Agrégateur de flux

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Encore jeune président après presque 16 ans de po

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Az OTP Bank egymillió forintos különdíját nyerte a mérai Czifra Néptánccsoport a Fölszállott a páva című népzenei és néptáncos tehetségkutató műsor pénteki döntőjében, amelyet a Duna Televízió élőben közvetített.
Kategória: Színes

A Real Madrid nyerte a Japánban rendezett labdarúgó-klubvilágbajnokságot, miután a vasárnapi fináléban a mesterhármast jegyző Cristiano Ronaldo vezetésével, hosszabbítás után 4-2-re legyőzte a házigazda Kashima Antlers együttesét.
Kategória: Sport

Lejárt az első kör a férfi kézilabda-Román Kupában: a nyolcaddöntő mérkőzésein nem történt meglepetés, egyik esélyes sem botlott. 
Kategória: Sport

Invité du «Grand jury» RTL/Le Figaro/LCI, le conseiller spécial du candidat confirme que le projet santé est «remis en discussion», mais assure que les autres réformes annoncées restent valables.

Invité du «Grand jury» RTL/Le Figaro/LCI, le conseiller spécial du candidat confirme que le projet santé est «remis en discussion», mais assure que les autres réformes annoncées restent valables.

A svédországi női kézilabda-Eb elődöntőjében a világbajnoki ezüstérmes Hollandia 26-22-re megverte Dániát, ezzel bejutott a döntőbe. A másik ágról a norvégok jutottak fináléba. Az 5. helyért rendezett mérkőzésen Románia 23-22-re felülmúlta Németországot.
Kategória: Sport

La République démocratique du Congo (RDC) traverse une crise politique liée au processus électoral depuis la réélection contestée de son président Joseph Kabila en 2011.

La crise a été aggravée par la non-tenue de la présidentielle qui devait être organisée cette année, et pour laquelle aucune date n’a été fixée.

– Un projet de réforme enflamme Kinshasa –

Le 17 janvier 2015, l’Assemblée adopte un projet de loi électorale susceptible d’entraîner un report de la présidentielle et permettre à M. Kabila de se maintenir au pouvoir au-delà du terme de son mandat. Le projet de loi contesté lie la tenue des élections législatives et présidentielle aux résultats d’un recensement de la population, qui selon certains analystes, pourrait prendre jusqu’à trois ans.

Du 19 au 22 janvier, des manifestations éclatent à Kinshasa et dans plusieurs autres villes, avant de dégénérer en émeutes et pillages. La contestation est réprimée, et plusieurs dizaines de personnes sont tuées.

L’opposant historique Étienne Tshisekedi lance depuis Bruxelles un appel à chasser le « régime finissant » de l’homme fort de Kinshasa.

Le 25 janvier, le Parlement vote un texte débarrassé de la disposition la plus controversée, sans pour autant complètement rassurer l’opposition, qui y voit d’autres articles susceptibles d’entraîner un « glissement » du calendrier électoral.

En décembre, l’ONU dénonce « des menaces, des arrestations et détentions arbitraires » ayant « ciblé principalement des professionnels des médias, des membres de la société civile et des opposants politiques ».

– Katumbi, candidat à la présidentielle –

Le 4 mai 2016, l’opposant Moïse Katumbi confirme sa candidature à la présidentielle. Le richissime homme d’affaires est passé dans l’opposition en septembre 2015 après avoir démissionné de ses fonctions de gouverneur et quitté le parti présidentiel.

Le 9 puis le 11 mai, il est entendu par la justice pour répondre d’accusations de « recrutement de mercenaires étrangers ». Il avait qualifié ses ennuis judiciaires de « basses manœuvres du pouvoir » destinées à lui « nuire ». Il s’exile à l’étranger.

– Kabila autorisé à rester en fonctions –

Le 11 mai 2016, la Cour constitutionnelle rend un arrêt autorisant M. Kabila à rester en fonction au-delà du terme de son mandat si la présidentielle n’est pas organisée avant le 20 décembre. L’opposition qualifie cette décision « d’imposture ».

Le 10 juin, l’opposition rassemblée près de Bruxelles décide de s’unir au sein d’une nouvelle structure, baptisée « Rassemblement », à l’issue d’un « conclave » à l’initiative d’Étienne Tshisekedi.

Le 31 juillet, ce dernier, rentré quelques jours auparavant après deux ans en Belgique, exige, devant des dizaines de milliers de partisans, la tenue de la présidentielle d’ici la fin de l’année et le départ de Kabila.

– Violences et pillages à Kinshasa –

Les 19-20 septembre, des violences éclatent à Kinshasa entre forces de l’ordre et jeunes, faisant plusieurs dizaines de morts. Les violences sont émaillées de pillages et des incendies criminels visent des bâtiments publics et des permanences de partis de la majorité.

Le « Rassemblement » des principaux partis d’opposition avait appelé à manifester pour signifier à Kabila son « préavis », trois mois avant l’expiration de son mandat, le 20 décembre, et exiger la convocation de la présidentielle avant cette date.

– La présidentielle renvoyée à 2018 –

Le 17 octobre, la majorité et une frange minoritaire de l’opposition signent un accord renvoyant la présidentielle au plus tôt à avril 2018 et assurant le maintien de M. Kabila à son poste jusqu’à la prise de fonctions de son successeur. L’accord est validé lors d’une séance plénière à Kinshasa du « dialogue national ».

Le « Rassemblement », qui avait boycotté ce forum, rejette ses conclusions, exigeant le départ de Kabila à la fin de son mandat.

– Médiation de la dernière chance –

Le 17 novembre, Kabila nomme Samy Badibanga comme Premier ministre.

Le 8 décembre, début de négociations sous l’égide de la Conférence des évêques catholiques du Congo (Cenco) pour trouver un compromis sur la mise en place une transition politique.

Le 12 décembre, de hauts responsables du régime sont sanctionnés par Bruxelles et Washington.

Le 17 décembre, la Cenco annonce la suspension des discussions, faute d’accord, et leur reprise mercredi.

Encore jeune président après presque 16 ans de pouvoir en République démocratique du Congo, Joseph Kabila est un chef d’État secret qui ne donne aucun signe de vouloir prendre sa retraite politique alors que s’achève son deuxième mandat censé être le dernier.

Fils de Laurent-Désiré Kabila, chef rebelle ayant fait tomber le dictateur Mobutu Sese Seko, Joseph Kabila, 45 ans, a hérité du pouvoir par succession monarchique après l’assassinat de son père en janvier 2001.

« Avec sa voix timide et sa jeunesse (il n’avait alors que 29 ans), il donnait l’impression, au début d’être un personnage falot », écrit l’historien belge David Van Reybrouck dans un ouvrage de référence sur le Congo.

M. Kabila hérite d’un pays exsangue, déchiré par une guerre terrible entamée en 1998 et qui ne prendra fin qu’en 2003. Le pouvoir central ne contrôle alors guère qu’une partie de l’Ouest et du Sud de la RDC.

Le jeune chef de l’État parle alors l’anglais et le swahili (langue de l’Est africain), s’exprime difficilement en français, la langue officielle du pays, et ne maîtrise pas du tout le lingala, parlé à Kinshasa.

Cette lacune linguistique, sa naissance dans l’Est de la RDC et son enfance en Tanzanie le font percevoir par les habitants de la capitale comme « un homme de l’Est », un « étranger ».

Peu à peu cependant, son habileté politique surprend les diplomates étrangers qui le considéraient comme un pantin aux mains de la vieille garde de son père, dont il s’affranchit progressivement.

Après une transition politique post-conflit difficile où il doit cohabiter avec quatre vice-présidents, il est conforté à la présidence par les urnes en 2006 à l’issue des premières élections libres du pays depuis son indépendance de la Belgique en 1960.

– ‘Taiseux’ –

L’état de grâce ne durera pas longtemps et en 2011, à l’issue d’élections marquées par des irrégularités massives, M. Kabila remporte un deuxième mandat, avec une majorité relative. À Kinshasa, mégapole bouillante de 10 millions d’habitants qui ne l’a jamais aimé, le chef de l’État sortant ne réunit que 16,5 % des suffrages exprimés.

Sa victoire, non reconnue par la majeure partie de l’opposition, plonge le Congo dans la crise politique.

Sur fond de marasme économique, le report sine die de la présidentielle qui devait avoir lieu cette année avant la fin de son mandat le 20 décembre, n’a fait qu’exacerber les tensions alors que la Constitution interdit au chef de l’État de se représenter.

La médiation de la dernière chance patronnée par l’Église catholique pour tenter de trouver un accord permettant d’instaurer un régime de transition politique a été suspendue samedi sans avancée majeure, alors que M. Kabila affiche sa volonté de rester au pouvoir jusqu’à ce qui lui soit trouvé un successeur par les urnes.

Discret, voire « taiseux », selon l’expression d’un ministre, M. Kabila reste très secret, même pour ses proches.

En dépit de progrès incontestables fortement remis en cause par la crise économique qui frappe le pays depuis 18 mois, la RDC reste l’un des États les moins développés et plus corrompus au monde.

La grande pauvreté y est la règle pour la quasi-totalité de ses quelque 70 millions d’habitants, tandis qu’une caste de nantis, hommes d’affaires étrangers, hommes politiques proches ou non du pouvoir se partagent les fruits des immenses richesses naturelles (mines, bois, eau).

– Enfant du maquis –

Né le 4 juin 1971 dans le maquis de Laurent-Désiré Kabila au Sud-Kivu, le jeune Joseph connaît l’exil à 5 ans.

Il passe presque toute sa jeunesse en Tanzanie avant de rejoindre son père en septembre 1996 lorsqu’éclate la première guerre du Congo.

Adjoint, dans la rébellion, de James Kabarebe, l’actuel ministre de la Défense du Rwanda, qui sera chef de l’armée congolaise après avoir participé à l’accession au pouvoir de « Mzee » (le surnom de son père) en 1997, Joseph Kabila est propulsé général-major.

Il part en Chine pour une formation militaire mais rentre précipitamment au début de la deuxième guerre du Congo en 1998.

Petit et avec un léger embonpoint, la fine moustache toujours impeccable, M. Kabila apparaît peu à l’aise dans les cérémonies officielles et semble n’être jamais aussi heureux que lorsqu’il conduit des tracteurs ou engins de chantiers à l’occasion d’inaugurations.

Peu porté sur la littérature, selon un diplomate qui l’a rencontré à plusieurs reprises, il passe pour être plutôt amateur de jeux vidéo, voitures et travaux fermiers.

Marié à une femme de l’Ouest du pays, Olive Lembe Kabila, le président congolais est père d’une adolescente et d’un garçon.

Les Ivoiriens élisaient dimanche leurs députés dans un scrutin dont le président Alassane Ouattara attend une solide majorité pour achever son deuxième et dernier mandat.

Les bureaux de vote ont ouvert souvent avec retard, vers 08h40 GMT au lieu de 08H00 GMT dans ce pays où plus de 6,2 millions d’inscrits sont appelés à choisir leurs 255 députés parmi 1.337 candidats.

Dans ce scrutin à tour unique, la coalition présidentielle vise la majorité absolue même si elle fait face à de nombreuses candidatures dissidentes et à plusieurs opposants.

« Le scrutin se déroule de manière apaisée sur l’ensemble du territoire » s’est félicité le président Ouattara, après avoir voté à Abidjan.

De son côté, l’opposition qui avait boycotté les précédentes législatives de 2011 espère faire son retour au Parlement.

Son chef Pascal Affi Nguessan, dirigeant du Front populaire ivoirien (FPI), le parti de l’ex président Laurent Gbagbo actuellement jugé par la Cour pénale internationale pour crimes contre l’humanité, a voté dans sa ville natale de Bongouanou (150 km au nord d’Abidjan).

Il a appelé les « Ivoiriens à rétablir l’équilibre politique » à l’Assemblée nationale dont l’opposition est absente depuis cinq ans.

Ce scrutin est le premier de la IIIe République ivoirienne, après l’adoption d’une nouvelle Constitution en octobre à l’initiative du président Ouattara, réélu un an auparavant pour un deuxième et dernier mandat.

Les résultats définitifs ne sont pas attendus avant mercredi, mais des résultats provisoires pourraient tomber « dès dimanche soir », selon un membre de la Commission électorale indépendante (CEI).

« J’ai voté pour le changement et le développement de ma commune », a déclaré Fousseni Diabaté, un commerçant de 25 ans du quartier d’Adjamé à Abidjan.

A Bouaké (300 km au nord d’Abidjan), deuxième ville du pays, le scrutin a également démarré avec du retard.

« J’ai voté pour permettre au président ivoirien d’avoir une majorité à l’Assemblée nationale afin de pouvoir appliquer son programme de développement du pays » a expliqué Karim Ouattara, un retraité de 63 ans.

La courte campagne électorale – une semaine – s’est achevée vendredi dans le calme. Mais plusieurs incidents ont eu lieu ces derniers mois (commissariats et gendarmes attaqués) et 30.000 membres des forces de sécurité ont été déployés pour le scrutin.

Le président de la CEI, Issouf Bakayoko, a souhaité samedi que l’élection se déroule dans « un climat apaisé », appelant candidats et électeurs à éviter « toute violence et toute entrave au libre exercice du choix légitime des autres ».

– Frondeurs –

« Plus de 5.000 observateurs (…) ont sollicité et obtenu une accréditation », a-t-il dit, dont un millier ont été mandatés par l’Union africaine, les pays ouest-africains de la Cédéao, l’Union européenne, ou encore les ambassades des Etats-Unis, de France, etc..

La coalition présidentielle, le Rassemblement des houphouëtistes pour la démocratie et la paix, vise la majorité absolue à l’Assemblée, alors qu’elle doit faire face à des « frondeurs » dans son propre camp, qui participent au scrutin sous l’étiquette d’indépendants.

« Donnez-moi une forte majorité pour me permettre d’accélérer les travaux que j’ai comme objectifs pour les quatre années à venir », a lancé le président Alassane Ouattara, 74 ans, dit « ADO », qui vante son bilan économique pour convaincre les électeurs.

La plupart des observateurs et même certains opposants reconnaissent ses mérites économiques mais son bilan politique est plus mitigé avec une réconciliation nationale encore à parfaire, une justice critiquée et une nouvelle Constitution adoptée après un référendum boudé par l’opposition et qui n’a pas attiré les foules fin octobre.

« ADO » disposait jusqu’ici d’une majorité écrasante à l’Assemblée, l’opposition ayant boycotté les législatives de 2011 à l’issue de la crise post-présidentielle qui avait vu le président Gbagbo refuser de reconnaître sa défaite face à M. Ouattara et plonger le pays dans des violences ayant fait 3.000 morts.

Cette fois, une partie du FPI, a décidé d’aller aux urnes, « la politique de la chaise vide n’ayant pas porté ses fruits », selon l’ancien Premier ministre Affi Nguessan.

« La bataille à venir, c’est de mobiliser pour conquérir l’Assemblée nationale », a-t-il annoncé.

Mais l’autre branche du FPI, les « frondeurs » qui se disent fidèles à Laurent Gbagbo, a appelé au boycott.

Le taux d’abstention sera regardé de près. Selon de nombreux observateurs, le nombre de votants devrait être à la hausse, car si les débats ne passionnent pas au niveau national, la bataille au plan local est parfois brûlante.

Il n'y aura pas de procès pour Omer Güney. L'assassin présumé de trois militantes kurdes, en janvier 2013 à Paris (Xe), est décédé samedi à l'hôpital de la Pitié-Salpêtrière des suites d'une grave maladie au cerveau. Il devait être jugé à partir du 23 janvier.

Un peu de patience puisque le livre ne sera disponible que le 13 janvier! Mais je ne résiste pas à la tentation d'annoncer la sortie de l'ouvrage collectif "Les sapeurs à l'ancre d'or. Le 6e régiment du Génie, de Madagascar à Tombouctou" qui est édité par l'éditeur Pierre de Taillac.

Créé en 1894 à Angers, le 6e RG est l'un des rares régiments à toujours être stationné dans sa ville de garnison originelle, même si, alors et encore aujourd'hui, ses unités ont été largement déployées hors de métropole.

Cet ouvrage, à la très riche iconographie, retrace 120 années de combats, de Madagascar (en 1895) au Sahel, en passant par le Maroc, la France, le Liban la Côte d'Ivoire etc.

"Je continuerai" dit la devise du régiment. Voilà donc, comme l'a bien noté le CEMAT, le général Bosser, dans sa préface, une unité tournée résolument vers l'avenir.

Les sapeurs à l'ancre d'or. Le 6e régiment du Génie, de Madagascar à Tombouctou, 176 pages, 35€.

Un Tunisien spécialiste en aéronautique, responsable du programme des drones du Hamas palestinien, a été assassiné le 15 décembre à Sfax dans des conditions mystérieuses.

On December 12, 2016, the European Union and United States announced targeted sanctions against a total of nine senior Congolese officials who have played a key role in the repression over the past two years.

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Police detain members of the youth movement Filimbi after a peaceful sit-in outside the African Union (AU) office in Kinshasa on October 29, 2016.

© Private

The US sanctions, which included assets freezes, went higher up the chain of command than previous sanctions announced in June and September, targeting Kalev Mutondo, director of the country’s National Intelligence Agency, and Evariste Boshab, vice prime minister and interior minister, for “undermining democratic processes.” Mutondo and Boshab have been the architects of much of the repression over the past two years, as Kabila sought to hold onto power beyond his term limit.

The EU sanctions, which included travel bans and assets freezes, targeted four people who “contributed to acts constituting serious violations of human rights in the DRC, by planning, directing or carrying out those acts:” Ilunga Kampete, commander of the Republican Guard; Gabriel Amisi Kumba, commander for the western region of the Congolese army; Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo, commander of the anti-riot body known as the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese National Police (LENI); and Celestin Kanyama, Kinshasa police commissioner.

The EU targeted three others for “trying to obstruct a consensual and peaceful solution to the crisis as regards the holding of elections in the DRC, in particular through acts of violence, repression or incitement to violence, or actions that undermine the rule of law:” John Numbi, former inspector-general of the Congolese National Police; Roger Kibelisa, interior director of the National Intelligence Agency; and Delphin Kahimbi, director of military intelligence.

In its declaration announcing the sanctions, the EU said that “additional restrictive measures may be considered in the event of further violence or the political process being impeded.”

Kalev Mutondo
As the director of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR), Kalev Mutondo has been among the principal architects of the government’s drive to repress political dissent. Human Rights Watch interviewed over a dozen government officials, members of Kabila’s majority coalition, and security force officers over the past two years about Mutondo’s role.

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Kalev Mutond (second from left), Director of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR) in the Democratic Republic of Congo, appears with First Lady Marie Olive Lembe and President Joseph Kabila during the country’s independence anniversary celebration in Kindu, capital of Maniema province, June 30, 2016.

© 2016 Reuters

Mutondo’s intelligence agency arbitrarily arrested scores of human rights and pro-democracy youth activists and opposition leaders, many of whom were held incommunicado for weeks or months, without charge and without access to their families or lawyers. Some were tried on trumped-up charges – with Mutondo also allegedly playing a role in intimidating judges and dictating verdicts.

Some of those the intelligence agency detained in the government crackdown were badly mistreated or tortured, including with electric shocks and a form of near-drowning. Its agents have also repeatedly intimidated, threatened, and harassed activists, journalists, and opposition leaders or supporters, apparently as part of a broader campaign to spread fear and curtail their work.

Before an opposition demonstration in Kinshasa in September 2015, Mutondo was among several senior security and ruling party officials who hired men to assault peaceful protesters. Armed with clubs and wooden sticks, the assailants beat the demonstrators, spreading fear and chaos throughout the crowd of several thousand. Several recruits told Human Rights Watch that they had been called to a meeting with officials at a military camp in Kinshasa the night before, paid about US$65 each, and given instructions for conducting the attack.

The US imposed sanctions on Mutondo on December 12.

Evariste Boshab
Evariste Boshab, the vice prime minister and interior and security minister, has played an important commanding role in the repression over the past two years.

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Evariste Boshab.

© Radio Okapi/Ph. Innocent Olenga Lumbahee Since obtaining this position in December 2014, Boshab has been officially responsible for the police and security services and coordinating the work of provincial governors. These entities have repeatedly banned or repressed opposition demonstrations, jailed activists and opponents, shut down media outlets, and blocked opposition leaders’ freedom of movement.

Before the demonstrations in Kinshasa on September 19, Boshab signed a communiqué that was presented on national television announcing that all demonstrations were banned and that anyone who went outside would “face the rigor of the law and the police would do its job.” Many interpreted this as a green light to the security forces to crack down on demonstrators.

After the crackdown on demonstrations in Kinshasa in January 2015 and in September 2016, Boshab’s office deployed police officers to the main morgue and instructed morgue employees not to provide any information to journalists or human rights defenders about the bodies of victims killed during protests, witnesses said.

Boshab has also been implicated in efforts to bar international and Congolese human rights organizations and pro-democracy movements from operating freely in Congo. On November 3, Boshab instructed all 26 governors to prohibit the youth movements Filimbi and LUCHA from holding any activities because they were not legally registered groups. That runs counter to Congolese law, which does not require citizens to register their organization to hold a peaceful assembly.

The US imposed sanctions on Boshab on December 12.

Gaston Hughes Ilunga Kampete
Gen. Gaston Hughes Ilunga Kampete has been the commander of the Republican Guard presidential security detail since late 2014. The Republican Guard is a force of around 12,000 soldiers whose primary task is to guard the president. Under Congolese law, the Republican Guard has no responsibilities for maintaining public order.

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General Ilunga Kampete (right) speaks with General Bahuma Ambamba (center) near Chanzu, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, on November 5, 2013.

© 2013 Getty Images

During protests in Kinshasa in January 2015, security forces fatally shot at least 38 people. Republican Guard soldiers under Kampete’s command were among those who fired live ammunition into crowds of demonstrators. Republican Guard forces also fired indiscriminately in a hospital, seriously wounding three people. Human Rights Watch also documented several instances in which Republican Guard soldiers took away the bodies of those shot in an apparent attempt to remove evidence of the killings.

Members of the Republican Guard presidential security detail – including some Republican Guard units deployed in police uniforms – were responsible for many abuses during the September 2016 demonstrations in Kinshasa. Republican Guard forces fired on demonstrators, and attacked and burned opposition party headquarters, burning to death several people.

Several officers told Human Rights Watch that Kampete together with the army commander, Gen. Gabriel Amisi, led an operations command center in Kinshasa during the week of September 19 and gave orders to the security force units on the ground that carried out the repression. “The order was given to suppress the demonstrators so that they wouldn’t succeed in their mission,” one officer said. “The order was given to do everything so they didn’t enter Gombe [the part of the capital where most government buildings, the presidency, and embassies are located].”

Another said the orders were to “crush” the demonstrations. Republican Guard soldiers who would be deployed in Kinshasa the week of September 19 were allegedly paid bonuses on September 16 to motivate them for a strong response during the demonstrations, according to a security officer.

The EU imposed sanctions on Kampete on December 12.

Gabriel Amisi
Gen. Gabriel Amisi Kumba (known as “Tango Four”) has a long record of involvement in serious human rights abuses in Congo. An officer in then-President Joseph Mobutu’s army, Amisi joined the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) rebellion, backed by Rwanda, which ousted Mobutu in 1997. Amisi later joined another Rwanda-backed rebellion, the Congolese Rally for Democracy-Goma, and in May 2002, was among the commanders responsible for widespread killings, summary executions, rapes, and pillage during the suppression of a mutiny in Kisangani, Human Rights Watch found at the time.

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Gabriel Amisi (known as “Tango Four”), army commander of the country’s western region.

© 2016 private The United Nations Group of Experts on Congo reported that Amisi was later allegedly involved in the trafficking of minerals, including tin and gold, while he was commander of the Congolese army’s ground forces. Amisi was suspended in November 2012 following accusations by the UN Group of Experts that he was overseeing a network distributing ammunition for poachers and armed groups. Congolese authorities cleared him of all charges in July 2014.

Amisi is currently the commander of the First Defense Zone, which covers Kinshasa and the western provinces. Troops under his command have been involved in the violent repression of political demonstrations over the past two years and excessive and unnecessary use of force.

During the September 2016 protests in Kinshasa, Amisi and the Republican Guard commander, General Kampete, led an operations command center in Kinshasa, several security officers said. The generals allegedly gave orders to the security force units on the ground that committed abuses.

Human Rights Watch found that Amisi and other senior officers and ruling party officials – including the Youth and Sports Minister Denis Kambayi – mobilized and paid youth league members to infiltrate the September demonstrations and instigate protesters to loot and commit violence. A youth league member associated with Vita Club, a soccer team that Amisi is the president of, told Human Rights Watch that he was called to a meeting in advance of the demonstrations and instructed to infiltrate the demonstrations.

The US imposed sanctions on Amisi on September 28 and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

Céléstin Kanyama
Gen. Céléstin Kanyama has been the provincial police commissioner for Kinshasa since December 2013. Kanyama officially reports to the national police commissioner, Gen. Charles Bisengimana, but also reportedly takes direction from other senior Congolese officials. Kanyama has a long record of alleged involvement in human rights abuses.

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Célestin Kanyama.

© 2014 Radio Okapi/Ph. John Bompengo

Between November 2013 and February 2014, Kanyama was the primary commander of Operation Likofi, a police operation purportedly aimed at cracking down on organized criminal gangs. He was responsible for giving the orders on the conduct of the operation, which entailed numerous grave abuses. Participating police officers summarily executed at least 51 young men and teenage boys and forcibly disappeared 33 others.

Kanyama and troops under his command were allegedly responsible for much of the repression in Kinshasa in 2015 and 2016 against activists, political opposition, and protesters, including arbitrary arrests and the crackdown on political demonstrations in January 2015 and September 2016.

Kanyama was also among senior security force and ruling party officials who hired men to assault a peaceful political demonstration in the capital on September 15, 2015.

When police commander of Kinshasa’s Lukunga district, he was implicated in violence during the 2011 electoral period, when police and other security forces killed scores of opposition supporters on the streets of Kinshasa.

The US imposed sanctions on Kanyama on June 23, and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

John Numbi
John Numbi is the former national inspector for the Congolese National Police. In 2008, he was involved in deploying about 600 police officers to repress the political-religious group Bundu Dia Kongo (BDK), based in Bas Congo. Human Rights Watch research at the time showed that during three weeks of police operations, the police used excessive and unnecessary lethal force. They fired at protesting BDK adherents, some of them violent, without adequate warning, killing over 200 and injuring scores of others. In some cases police deliberately killed wounded people, including those seeking medical treatment at health centers, running away, or otherwise in no position to threaten the police. The police systematically burned meeting places, homes, and other buildings belonging to BDK adherents. The police arrested over 150 suspected followers of the group, including people who had not participated in any actions against the police, and tortured or ill-treated some of them.

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John Numbi, a former national police inspector.

© 2016 private

On June 1, 2010, the prominent human rights defender Floribert Chebeya, who had documented police abuses against the BDK, visited the police headquarters in Kinshasa following a telephone call telling him to go to Numbi’s office. His body was found soon afterward. Chebeya’s driver, Fidèle Bazana, remains missing. Following a widespread outcry in Congo and abroad about the apparent double murder that implicated Numbi, he was suspended as national police inspector on June 5, 2010. A high military court in 2012 refused to examine Numbi’s alleged role in the murder.

Although Numbi no longer has an official function, several government and security force officials told Human Rights Watch that he remains a close adviser to President Kabila and plays an influential role in security and politics in the former Katanga province. Three candidates for governor during the March 2016 gubernatorial elections in the four provinces making up the former Katanga province told Human Rights Watch that Numbi had threatened them and told them to withdraw their candidacies. A senior government official in Katanga also said that Numbi made death threats to opposition candidates during the gubernatorial elections, telling them to withdraw their candidacies and not contest the results. The official also said that Numbi is the “real governor” of the four provinces making up the former Katanga province.

The US imposed sanctions on Numbi on September 28, and the EU imposed sanctions on him on December 12.

Delphin Kahimbi
Gen. Delphin Kahimbi is implicated in serious human rights abuses in Congo, including involvement in arbitrary arrests, torture, and ill-treatment of detainees, especially of ethnic Tutsi.

In 2006, as the deputy commander of the 8th Military Region, Kahimbi allegedly arbitrarily arrested and detained people in his private residence in Goma. A man arrested in Goma in December 2006 alleged that he was beaten with a belt and tortured with electric shocks, including by Kahimbi.

In 2008, as second in command of the Congolese army in North Kivu and in operational command of the Kiwanja and Rutshuru area during operations against the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) rebel group, Kahimbi showed considerable hostility toward UN peacekeeping troops. He knowingly put peacekeepers and the civilians who cluster near their bases at risk of being caught in crossfire. As part of a broader failure to cooperate with the UN peacekeepers, Kahimbi also appears to have been involved in instigating demonstrations against UN peacekeepers, which led to restrictions on UN patrols, leaving peacekeepers frequently absent when residents were attacked.

As coordinator of the pre-disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process for combatants, Kahimbi alongside other officials failed to provide adequate food and health care to demobilized combatants, their wives, and children in a remote military camp in Congo in 2014. Over 100 of them died there from starvation and disease.

More recently, as commander of military intelligence, Kahimbi has been implicated in arbitrary arrests, detention, and mistreatment in Kinshasa in the context of repression against the political opposition and others. Norbert Luyeye, president of the opposition political party Union of Republicans (Union des Républicains, UR), was arrested with six others on August 7, 2016 at Luyeye’s home. On August 4, Luyeye had declared at his party headquarters that a legal vacuum would ensue if the National Independent Electoral Committee (CENI) failed to call elections in September, and called for a meeting in Kinshasa’s Ndjili neighborhood on September 4 to prepare for the September 19 demonstrations. The military intelligence services are detaining them all in Kinshasa without charge and without access to their families or lawyer.

Cubain Tshimbalanga, a member of the Congolese Solidarity for Democracy (SCODE) political opposition party, was arrested in Kinshasa on September 26, detained at the military intelligence headquarters in Kinshasa, and badly beaten before his release in early October. He was not charged or allowed access to his family or lawyers during his detention. Martin Fayulu, an opposition leader and president of the Engagement for Citizenship and Development (ECIDE) political party, was also detained for several hours at the military intelligence headquarters in Kinshasa on February 14, 2016, and a number of his belongings were seized.

The EU imposed sanctions on Kahimbi on December 12.

Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo
As commander of the anti-riot police force known as the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese police (LENI), Col. Ferdinand Luyolo commanded troops implicated in the excessive use of force during demonstrations in Kinshasa in September 2016.

Several security force officers told Human Rights Watch that Colonel Luyolo commanded the Republican Guard units that were deployed in police uniforms during the September demonstrations, armed with assault rifles and grenades, and who were responsible for many of the killings. They also alleged that troops under Luyolo’s command were responsible for taking away the bodies of victims after they were killed.

The EU imposed sanctions against Luyolo on December 12.

Roger Kibelisa
As head of the Department for Interior Security of the National Intelligence Agency (ANR), Roger Kibelisa has been implicated in the repression of political dissent, including in the arbitrary arrest, detention, and mistreatment of scores of political prisoners. Many political prisoners and activists have been detained, held in inhumane conditions, and in some cases mistreated at the “3Z” detention center, the ANR building in Kinshasa where Kibelisa’s office is located. Detainees’ families, lawyers and human rights activists have regularly been denied access to 3Z.

One political prisoner who was detained at the 3Z detention center described an overcrowded cell swarming with insects where they were forced to sleep against each other “like sardines” as large rats crawled over their bodies. He said they had to relieve themselves in plastic buckets in the cell, spent much of the day in total darkness, and were only given food once a day – a spoonful of 18 beans when he counted. They were given one bar of soap for two people every two months, and were not allowed insecticide or razors to shave.

An activist who was detained at the 3Z said the guards regularly told them: “Here you are prisoners. You don’t have any rights.”

The EU imposed sanctions on Kibelisa on December 12.

(Kinshasa) – Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila should make a public commitment before the end of his second term, on December 19, 2016, to respect the constitution and leave office, Human Rights Watch said today. Failing to do so will increase the likelihood of major violence and government abuses in the coming days and weeks.

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President Joseph Kabila at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, February 24, 2013.

© 2013 Reuters

Government repression against activists, political opposition leaders, peaceful protesters, and others who oppose attempts to extend Kabila’s presidency has escalated in recent months, Human Rights Watch said. Ongoing talks between the opposition and the ruling coalition, mediated by the Catholic Church, have not resolved the political impasse, while Kabila has repeatedly refused to declare if and when he will step down.

“There is a grave risk that Congo could descend into widespread violence and chaos in the coming days, with potentially volatile repercussions across the region,” said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. “President Kabila is the one person who can prevent this, by making a clear, public commitment to step down and by ending the violent repression by those under his command.”

Congolese across the country have been mobilizing for large-scale demonstrations beginning on December 19 to pressure Kabila to leave office. In addition, leaders of armed groups in the eastern part of the country have said that the army and police will no longer be “legitimate” after December 19, increasing the likelihood of armed conflict. The country’s brittle security forces could fracture if Kabila relies on force to stay in power, and Congo’s neighboring countries could become involved, as they have during past fighting in Congo.

Throughout the country, government officials and security forces have repeatedly banned opposition demonstrations and fired teargas and live bullets on peaceful protesters. During one of the deadliest crackdowns, in the capital, Kinshasa, from September 19 to 21, security forces killed at least 66 protesters, Human Rights Watch found, and possibly many more as demonstrators protested the electoral commission’s failure to announce presidential elections. Some burned to death when the Republican Guard presidential security detail attacked opposition party headquarters. Security forces took away the bodies of many victims. Some were thrown into the Congo River and later found washed up on its shores.

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Over the past three months, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 75 victims, witnesses, security force officers, and others about the September crackdown and received credible reports of over 30 additional people killed by security forces.

Since January 2015, Congolese authorities have arbitrarily arrested scores of activists and opposition leaders, some of whom the intelligence services held incommunicado for weeks or months while mistreating or torturing them, while others were tried on trumped-up charges. The government has shut down Congolese media outlets close to the opposition, at least six of which remain blocked. The signal for Radio France Internationale (RFI), the most important international news outlet in Congo, has been blocked in Kinshasa since November 5.

One of the September protesters told Human Rights Watch that soldiers arrested him on September 19, put him in an army truck, and drove him around Kinshasa for several hours. He said he witnessed soldiers shooting at a group of peaceful protesters outside of their truck: “When we drove by a group of young men gathered together, they started shooting. ‘You shot him in the neck but he isn’t dead,’ one of the soldiers said. ‘Shoot again,’ the other said.”

Some protesters in Kinshasa turned violent, beating or burning to death at least four police officers and one bystander. They also burned and looted police stations, a courthouse, public surveillance cameras, Chinese-owned shops, buildings associated with majority party officials, and other places seen as being close to or representative of Kabila and his government. Human Rights Watch found that police officers and members of youth leagues mobilized by ruling party officials and security force officers were also involved in the violence and looting.

After the September protests, authorities banned political meetings and rallies in Kinshasa. On several occasions when the political opposition or pro-democracy youth groups attempted to organize demonstrations or rallies, security forces fired teargas to disperse groups, arrested organizers, or surrounded opposition leaders’ homes to prevent them from leaving. Unidentified assailants have also attacked several opposition leaders’ homes in recent weeks. Over 100 pro-democracy youth activists, representatives from the opposition youth leagues, musicians, and journalists have been arrested since October in Kinshasa, Lubumbashi, Goma, and Bunia – most while planning or mobilizing participation in planned protests. At least a dozen remain in detention.

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In all, at least 40 opposition leaders and supporters and pro-democracy youth activists remain in detention across Congo, some of them held since early 2015. Others have been charged or convicted during politically motivated judicial proceedings and are living in exile. Human Rights Watch has documented cases in which senior intelligence agents and officials from the presidency interfered in judicial proceedings, dictating the charges and judgments and compelling judges to comply.

On December 12, 2016, the European Union and United States announced targeted sanctions – including travel bans and assets freezes – against nine senior Congolese officials who have played a key role in the repression over the past two years.

“The EU and US sanctions send an unequivocal message that those responsible for planning, ordering, or executing violent repression will face consequences – no matter how senior their rank or position,” Roth said. “Kabila and other senior officials should end repressive measures, allow peaceful protests, order security forces not to use excessive force, release political prisoners, drop unjust charges against political leaders and activists, and allow barred media outlets to reopen.”

The United Nations peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUSCO, can also play a critical role in helping to mitigate violence in the coming days and weeks, Human Rights Watch said. The mission should do all it can with available resources to protect civilians, including by using its presence in Kinshasa and other large cities as a deterrent to violence and the use of excessive force by Congolese security forces. The mission should also be prepared to rapidly deploy peacekeepers to security incidents across the country.

“Congo’s regional and international partners should mobilize at the highest levels in the coming days to help prevent the situation from spiraling out of control,” Roth said. “Clear messages should be delivered to President Kabila, urging him to make a public commitment to step down and to ensure the security forces use maximum restraint. They should also signal that it will not be ‘business as usual’ in their relations with Congo should Kabila hold on to power by force.”

September Protests and Aftermath

The September 19, 2016 demonstrations against the electoral commission’s failure to announce presidential elections took place in Kinshasa, Kalemie, Mbandaka, Matadi, Bandundu, Kananga, Bukavu, Goma, Butembo, and Beni. Outside the capital, the authorities arrested at least 29 people that day. They were later released.

In Kinshasa, the protests and government response quickly turned violent and lasted for three days. Human Rights Watch found that security forces used excessive and unnecessary lethal force, killing at least 66 people on September 19, 20, and 21. The actual figure could be much higher. Human Rights Watch has received credible reports of over 30 other people killed by security forces. Some protesters resorted to violence, killing at least four policemen and a bystander.

The violence Human Rights Watch documented took place in Kinshasa’s Limete, Matete, Masina, Lemba, Kasavubu, Ndjili, Ngaliema, Kimbanseke, Ngaba, Kisenso, and Kalamu neighborhoods.

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Map provided courtesy of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.

© 2012 OCHA

Human Rights Watch interviewed six Congolese security force and intelligence officers, who said that members of the Republican Guard presidential security detail – including some Republican Guard units deployed in police uniforms – were responsible for much of the excessive force used during the demonstrations, firing on protesters with live ammunition and attacking at least three opposition party headquarters.

“The order was given to suppress the demonstrators so that they wouldn’t succeed in their mission,” one officer said. “The order was given to do everything so they didn’t enter Gombe [the part of the capital where most government buildings, the presidency, and embassies are located].” Another said the orders were to “crush” the demonstrations. Republican Guard soldiers, army soldiers, and police who would be deployed in Kinshasa the week of September 19 were paid bonuses on September 16 to motivate them for a strong response during the demonstrations, a security officer said.

Several officers said that Gen. Gabriel Amisi, army commander of the first zone of defense, which includes Kinshasa and other western provinces, and Gen. Ilunga Kampete, overall commander of the Republican Guard, led an operations command center in Kinshasa during the week of September 19 and gave orders to the security force units on the ground who carried out the repression. The officers also said that Colonel Ferdinand Ilunga Luyolo, commander of the National Intervention Legion of the Congolese Police (LENI), gave orders to Republican Guard troops who were deployed wearing police uniforms and armed with assault rifles and grenades during the crackdown.

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Congolese policemen arrest opposition activists participating in a march to press President Joseph Kabila to step down in the Democratic Republic of Congo's capital, Kinshasa, September 19, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

Youth recruited by security force officers and government officials, including Youth and Sports Minister Denis Kambayi, were paid to infiltrate the demonstrations. A member of the ruling party’s youth league said Kambayi and other party officials recruited him and other youth, paid them about US$35 each, and instructed them to “disrupt the opposition’s demonstrations and cause trouble so that it looks like the violence was sparked by the opposition.”

“We had special clothes on to help us identify each other, and we incited demonstrators to attack offices of the parties from the ruling coalition,” he said. “The protesters were really angry against those in power, so they let themselves be manipulated without realizing it. We also led them to attack public buses and other buildings associated with the ruling party.”

Kambayi, in a telephone conversation with Human Rights Watch, said that the allegations were “baseless rumors” and that he had no official connection to the ruling party’s youth league.

A youth league member associated with Vita Club, a soccer team whose president is the army officer General Gabriel Amisi Kumba, told Human Rights Watch that he was also called to a meeting in advance of the demonstrations, with General Amisi and several dozen members of the youth league. “We received instructions to create disorder among the demonstrators and to incite them to damage property,” the youth league member said. “This would then be blamed on the protest organizers. One of our members was recognized by the protesters and seriously beaten up because they understood he was an infiltrator.” Human Rights Watch contacted Amisi about the allegation but did not receive a reply.

Two Congolese security and intelligence officers told Human Rights Watch that ruling party officials and security force officers had recruited members of youth leagues and demobilized fighters to disrupt the demonstrations. “They were there to infiltrate and make the demonstrations explode [into violence] from the inside,” one said. “They would start the trouble, the demonstrators would then respond, and that would then justify the response from the police.”

In an apparent attempt to block independent observers from documenting the government repression, security forces detained eight international and Congolese journalists and two human rights and pro-democracy activists soon after the protests began on September 19. The offices of a prominent human rights organization and a civil society organization were also vandalized.

In the days following the protests, security forces conducted warrantless door-to-door searches in several parts of Kinshasa, allegedly looking for looted goods and weapons stolen from police stations. They arrested scores of young men, many of whom appear to have been targeted at random. Opposition leaders Moise Moni Della and Bruno Tshibala were also arrested on September 19 and October 9, respectively, and accused of responsibility for the September 19 violence. Tshibala was provisionally released on November 29. Martin Fayulu, another opposition leader, was badly injured when a teargas canister hit him in the head on September 19, and hospitalized for several days.

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Relatives mourn protesters killed in the September 19 and 20 demonstrations during a funeral ceremony at the opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) headquarters in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, October 31, 2016. 

© 2016 Reuters

In the aftermath of the demonstrations, authorities denied relatives, activists, and independent human rights investigators access to hospitals and morgues and threatened their staff, telling them to remain silent about those injured or killed during the protests. This made it impossible for many families to bury their loved ones or obtain the compensation Kinshasa’s provincial government officials had promised.

A preliminary report by the United Nations Joint Human Rights Office (UNJHRO) in Congo on the protests in Kinshasa found that 53 people had been killed, including 48 by state actors; 143 people had been injured; and at least 299 arbitrarily detained. The authorities denied the UN teams access to detention facilities upon instructions from senior Defense Ministry officials, and the teams had difficulty visiting morgues. Security forces prevented two UN vehicles from reaching the demonstrations. A police agent shot teargas at one vehicle, and a sniper on top of an anti-riot police truck shot twice at another but missed.

In an October 8 “white paper,” the government said that 32 people were killed in Kinshasa on September 19-20. The government praised the police for their “professionalism” and blamed the protest organizers for having “manipulated” demonstrators, saying they were responsible for “killings, rape, pillage, arson, and willful destruction.”

Accounts From Victims, Witnesses

On September 19, some protesters tore and set fire to a poster with a photo of President Kabila in Kinshasa’s Matete neighborhood. Security forces first used teargas to disperse the protesters and then ran after them, firing live bullets into the crowd, killing at least one protester. A witness said:

When other protesters were trying to pick up the dead body, the police fired teargas to disperse the crowd and prevent them from carrying away the body. The next day, the police conducted door-to-door searches in our neighborhood, breaking down doors when residents refused to let them in. They said they were looking for the youth who had sabotaged the “symbol of power.” Many youth were arrested and others fled the neighborhood.

A member of the Innovative Forces for Union and Solidarity (FONUS) opposition party said his party headquarters was torched early on September 20 by men in military uniform:

About 4:20 a.m., we were on the balcony [of the headquarters], guarding the premises. We heard a suspicious movement outside the building and went a little closer to see what was going on. We saw a man who already had climbed over the wall and others who were trying to force the gate open. They were all armed, and they were wearing military uniforms. They had caps shielding their faces, and some had ski masks on. When they saw us, they fired three shots but we managed to flee and climb over the wall to the neighbors. We were hiding but could see them pour fuel and destroy the windows with a steel bar. In the morning, neighbors came to help us put out the fire. Then police officers came too, dispersing us with teargas as if they wanted to see the headquarters burn.

On September 20, security forces wearing police uniforms shot at protesters pillaging a Chinese-owned shop. A witness said:

I saw the police arrive to chase away the protesters who were looting. They fired live bullets at them, and three people were killed, including a man who was just walking by. The police then took all of the bodies away with them.

The uncle of a youth who was shot in the head by security forces on September 19 said that the family was not allowed to take his body out of the morgue for burial:

My nephew was shot in the head while protesting with the others on Monday [September 19]. We later learned that the Congolese Red Cross brought his body to the morgue. When we arrived at the morgue to recover his body, military police stationed at the morgue threatened us and said we would be sent to Ndolo prison [a military prison in Kinshasa]. They said they had received orders from their superiors to accuse everybody who came looking for victims of having sent their children to remove President Kabila from power.

The Red Cross later gave us a number that had been allotted to my nephew’s corpse. When we returned to the morgue, one of the staff there told us that, according to their registry, the body had already been removed. By whom and when? We have not received any response. Even if we have already held a funeral for him, we hope that the day will come that we can bury his body. We also never received the funds the governor of Kinshasa promised the relatives of victims because we haven’t received any documents from the morgue showing that the body of our nephew was brought there.

A witness told Human Rights Watch about the killing of a police officer during the demonstrations on September 19:

I saw the protesters attack the headquarters of the PPRD youth league, and as they advanced, the policeman who was guarding the building tried to resist instead of fleeing. The large crowd of protesters threw rocks at him and then set him on fire.

A Congolese journalist said that he and a colleague were detained while filming the protests on September 19:

I was filming demonstrators burning tires and barricading the street when a police truck arrived at the scene. I approached a police officer to ask him whether we could continue filming. He agreed but told me he was surprised to see me in a red zone. Later, intelligence agents arrived and told the police officer not to let me film them. The intelligence officers then asked us to identify ourselves and show our authorization to film. They took our identity cards and then told us we were arrested. They brought us to a police office, where we were held for several hours before being released. They never returned our IDs.

A human rights activist who was arrested on September 19 while observing the demonstrations with his colleagues described what happened:

Military police followed us into a house where we were trying to take cover as shots were being fired. They then ordered me to follow them and made me get in their truck. About a dozen other people were arrested with me. They drove us to a military camp, and there they took my watch, shoes and belt. I counted 121 people arrested. They identified us individually from 2 p.m. to 11 p.m. and then proceeded to interrogate us. One of the officers allowed me to use his phone so I could alert my colleagues. We spent the night on the floor. They let me go on Wednesday [September 21].

A police officer told Human Rights Watch that six bodies with bullet wounds were found on the shores of the Congo River in Kinshasa’s Kinsuka neighborhood on September 21:

We received information that four bodies were discovered in the morning - two young boys, one girl and a young man. All had bullet wounds. In the early evening, two other bodies of young boys with bullet wounds were discovered. The prosecutor in charge asked us to push the bodies back into the water so they would sink. We did as we were told.

Other witnesses confirmed to Human Rights Watch that they saw dead bodies along the shores of the river in Kinsuka in the days and weeks after the September protests. One witness said that the police and Red Cross took some of the bodies away in a bus. 

Szijjártó Péter külgazdasági és külügyminiszter koszovói látogatása során állománygyűlésen köszöntötte az MH KFOR Kontingens 15. váltásának állományát, valamint a békefenntartó misszióban egyéni beosztásban szolgáló magyar katonákat. A miniszter vezette delegáció tagja volt dr. Budai Gyula miniszteri biztos, Csutora Zsolt helyettes államtitkár, valamint dr. Márkusz László, hazánk pristinai nagykövete is.

Bő egy esztendővel ezelőtt, 2015 októberében Korom Ferenc dandártábornokot nevezték ki a KFOR-misszió parancsnokhelyettesének. Addig ezt a magas tisztséget még nem töltötte be magyar katona. A Honvéd Vezérkar Hadműveleti Csoportfőnökségének csoportfőnökével külszolgálata befejeztével, hazatérését követően beszélgettünk.

Brüsszelnek meg kellene állnia az európai integráció mélyítésében, és az eddig elért eredményeket kellene védelmeznie ahelyett, hogy folyamatosan újabb és újabb intézmények létrehozásával próbálja megoldani a problémákat – mondta Trócsányi László igazságügyi miniszter vasárnap, a Karc FM Álláspont című műsorában nyilatkozva.

A tárcavezető úgy fogalmazott, elkötelezett az európai integráció mellett, de rengeteg működési zavart lát az unió működésében. Példaként említette az európai ügyészség létrehozásának gondolatát, ami szerinte komoly hatékonysági problémákat vet fel annak tudatában, hogy az unió csalás elleni hivatala (OLAF) és a tagállamok igazságügyi együttműködését segítő Eurojust is fennmaradna. Egy újabb szervezet létrehozása helyett célszerűbb lenne a már meglévő és jól működő intézményeket tovább erősíteni – tette hozzá.
Trócsányi László kiemelte, hogy Európa lakosságának 25 százaléka tekinthető euroszkeptikusnak, és 10 százalék pártol egy, az Egyesült Államok példáját követő föderációt, miközben a többség alapvetően nem foglal állást ebben a kérdésben. Az európai döntéshozók felelőssége ezért egy olyan realista irányvonal képviselete, amely egyik irányban sem köteleződik el – mondta.
A miniszter elmondása szerint pozitívan fogadták, hogy a köztársasági elnök pénteken az Alkotmánybírósághoz (Ab) fordult, kérve a közigazgatási perrendtartásról szóló, december 6-án elfogadott törvény egyes rendelkezései alaptörvény-ellenességének és egyben közjogi érvénytelenségének megállapítását.
Trócsányi László hangsúlyozta, miniszteri kinevezése óta a közigazgatási bíróságok megalkotását tartja egyik legfontosabb feladatának, aminek fontos eleme az önálló közigazgatási perrendtartás létrehozása, az erről szóló javaslat alkotmányossági normakontrollja pedig javíthatja indítványuk elfogadottságát.

Kinshasa était dans l’expectative dimanche, sous forte surveillance policière et militaire, après la suspension des pourparlers pour sortir de la crise politique en République démocratique du Congo, où le président Joseph Kabila achève son mandat mardi sans que son successeur ait été élu.

En milieu de matinée, les barrages routiers nocturnes avaient été levés mais les forces de l’ordre étaient déployées en nombre dans certains bastions d’opposition ou quartiers chauds de cette mégapole de 10 millions d’habitants, selon des journalistes de l’AFP et des témoins.

« On attend de voir ce qui va se passer. Eux (les politiciens), ils sont bien, mais c’est nous, le petit peuple qui souffre », a déclaré Alphonse, contremaître dans une société de nettoyage, renvoyant dos-à-dos pouvoir et opposition.

Les sportifs qui s’entraînent chaque dimanche au petit matin près de l’emblématique stade Tata-Raphaël étaient moins nombreux que d’habitude.

Les gens ont afflué normalement vers les églises dans ce pays qui compte environ 80 % de chrétiens et où la religion occupe une place importante.

La RDC traverse une crise politique profonde depuis la réélection de M. Kabila en novembre 2011 lors d’un scrutin marqué par des fraudes massives. Aucune élection au scrutin direct n’a eu lieu depuis lors et la présidentielle qui devait se tenir cette année n’a pas été organisée.

Âgé de 45 ans, M. Kabila a accédé au pouvoir par succession héréditaire après l’assassinat de son père, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, en 2001, avant d’être élu en 2006 lors des premières élections libres organisées dans le pays depuis son indépendance de la Belgique en 1960. La Constitution lui interdit aujourd’hui de se représenter.

Samedi soir, les évêques catholiques de la Conférence épiscopale nationale du Congo (Cenco) ont annoncé la suspension des négociations qui se tenaient sous leur égide pour tenter de trouver un accord ouvrant la voie à une transition politique jusqu’à l’élection d’un successeur à M. Kabila, qui entend entretemps se maintenir au pouvoir.

Ces discussions de la dernière chance n’ont enregistré aucun progrès sur les points qui divisent le plus les deux délégations en présence : d’un côté la majorité et une frange minoritaire de l’opposition qui se sont entendues en octobre sur un partage du pouvoir, de l’autre une coalition rassemblée autour de l’opposant historique Etienne Tshisekedi, qui rejette cet accord et exige la tenue de la présidentielle en 2017 et l’assurance que M. Kabila ne cherchera pas à briguer un nouveau mandat.

– ‘Sens des responsabilités’ –

Appelés à Rome pour une visite au pape François prévue de longue date, les évêques ont quitté Kinshasa samedi soir et annoncé une reprise des négociations mercredi, après leur retour.

Le Rassemblement d’opposition constitué autour de M. Tshisekedi avait menacé de jeter la population dans les rues dès le 19 décembre en cas d’échec des négociations pour forcer M. Kabila à quitter le pouvoir.

Elle n’a cependant lancé aucun mot d’ordre public en ce sens après la suspension des discussions, alors que la communauté internationale, Occidentaux en tête, appelle avec insistance les deux parties à s’abstenir de mettre de l’huile sur le feu.

« Les gens attendent les conclusions de la Cenco ou que Tshisekedi parle », dit à l’AFP un responsable associatif dans un quartier populaire alors que des tracts circulent en ville rappelant que le mandat de M. Kabila « est fini » mardi et exhortant à reprendre Kinshasa « rue par rue, quartier par quartier (…) jusqu’à ce qu’on reprenne toute la RDC ».

Avant l’ouverture des négociations, les évêques avaient dit craindre que le pays ne sombre dans « une situation incontrôlable » faute d’accord politique.

La communauté internationale a formulé les mêmes inquiétudes.

L’ Union européenne, qui a annoncé lundi des sanctions financières contre sept responsables sécuritaires congolais qu’elle accuse de violations graves des droits de l’homme, a appelé dans la nuit « au sens des responsabilités de tous afin d’atteindre un accord qui reste à portée de main (…) pour permettre, dans les plus brefs délais, la tenue d’élections transparentes et crédibles ».

Les 19 et 20 septembre, une cinquantaine de personnes avaient été tuées à Kinshasa lors d’affrontements entre jeunes et forces de l’ordre en marge d’une manifestation « d’avertissement » au chef de l’État.

La RDC n’a connu aucune alternance démocratique depuis son indépendance.

État-continent de 70 millions d’habitants, l’ex-Zaïre a été ravagé par deux guerres entre 1996 et 2003. L’immense majorité de la population vit dans la misère et ses conditions ne font qu’empirer avec la crise économique qui frappe le pays depuis 18 mois.