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ENTWURF EINES BERICHTS über den Bericht 2025 der Kommission über Moldau
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Sven Mikser

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Le Programme Spécial d'Insertion dans l'Emploi (PSIE) a publié, lundi 16 mars 2026, une nouvelle offre portant sur 185 postes vacants.

Le PSIE offre 185 postes à des jeunes diplômés béninois. Les diplômes acceptés vont du Baccalauréat au Master (Bac, BTS, DUT, Licence, Master, Ingénieur).

Les candidats, déjà préenrégistrés sur la plateforme, peuvent postuler via le lien : https://cutt.ly/FVZDIF8

Voici le lien pour l'inscription préalable sur la plateforme : https://cutt.ly/0VZDT77

Le Programme Spécial d'Insertion dans l'Emploi (PSIE) est un dispositif mis en place par le gouvernement du Bénin pour aider les jeunes diplômés à obtenir une première expérience professionnelle rémunérée en les intégrant temporairement dans des entreprises et des administrations afin de faciliter leur insertion durable sur le marché du travail.
M. M.

Un atelier sur la consolidation des droits numériques et la liberté d'expression a réuni, jeudi 12 mars 2026, au centre Chant d'Oiseau de Cotonou, professionnels des médias, juristes, blogueurs et représentants de la HAAC, l'APDP et du CNIN. Organisé par Internet Sans Frontières, en partenariat avec l'Union des Professionnels des Médias du Bénin (UPMB) et Small Media, l'atelier vise à renforcer l'application des recommandations issues du 4e cycle de l'Examen Périodique Universel (EPU).

« Pilier fondamental de la démocratie, la liberté des médias garantit le droit d'informer et d'être informé sans censure ni représailles », a rappelé le directeur Afrique de l'Ouest de Internet Sans Frontières. M. Qemal Affagnon a souligné que le Bénin est actuellement engagé dans la mise en œuvre des recommandations du 4ᵉ cycle de l'EPU, notamment en ce qui concerne la révision de la loi 2017-20 portant Code du numérique.

Lors du 4ᵉ cycle de l'EPU, plusieurs États avaient critiqué cette loi, considérant certaines dispositions comme restrictives pour la liberté d'expression. Le gouvernement béninois s'était alors engagé à réviser son arsenal juridique. « Bien que huit textes d'application aient été adoptés en juillet 2025, certaines dispositions ne protègent pas encore pleinement la liberté d'expression et dépassent parfois le cadre du droit national et des normes internationales », a précisé Qemal Affagnon.

L'objectif de l'atelier, a-t-il insisté est de renforcer le rôle des médias dans la sensibilisation aux droits humains et de nourrir le dialogue sur les engagements pris par l'État béninois. « Rien n'est acquis. La défense des droits fondamentaux doit être un processus permanent », a-t-il averti.

Ghislaine Gnimassou, portant la voix des trois représentants de la HAAC à l'atelier, a rappelé que l'organise régulation des medias sera au cœur de la stratégie nationale pour aider à respecter les engagements du Bénin en matière de liberté de la presse. Elle a souligné que la forte présence de l'institution à l'atelier reflète cette priorité.

Pour Rodolphe Adjaïgbé, représentant du Centre National d'Investigations Numériques (CNIN), l'atelier constitue également un espace pour « redynamiser le partenariat et clarifier notre position sur les textes en matière de cybersécurité et de régulation du numérique ». Il a réitéré l'engagement du CNIN à accompagner les médias et les institutions dans la mise en œuvre des textes législatifs.

Des travaux pratiques pour nourrir un plaidoyer

Le président de l'UPMB, Hervé Hessou, après avoir dressé l'état des lieux de la liberté de presse au Bénin, a présenté une lecture croisée du Code de l'information et de communication et du Code du numérique. Deux ans après le dernier EPU, la situation reste fragile pour la protection des journalistes. Il est urgent de traduire en réformes concrètes les engagements du Bénin, a-t-il plaidé.

Les recommandations issus des travaux des participants serviront de base à un plaidoyer auprès des autorités, afin de renforcer la liberté d'expression, protéger les professionnels des médias et promouvoir les droits numériques.

Selon les organisateurs, cette initiative vise à faire ancrer durablement au Bénin le triptyque droits humains – liberté de la presse – liberté d'expression.

M. M.

À Athènes, l'inquiétude grandit tandis que s'intensifie la guerre au Moyen-Orient. Beaucoup de Grecs redoutent que le pays soit entraîné dans le conflit. Entre déploiements militaires, tensions régionales et risques économiques, l'idée d'une guerre « à nos portes » se répand.

- Articles / Grèce, Guerre Moyen Orient, Défense, police et justice, Economie, Relations internationales, Courrier des Balkans, Une - Diaporama

La Somalie est devenue une pièce maîtresse du réseau mondial de l’État islamique après que les combattants ont été chassés de leurs bastions en Syrie et en Irak.

At dawn, the Ruvuma River moves quietly through a vast wetland along the border between Tanzania and Mozambique. Its muddy waters appear calm, disturbed only by drifting logs and the occasional ripple. But the fishermen paddling wooden canoes across the river know the danger that lurks under the surface. “Always keep away from the edge,” […]

In the framework of the Structured Dialogue on the Commission Work Programme, AFET Committee will hold an exchange of views with Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative Kaja Kallas on the Commission's response to recent foreign policy developments and its upcoming initiatives. The exchange will take place on 17 March at 15:00-16:30.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Die Berner Staatsanwaltschaft hat eine grossangelegte Öffentlichkeitsfahndung gegen unbekannte Personen verfügt. Verdeckte Fotos von mehreren Dutzend dringend tatverdächtigten Personen werden diese Woche auf der Website der Kantonspolizei Bern publiziert.

Trotz Gewinneinbruch und einem drohenden Job-Kahlschlag kassieren die VW-Topmanager Millionen. Topverdiener ist Ex-Chef Herbert Diess, der sogar CEO Oliver Blume hinter sich lässt.

Manchmal kann man das Glas durchaus auch als halbvoll betrachten. Bei YB heisst das: Drei der letzten vier Spiele hat Gelbschwarz gewonnen. Das hat viel mit einer neuerdings soliden Defensive zu tun – und vor allem mit zwei Spielern.

Die US-Regierung sorgt mit einem verstörenden Video für Aufsehen: Aufnahmen von «Wii Sports» werden mit Kampfaufnahmen der «Operation Epic Fury» im Iran kombiniert. Das Video hat das Weisse Haus auf seinen Social-Media-Kanälen veröffentlicht.

A woman looking at the flooding and landslides in Panauti Muncipality of central Nepal in October 2024. Housing resilience is essential in preventing urban loss and saving lives. Credit: UNICEF/ Rabik Upadhayay

By Sanjeevani Singh and Enid Madarcos
BANGKOK, Thailand, Mar 16 2026 (IPS)

Access to adequate housing is a foundation of resilient cities. Safe and affordable homes provide stability, allow residents to access essential services, and enhance the capacity for communities to withstand and recover from shocks. Yet housing is often treated as a downstream outcome of urban development or disaster recovery rather than as a strategic investment in resilience.

The Asia and the Pacific SDG Progress Report 2026 delivers a stark warning. The region is not on track to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, and 88 per cent of measurable targets are projected to be missed by 2030 at the current pace. Progress across SDG 11 indicators reflects mixed trends. While some indicators show improvement, disaster losses and infrastructure damage continue to rise.

This widening gap between policy commitments and real-world outcomes exposes a growing resilience deficit in urban systems. Accelerating progress on SDG Target 11.1, which calls for access to adequate, safe and affordable housing and the upgrading of informal settlements, will be critical to reducing urban vulnerability across Asia and the Pacific.

Regional dialogue increasingly reflects this shift toward translating policy commitments into concrete action that reduces urban vulnerability. Discussions at the 13th Asia-Pacific Forum on Sustainable Development in 2026 and statements at the eighty-first session of the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, held under the theme resilient and sustainable urban development for regional cooperation, highlighted housing affordability, informal settlements and climate-resilient housing as growing policy priorities requiring stronger action at the city level.

Across Asia and the Pacific, around 700 million people, nearly one-third of the region’s urban population, live in informal settlements – many located in hazard-prone areas exposed to flooding, extreme heat, landslides and sea-level rise.

Urban informality reflects deeper structural weaknesses in urban systems, such as gaps in land governance, planning frameworks and service delivery, concentrating climate risks in the same neighbourhoods where housing conditions are most fragile.

Urban vulnerability is shaped by the way cities are built and governed. Unplanned development, weak land-use systems and inadequate housing expose millions of urban residents to climate hazards and disaster risks. In informal settlements, these risks intensify through substandard construction, overcrowding, and limited access to water and sanitation.

Climate change further amplifies these vulnerabilities as flooding, extreme heat, water insecurity, land subsidence and air pollution interact through fragile urban systems.

Evidence also shows that improving housing conditions generates broad development gains. Habitat for Humanity’s research indicates that large-scale upgrading of informal settlements could raise GDP per capita by up to 10 per cent and increase life expectancy by four percent.

Within just one year, housing improvements could prevent more than 20 million illnesses, avert nearly 43 million incidents of gender-based violence, and avoid around 80,000 deaths. These findings highlight that expanding affordable housing and upgrading informal settlements are critical investments in climate adaptation, public health and inclusive development.

A shared but differentiated responsibility

To realign SDG trajectories and move the region closer to a resilient urban future, housing must be understood as a core component of the urban system. Achieving this requires coordinated action across governments, the private sector and civil society.

Governments: From pilot projects to systemic guarantees

Governments must anchor climate-resilient and adequate housing as a national priority, embedding secure tenure, resilient housing and informal settlement upgrading within urban development, climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction strategies. Regulatory frameworks should enable participatory and in-situ upgrading and community-led tenure solutions that allow residents to invest in climate-resilient housing improvements.

Private sector: From speculative value to resilient value

The private sector can help scale resilient housing solutions by mobilizing blended finance that combines guarantees, concessional capital and private investment. These mechanisms can support incremental home improvements, affordable rental supply and climate-resilient retrofits. Companies can also prioritize locally sourced, low-carbon materials and passive design solutions such as cool roofs, insulation and cross-ventilation suited to tropical cities.

Civil society and academia: From isolated initiatives to knowledge-powered coalitions

Civil society and academic institutions play an essential role in co-producing evidence and solutions with communities. This includes exploring nature-based approaches in informal settlements and ensuring policies reflect lived realities on the ground. They also help hold institutions accountable to SDG 11 and climate justice by tracking progress on Target 11.1 and ensuring policies and investments prioritize the most vulnerable.

Housing will shape the region’s urban resilience

The future of urban resilience in Asia and the Pacific will largely be determined in its informal neighbourhoods. If current trends continue, millions more families will be pushed into precarious and hazard-exposed housing. Aligning housing policy with climate adaptation, disaster risk reduction and inclusive urban governance therefore offers one of the most powerful pathways to accelerate SDG 11 and strengthen resilience across the region.

Sanjeevani Singh is Economic Affairs Officer, ESCAP; Enid Madarcos is Associate Director for Urban, Land and Policy, Habitat for Humanity International (Asia-Pacific)

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Während auf der Bühne die Oscars verliehen wurden, kam es hinter den Kulissen zu Szenen, die keiner mitbekommen hat. Heimliche Zärtlichkeiten, Snack-Pakete, ein Mega-Selfie und ein Golfcart-Drama sorgten für Aufregung.

Srishti Gupta gibt ihren Abgang als CEO von Idorsia bekannt. Die Ehefrau von Novartis-Chef Vas Narasimhan hatte den Posten erst im Juli 2025 übernommen. VR-Präsident Jean-Paul Clozel übernimmt interimistisch.

Bei einer Auseinandersetzung am Sonntagabend in Sitterdorf TG wurde ein 33-Jähriger schwer verletzt. Er musste von der Rega ins Spital geflogen werden. Der Tatverdächtige wurde festgenommen und inhaftiert, er erlitt leichte Verletzungen.

Warum fällt es uns so schwer, auf Dinge zu verzichten? Im Alltag häuft sich Besitz im Kleiderschrank, in Kinderzimmer und Kühlschrank. Umweltwissenschaftler Yann Blumer erklärt im Podcast «Durchblick», warum Verhaltensänderungen so schwierig sind.

Lindsey Vonn kämpft sich nach ihrem schweren Olympia-Sturz zurück in den Alltag. Nun äussert sie sich erstmals über ihre Ski-Zukunft. Vieles lässt sie offen, hat aber auch eine dringende Bitte.

Am Sonntag ist es in an der St.Gallerstrasse in Wittenbach zu einem Unfall zwischen einem Auto und einem 13-jährigen Jungen gekommen, welcher den Fussgängerstreifen überqueren wollte. Er wurde dabei unbestimmt verletzt und von der Rettung ins Spital transportiert.

Zwei junge Männer stehen vor Gericht: Sie sollen im Frühjahr 2024 in Bonstetten und Wettswil Brände gelegt und Millionenschäden verursacht haben. Die Staatsanwaltschaft fordert mehrjährige Freiheitsstrafen.

The 60th Anniversary re-enactment of Women's Protest during Women’s War of 1929 Courtesy National Museum Uyo. Source: Black Past
 
Meanwhile, UN Women has recognised the Aba women’s riot of 1929 as a noteworthy women-led demonstration, which ignited the revolution in the defence of women’s rights in Nigeria.

By Deborah Eli Yusuf Tinam
ABUJA, Nigeria, Mar 16 2026 (IPS)

The Aba Women’s Riots of 1929 remain one of the most powerful demonstrations of Nigerian women’s collective resistance. Thousands of market women, farmers, traders, and mothers mobilized across districts in the then Eastern Nigeria to challenge colonial taxation and the extension of warrant chiefs’ authority over their lives. They organized without formal structures and without institutional support.

And yet, they achieved national disruption and forced policy change. When we contrast that era with the landscape of women’s movements today, the differences reveal both how far we have come and what we may have forgotten.

The Aba Women’s Riots were not only a gendered uprising but also a class struggle rooted in the economic exploitation and social restructuring imposed by colonial capitalism. A socialist point of view helps to reveal how colonial rule reshaped relations of production and imposed new class hierarchies that women directly resisted.

Deborah Eli Yusuf Tinam

Before British rule, many Igbo and Ibibio societies were relatively flexible in terms of gender roles. Women played central roles in local economies; through agriculture, trade, and cooperative labour (such as the umuada and mikiri networks). The umuada consisted of women born into a lineage or village who could intervene in disputes, sanction antisocial behaviour, organise collective protests, and enforce community norms through social pressure and ritualised actions.

The mikiri (also known as women’s meetings or associations) were regular assemblies of married women within a community. These networks coordinated economic activity—such as market regulation, collective labour, and mutual aid—and served as forums for political discussion and mobilisation.

British indirect rule dismantled these structures and replaced them with male warrant chiefs, male tax officials, male-controlled courts, and the exclusion of women from any form of decision-making. This represented a patriarchal restructuring of society, in which the colonial state elevated men—especially those who collaborated as local agents of imperial power.

Colonialism did not simply exploit labour; it re-organized gender relations in ways that made women’s labour easier to extract and less politically defended. Thus, the British colonial rule, contrary to the false claim that it helped “democratise” countries or “liberate” women, imposed a system that elevated patriarchy to new heights, so as to serve its interests.

The Abia Women’s Riot of 1929, also known as the Aba Women’s War, was a major protest by women against British colonial rule in southeastern Nigeria. It took place mainly in Aba and the surrounding areas in present-day Abia State.

The protest began in Oloko near Aba after a woman named Nwanyeruwa was questioned by a colonial agent. She informed other women, and soon thousands of women came together to protest. They marched, sang protest songs, and surrounded native courts and the homes of warrant chiefs. They aimed to stop taxation and remove corrupt leaders.

During the two-month “war” at least 25,000 Igbo women were involved in protests against British officials. Thousands of Igbo women congregated at the Native Administration centers in Calabar and Owerri as well as smaller towns to protest both the warrant chiefs and the taxes on the market women.

Using the traditional practice of censoring men through all-night song and dance ridicule (often called “sitting on a man”), the women chanted and danced, and in some locations forced warrant chiefs to resign their positions.

The women also attacked European-owned stores and Barclays Bank and broke into prisons and released prisoners. They also attacked Native Courts run by colonial officials, burning many of them to the ground. Colonial Police and troops were called in. They fired into the crowds that had gathered at Calabar and Owerri, killing more than 50 women and wounding over 50 others. During the two-month “war” at least 25,000 Igbo women were involved in protests against British officials.

Amid the chaos stood Adiaha Adam Udo Udoma, who seized the British officer’s rifle, and in a moment, etched into legend, broke it across a fearless act became a lasting symbol of defiance by the end of the uprising at least 50 women, including Udo Odoma were killed and many more were wounded still the movement endured but the British colonial authority responded with force, and many women were killed and injured.

Despite this, the protest was successful. The colonial government stopped plans to tax women and removed some warrant chiefs. The Abia Women’s Riot remains an important event in Nigerian history. It shows the courage, unity, and strength of women in the fight against injustice and colonial oppression.

One of the first challenges the Aba women faced—one that is no longer as present today—was the complete absence of political recognition. Women at the time were excluded from formal governance; they were not seen as political actors and did not vote (men acquired voting rights earlier than women, although also under restrictions). Their mobilisation first had to assert their political personhood before demanding anything else.

Today, Nigerian women still face underrepresentation, but they are at least acknowledged participants in political discourse. Policies, ministries, gender desks, and advocacy platforms exist, even if imperfectly, and women can push for reforms through both formal and grassroots channels.

Another challenge that women in 1929 had to navigate was communication across vast distances without literacy or technology. They relied on networks, songs, messengers, and market alliances to coordinate action. Today’s organisers benefit from social media, digital advocacy, and rapid mobilisation tools that reduce logistical barriers and amplify voices far beyond local communities.

There are enduring lessons in the way the Aba women mobilised. Their movement was deeply community-rooted; they were not elites speaking on behalf of the masses—they were the masses. Their power came from collective legitimacy, a shared grievance, and a clear strategy that everyone understood.

They also practiced what was essentially feminist organising: solidarity across clans, a refusal to centre individual leaders, and a commitment to nonviolence—until they faced violent repression by colonial forces. Modern movements sometimes struggle with fragmentation, internal rivalry, and the pressure to elevate individual faces rather than collective goals.

In many ways, today’s women’s movements also struggle under the weight of constant “activist trainings”, frameworks, and Western-influenced bourgeois toolkits that can dilute the very agency they are meant to strengthen.

Activism has gradually become “professionalized,” and while capacity-building has its place, it can unintentionally create dependence on external validation before women feel confident enough to act. The Aba women did not wait for workshops on movement-building, advocacy strategy, or leadership; they mobilised because the urgency of their lived experience demanded it. Their power was organic, instinctive, and rooted in shared realities.

When modern movements become overly shaped by imported bourgeois methodologies, they risk losing that raw, community-driven energy that once made women’s uprisings so transformative.

Unlike in 1929, contemporary advocacy now leans heavily on digital spaces, which can distance organisers from rural women whose realities mirror those of the 1929 protesters more than those of urban inhabitants. For example, NGO debates on gender equality frequently centre urban issues—career mobility, political appointments, digital violence—while rural women still grapple with land rights, market taxation, displacement, and insecure livelihoods.

Earlier movements would likely have pushed for deeper integration of rural women’s priorities, since their strength came from women who understood each other’s economic struggles firsthand. Another gap is sustainability. Many modern protests surge in moments of crisis but lose momentum afterwards.

The Aba women maintained long-term pressure because their grievances were tied to everyday survival; they did not have the luxury of moving on. Their consistency and clarity offer a model for building movements that do not fade once headlines end.

Ultimately, if modern women’s movements in Nigeria are to reclaim their power, they must return to the grassroots, where realities are raw, urgent, and unfiltered. Rural women, who often carry the heaviest burdens, should not be an afterthought; they should be the starting point.

And while international support has played a role in pushing gender issues forward, movements should not be dependent on it. The Women’s War of 1929 illustrates how colonial capitalism relied on patriarchy to function, and how women’s oppression was foundational to the colonial economy.

Too many actions today feel cosmetic—grand displays without the heat of real rage or the conviction to disrupt the system in a meaningful way. To move beyond this, organising must be bold, provocative, and grounded in lived experience. Only then can women’s movements break free from inherited templates and reclaim the fearless, self-determined spirit that once defined women’s resistance in this country.

This is the way to place themselves at the forefront of the struggle to dismantle capitalism and patriarchy and establish an egalitarian socialist society.

Deborah Eli Yusuf Tinam, is a development worker, political commentator, and political economy and history enthusiast working at the intersection of peacebuilding, gender equality, youth development and governance. She holds a Master’s degree in International Affairs and Strategic Studies from the Nigerian Defence Academy and has a background in Journalism from Ahmadu Bello University. She is the Vice President of the Young Urban Women Movement Nigeria, a member of RevolutionNow and previously served as the North Central Coordinator of the Take it Back Movement Nigeria.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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