie supérieure à 400 mètres carrés seraient tenues de vendre un quota minimum de produits alimentaires tchèques jeudi (18 mars).

President Vladimir Putin said that he and US President Joe Biden should hold live online talks in coming days after Biden said he thought the Russian leader was a killer and diplomatic ties sank to a new post-Cold War low.