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A Szlovák Vasúttársaság (ZSSK), a RegioJet, az Arriva, a Yosaria Trains, a České dráhy, a Leo Express, az ÖBB, a Gysev vagy a Polregio lehet az új közlekedési szolgáltatt a Pozsony - Komárom vasútvonalon.

Für eine thailändische Familie ist der Besuch eines Elefanten in ihrer Küche mittlerweile kein überraschender Anblick mehr.

Július 1-jétől Pozsonyban közvetlenül a helyi járatokon is vásárolhatnak majd jegyet kártyával, egy eurós áron.

A tolerancia és a szabadság jele lett volna, ha szivárványszínű díszkivilágítást kaphatott volna a müncheni Allianz Arena a német és a magyar válogatott szerdai Európa-bajnoki mérkőzésén - közölte kedden a bajor miniszterelnök.

It is the first African country to get money for reducing carbon emissions through forest protection.

La Banque d’Algérie (BA) a donné son accord pour la création d’une banque d’import-export à même de résoudre plusieurs problèmes rencontrés par les opérateurs économiques et des exportateurs algériens. La nouvelle a été annoncée par le président du Conseil national économique, social et environnemental (CNESE), Reda Tir. Le même responsable a révélé,  » « La demande […]

L’article Création prochaine d’une banque d’import-export est apparu en premier sur .

A Szlovák Orvosi Kamara (SLK) felszólította a kormányt és az egészségügyi minisztériumot, hogy haladéktalanul tegyenek lépéseket annak megakadályozására, hogy az új típusú koronavírus delta variánsát behurcolják Szlovákiába.

Az EU a Moderna gyógyszergyártó céggel kötött oltóanyag-vásárlási szerződése alapján további 150 millió dózis, koronavírus elleni vakcinát rendel meg az amerikai vállalattól - jelentette be az Európai Bizottság illetékes szóvivője a testület keddi sajtótájékoztatóján.

The European Green Deal conveys the EU’s ambition to adjust and “green” its economic growth trajectory and become climate-neutral by 2050, as part of its contribution to the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals. While being ambitiously pursued within the Union’s own borders, the Green Deal also has strong external ramifications, as the EU leaves a tremendous ecological footprint in other parts of the world. The EU has referred to this “external dimension” of the Green Deal without further defining it, and appears to primarily understand it as a reflection of the internal strategies and as a call for the EU’s partner countries to follow a sustainable recovery trajectory similar to its own.
A number of proposed EU domestic strategies (e.g. biodiversity, blue economy or farm-to-fork) contain chapters on global aspects, yet the EU seems to follow a predominantly sectoral logic to implementing the external dimension of the Green Deal. This approach has certain shortcomings. For one, it creates uncertainty for partner countries on how to adapt to the EU’s new rules, regulations and standards, and the extent of EU support for adjusting to this. It also creates a vacuum for member state engagement by means of their economy, finance, climate and foreign policies. Last but not least, it lacks clear governance mechanisms to address potentially conflicting policy objectives and to strive for greater coherence of domestic and external EU policies.
Ultimately, the EU needs to define the different external dimensions of the Green Deal and promote an integrated approach. Whereas this applies universally to all partner countries of the EU, we focus in particular on developing countries in this paper. We consider these dimensions to be (1) promoting the Green Deal in bilateral and regional cooperation, (2) ensuring coherence and addressing negative spillovers, both in trade and domestic policies and (3) the EU’s global leadership in multilateral fora. Combining those three dimensions and governing them across EU institutions and member states allows for the external response to become an integral part of the EU Green Deal.
Such an integrated approach allows the EU to claim leadership vis-à-vis other global powers, make credible commitments in multilateral fora for successful “green diplomacy”, and use its market and regulatory power to transform itself and others. In its bilateral relationships, the EU needs to strike a “deal” in the true sense of the word: together formulating and “owning” cooperation agendas that are clear in terms of what is in it for the EU’s partners and how the EU will cushion the potential negative adjustment costs of partners. Overall, the EU needs to avoid a “projectisation” of the external dimension of the Green Deal and clarify how the different Commission services and member states aim to work together to deliver the Green Deal, including through its various external policy areas, of which development is just one.

The European Green Deal conveys the EU’s ambition to adjust and “green” its economic growth trajectory and become climate-neutral by 2050, as part of its contribution to the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals. While being ambitiously pursued within the Union’s own borders, the Green Deal also has strong external ramifications, as the EU leaves a tremendous ecological footprint in other parts of the world. The EU has referred to this “external dimension” of the Green Deal without further defining it, and appears to primarily understand it as a reflection of the internal strategies and as a call for the EU’s partner countries to follow a sustainable recovery trajectory similar to its own.
A number of proposed EU domestic strategies (e.g. biodiversity, blue economy or farm-to-fork) contain chapters on global aspects, yet the EU seems to follow a predominantly sectoral logic to implementing the external dimension of the Green Deal. This approach has certain shortcomings. For one, it creates uncertainty for partner countries on how to adapt to the EU’s new rules, regulations and standards, and the extent of EU support for adjusting to this. It also creates a vacuum for member state engagement by means of their economy, finance, climate and foreign policies. Last but not least, it lacks clear governance mechanisms to address potentially conflicting policy objectives and to strive for greater coherence of domestic and external EU policies.
Ultimately, the EU needs to define the different external dimensions of the Green Deal and promote an integrated approach. Whereas this applies universally to all partner countries of the EU, we focus in particular on developing countries in this paper. We consider these dimensions to be (1) promoting the Green Deal in bilateral and regional cooperation, (2) ensuring coherence and addressing negative spillovers, both in trade and domestic policies and (3) the EU’s global leadership in multilateral fora. Combining those three dimensions and governing them across EU institutions and member states allows for the external response to become an integral part of the EU Green Deal.
Such an integrated approach allows the EU to claim leadership vis-à-vis other global powers, make credible commitments in multilateral fora for successful “green diplomacy”, and use its market and regulatory power to transform itself and others. In its bilateral relationships, the EU needs to strike a “deal” in the true sense of the word: together formulating and “owning” cooperation agendas that are clear in terms of what is in it for the EU’s partners and how the EU will cushion the potential negative adjustment costs of partners. Overall, the EU needs to avoid a “projectisation” of the external dimension of the Green Deal and clarify how the different Commission services and member states aim to work together to deliver the Green Deal, including through its various external policy areas, of which development is just one.

The European Green Deal conveys the EU’s ambition to adjust and “green” its economic growth trajectory and become climate-neutral by 2050, as part of its contribution to the Paris Agreement and the Sustainable Development Goals. While being ambitiously pursued within the Union’s own borders, the Green Deal also has strong external ramifications, as the EU leaves a tremendous ecological footprint in other parts of the world. The EU has referred to this “external dimension” of the Green Deal without further defining it, and appears to primarily understand it as a reflection of the internal strategies and as a call for the EU’s partner countries to follow a sustainable recovery trajectory similar to its own.
A number of proposed EU domestic strategies (e.g. biodiversity, blue economy or farm-to-fork) contain chapters on global aspects, yet the EU seems to follow a predominantly sectoral logic to implementing the external dimension of the Green Deal. This approach has certain shortcomings. For one, it creates uncertainty for partner countries on how to adapt to the EU’s new rules, regulations and standards, and the extent of EU support for adjusting to this. It also creates a vacuum for member state engagement by means of their economy, finance, climate and foreign policies. Last but not least, it lacks clear governance mechanisms to address potentially conflicting policy objectives and to strive for greater coherence of domestic and external EU policies.
Ultimately, the EU needs to define the different external dimensions of the Green Deal and promote an integrated approach. Whereas this applies universally to all partner countries of the EU, we focus in particular on developing countries in this paper. We consider these dimensions to be (1) promoting the Green Deal in bilateral and regional cooperation, (2) ensuring coherence and addressing negative spillovers, both in trade and domestic policies and (3) the EU’s global leadership in multilateral fora. Combining those three dimensions and governing them across EU institutions and member states allows for the external response to become an integral part of the EU Green Deal.
Such an integrated approach allows the EU to claim leadership vis-à-vis other global powers, make credible commitments in multilateral fora for successful “green diplomacy”, and use its market and regulatory power to transform itself and others. In its bilateral relationships, the EU needs to strike a “deal” in the true sense of the word: together formulating and “owning” cooperation agendas that are clear in terms of what is in it for the EU’s partners and how the EU will cushion the potential negative adjustment costs of partners. Overall, the EU needs to avoid a “projectisation” of the external dimension of the Green Deal and clarify how the different Commission services and member states aim to work together to deliver the Green Deal, including through its various external policy areas, of which development is just one.

Az Európai Parlament június 22-én pályázatot hirdetett újságírók számára a Daphne Caruana Galizia újságírói díj hivatalosan elindított, új weboldalán.

Forrás : © Európai Unió, 2021 - EP

Le Débat BBC Afrique - Africa Radio avec Dr Arthur BANGA

On 22 June, the European Parliament officially launched the website and the call for submissions for entries to the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for Journalism.

Source : © European Union, 2021 - EP

Das Europäische Parlament gab den Startschuss für die Webseite des Daphne-Caruana-Galizia-Preises für Journalismus. Damit kann auch die Einreichung von Beiträgen beginnen.

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2021 - EP

On 22 June, the European Parliament officially launched the website and the call for submissions for entries to the Daphne Caruana Galizia Prize for Journalism.

Source : © European Union, 2021 - EP

Face à l’augmentation prévue de l’incidence des maladies rénales, les acteurs du secteur appellent à redoubler d’efforts pour garantir l’autonomie des patients et à investir dans la formation.

Az Egyesült Államok és az Európai Unió "agresszív" politikája miatt erősödik a bizalmatlanság Európában - vélekedett Vlagyimir Putyin orosz elnök egy kedden Németországban megjelent írásában, amely szerint a Krím félsziget "kilépett" Ukrajnából.

To join the Euro, Bulgaria needs to tidy up with financial crime, and the European Central Bank (ECB) should be doing its job and finally start “digging into this”, MEP Sven Giegold told EURACTIV in a telephone interview.

Achieving the ambitious Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda requires strong and accountable institutions. However, the focus on sustainability outcomes set forth in the Agenda’s 17 SDGs has side-lined the debate on accountability mechanisms to ensure effective policy implementation. Six years into the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, it is time to assess progress made in this regard. Drawing on theories of public interest and rational choice, this paper argues that horizontal accountability between different state organs will be key to the emergence of national SDG accountability regimes. We provide evidence on monitoring and evaluation mechanisms for SDG progress based on an original database (AccountSDG) built through a document analysis of 136 Voluntary National Reviews (VNR) submitted between 2016 and 2019. Our analysis provides the first systematic cross-national empirical analysis of the role assigned to parliaments, Supreme Auditing Agencies (SAI), and National Human Rights Institutions (NHRI) in national processes of SDG implementation. We conclude that horizontal accountability, especially the role of SAI and NHRI, remains under-institutionalized in most countries. We conclude by discussing best practices and addressing the most important lacunae, as well as by pointing out limitations of our study and avenues for future research.