Jakartas Gouverneurswahlen wurden überschattet von einem außerordentlich polarisierenden, sektiererischen Wahlkampf. Religiöse Hardliner mobilisierten Hunderttausende Menschen, die gegen den amtierenden Gouverneur Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (genannt »Ahok«) demonstrierten. Sie riefen alle Muslime dazu auf, gegen Ahok zu stimmen, weil er als Christ in einem mehrheitlich muslimischen Land keine politische Führungsposition innehaben dürfe. Außerdem wurde ihm vorgeworfen, den Koran beleidigt und sich der Blasphemie schuldig gemacht zu haben. Das Ausmaß, in dem Ahok wegen seiner Religionszugehörigkeit und in geringerem Maße auch wegen seiner chinesischen Herkunft verunglimpft wurde, ist in der indonesischen Politik ohne Beispiel. Mehr noch: Die Verunglimpfung Ahoks sicherte seinen Gegnern den Sieg. Aus der Wahl ging überraschend deutlich Anies Baswedan als Sieger hervor.
In the latest display of Beijing’s growing naval prowess, Chinese officials last month celebrated the launch of the country’s first home-built aircraft carrier. While the ship will not enter active service until 2020, the lavish ceremony surrounding the launch sent a clear message to the world that China’s burgeoning naval defense industry is becoming increasingly sophisticated.
Once fitted out with the latest seafaring technology and maritime weaponry, the ship will join a repurposed Soviet-era carrier China bought second hand from Ukraine and launched in 2012.
Together, these vessels will help Beijing boost its presence on the increasingly overcrowded waters in and around the South China Sea, where neighboring countries continue to squabble over natural resources, islands and shipping routes.
While the two carriers will be no match for those operated globally by the U.S. once they are both in active service, they will provide China with a distinct advantage over regional rivals. No other littoral country involved in the South China Sea territorial disputes is able to project a similar degree of force.
The U.S. still outweighs China’s navy with its 10 aircraft carriers currently in operation, but analysts have suggested the two vessels will allow Beijing to go toe-to-toe with the American navy in the Asia-Pacific region, owing to the fact that the U.S. has military responsibilities elsewhere in the world that consistently tie-up its resources. Lessons learned from the construction of its first aircraft carrier will likely help China build others, making the process of bringing future vessels to combat readiness in a shorter space of time much easier.
In a move that further augmented Beijing’s power projection capability, China also recently completed work on three major military bases on artificial islands in the South China Sea, allowing Chinese military aircraft to operate over all of its waters. However, for Chinese military experts these efforts are not nearly enough.
According to local media, the military is calling for at least six aircraft carriers and 10 bases across the globe to cement China’s foothold in other regions of the world and execute missions in tune with becoming a naval superpower. These bases would be located in regions were the Chinese have “concentrated interests”, such as Pakistan.
Yet thus far, Beijing has found only one country willing to allow the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to use its land for this purpose. China built its first military base abroad in the small African state of Djibouti, securing access to the Indian Ocean, and allowing the Chinese military to better protect the growing investments Beijing continues to make in a number of African nations.
The base represents the PLA’s move away from homeland defense to the protection of Chinese interests overseas, and is very much a symbol of things to come. When the base was confirmed, China’s regional rivals were quick to voice concerns that the development looked more like an aggressive military build-up, rather than the construction of a “logistics and fast evacuation base,” as claimed by Beijing.
Far from being a strategic outpost with little geopolitical significance, the building of China’s Djibouti base has pitched Beijing directly against the U.S, which has its own naval facility in the small African state.
Djibouti’s autocratic ruler Ismael Guelleh welcomed the building of the Chinese base after the Chinese government invested billions of dollars into his country, which helped him pay legal bills from pursuing a political rival abroad. Beijing also committed to pay $20 million annually for use of the site, while Guelleh forced the US to leave one of its naval facilities.
Unsurprisingly, U.S. officials are worried the close proximity of China’s base to its own Camp Lemonnier facility will allow Beijing to monitor U.S. counterterrorism operations in North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.
For its part, Beijing insists the PLA’s expansionist behavior is merely defensive, and that the building out of its military capability and search for naval outposts serves the protection of China’s national sovereignty and interests overseas.
Despite this, developments within the military speak another language. It is becoming increasingly clear that China’s military is broadening its mission as China is no longer downplaying the role of its Djibouti camp as logistical and anti-piracy base, but hinting at roles beyond anti-piracy.
Simultaneously, the PLA is boosting its rapid deployment marine corps from 20,000 to 100,000 as part of a push to increase its military presence in the Indian Ocean. The move is one aspect of a wider plan to refocus the PLA’s resources away from land forces to specialized units able to respond to a range of security threats.
While it will likely be decades before China fulfills its ambition of rounding out its aircraft carrier fleet to at least six vessels and creating more overseas naval bases, the scale of its plans indicate that Beijing is behaving more and more like a confident great power.
By expanding its land reclamation activities in the contested waters of the South China Sea and rapidly improving the PLA’s global clout, China is reinforcing its claim to the title as the most powerful and influential nation in the Asia-Pacific. Make no mistake: this is but a prelude of things to come.
The post With Its Second Aircraft Carrier, China Extends its Global Reach appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.
In the latest display of Beijing’s growing naval prowess, Chinese officials last month celebrated the launch of the country’s first home-built aircraft carrier. While the ship will not enter active service until 2020, the lavish ceremony surrounding the launch sent a clear message to the world that China’s burgeoning naval defense industry is becoming increasingly sophisticated.
Once fitted out with the latest seafaring technology and maritime weaponry, the ship will join a repurposed Soviet-era carrier China bought second hand from Ukraine and launched in 2012.
Together, these vessels will help Beijing boost its presence on the increasingly overcrowded waters in and around the South China Sea, where neighboring countries continue to squabble over natural resources, islands and shipping routes.
While the two carriers will be no match for those operated globally by the U.S. once they are both in active service, they will provide China with a distinct advantage over regional rivals. No other littoral country involved in the South China Sea territorial disputes is able to project a similar degree of force.
The U.S. still outweighs China’s navy with its 10 aircraft carriers currently in operation, but analysts have suggested the two vessels will allow Beijing to go toe-to-toe with the American navy in the Asia-Pacific region, owing to the fact that the U.S. has military responsibilities elsewhere in the world that consistently tie-up its resources. Lessons learned from the construction of its first aircraft carrier will likely help China build others, making the process of bringing future vessels to combat readiness in a shorter space of time much easier.
In a move that further augmented Beijing’s power projection capability, China also recently completed work on three major military bases on artificial islands in the South China Sea, allowing Chinese military aircraft to operate over all of its waters. However, for Chinese military experts these efforts are not nearly enough.
According to local media, the military is calling for at least six aircraft carriers and 10 bases across the globe to cement China’s foothold in other regions of the world and execute missions in tune with becoming a naval superpower. These bases would be located in regions were the Chinese have “concentrated interests”, such as Pakistan.
Yet thus far, Beijing has found only one country willing to allow the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to use its land for this purpose. China built its first military base abroad in the small African state of Djibouti, securing access to the Indian Ocean, and allowing the Chinese military to better protect the growing investments Beijing continues to make in a number of African nations.
The base represents the PLA’s move away from homeland defense to the protection of Chinese interests overseas, and is very much a symbol of things to come. When the base was confirmed, China’s regional rivals were quick to voice concerns that the development looked more like an aggressive military build-up, rather than the construction of a “logistics and fast evacuation base,” as claimed by Beijing.
Far from being a strategic outpost with little geopolitical significance, the building of China’s Djibouti base has pitched Beijing directly against the U.S, which has its own naval facility in the small African state.
Djibouti’s autocratic ruler Ismael Guelleh welcomed the building of the Chinese base after the Chinese government invested billions of dollars into his country, which helped him pay legal bills from pursuing a political rival abroad. Beijing also committed to pay $20 million annually for use of the site, while Guelleh forced the US to leave one of its naval facilities.
Unsurprisingly, U.S. officials are worried the close proximity of China’s base to its own Camp Lemonnier facility will allow Beijing to monitor U.S. counterterrorism operations in North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula.
For its part, Beijing insists the PLA’s expansionist behavior is merely defensive, and that the building out of its military capability and search for naval outposts serves the protection of China’s national sovereignty and interests overseas.
Despite this, developments within the military speak another language. It is becoming increasingly clear that China’s military is broadening its mission as China is no longer downplaying the role of its Djibouti camp as logistical and anti-piracy base, but hinting at roles beyond anti-piracy.
Simultaneously, the PLA is boosting its rapid deployment marine corps from 20,000 to 100,000 as part of a push to increase its military presence in the Indian Ocean. The move is one aspect of a wider plan to refocus the PLA’s resources away from land forces to specialized units able to respond to a range of security threats.
While it will likely be decades before China fulfills its ambition of rounding out its aircraft carrier fleet to at least six vessels and creating more overseas naval bases, the scale of its plans indicate that Beijing is behaving more and more like a confident great power.
By expanding its land reclamation activities in the contested waters of the South China Sea and rapidly improving the PLA’s global clout, China is reinforcing its claim to the title as the most powerful and influential nation in the Asia-Pacific. Make no mistake: this is but a prelude of things to come.
The post With Its Second Aircraft Carrier, China Extends its Global Reach appeared first on Foreign Policy Blogs.
On Tuesday, May 9th, IPI together with The Elders are cohosting a policy forum event focusing on the importance of multilateralism and the role of the United Nations in sustaining peace, promoting good governance, and tackling global challenges from climate change to mass migration.
Remarks will begin at 9:00am EST.
Elders is an independent group of global leaders, founded by Nelson Mandela in 2007, that works to promote peace and human rights. The audience at the event will include UN and government officials, experts, as well as representatives from the media, academia, and civil society. After the presentations there will be a question and answer session with the audience.
Speakers:
Kofi Annan, Former UN Secretary-General, Nobel Peace Laureate, and Chair of The Elders
Lakhdar Brahimi, Former UN and Arab League Special Envoy to Syria, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Algeria, and member of The Elders
Gro Harlem Brundtland, Former Prime Minister of Norway and former Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO), and Deputy Chair of The Elders
Mary Robinson, First female President of Ireland, former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and member of The Elders.
Moderator:
Warren Hoge, Senior Adviser for External Relations, International Peace Institute
1979 unterstützte die Islamische Republik Iran die Gründung der schiitischen Organisation Hisbollah von Scheich Muhammed Hussein Fadlallah im Libanon. Offiziell verkündete die Hisbollah als ihr Ziel die Errichtung einer Islamischen Republik Libanon entsprechend dem iranischen Beispiel. In Tat und Wahrheit wollte der Iran schon damals mit Hilfe der Hisbollah seinen machtpolitischen Einfluss in der Levante vergrössern.[1] Junge Mitglieder der Organisation sollten zu Selbstmord- und Kommandoaktionen gegen die Feinde des Islams befähigt werden. Für deren Ausbildung wurden Lager in der Bekaa-Ebene errichtet. In kurzer Zeit führte die Hisbollah spektakuläre Anschläge durch:[2]
18.04.1983 Autobombe gegen die US-Botschaft in Beirut: 49 Tote und 120 Verletzte 23.10.1983 Selbstmordaktion gegen das Hauptquartier des US Marine Corps in Beirut: 241 Tote und mehr als 50 Verletzte 23.10.1983 Selbstmordaktion mit Autobombe gegen das Hauptquartier der französischen Truppen in Beirut: 56 Tote 04.11.1983 Autobombe gegen das Hauptquartier der israelischen Streitkräfte in Tyre, Südlibanon: 80 Tote 10.03.1985 Autobombe im südlibanesischen Grenzgebiet zu Israel: 12 tote israelische Soldaten, 20 VerwundeteDiese Serie von Anschlägen wurde fortgesetzt. Sie fand schlussendlich ihren Höhepunkt im Krieg zwischen der Hisbollah und der israelischen Armee im Südlibanon 2006. Israel unterstützte den Bodenangriff seiner Landstreitkräfte durch Luftschläge gegen das Hauptquartier der Hisbollah in Beirut. Während die Hisbollah den israelischen Luftschlägen nichts entgegen zu setzen hatte, konnten ihre Streitkräfte dank einem ausgeklügelten Verteidigungssystem, das eine gewisse Ähnlichkeit mit dem Schweizerischen System vor 2001 aufwies, dem terrestrischen Angriff der Israeli standhalten. Diese wurden im Verteidigungssystem der Hisbollah regelrecht abgenützt.
Die Hisbollah konnte dank den finanziellen Zuwendungen der Islamischen Republik Iran sehr schnell wieder aufrüsten und die in Beirut erlittenen Schäden beheben. 2011 waren keine Auswirkungen der israelischen Luftangriffe in Beirut mehr sichtbar. Die Hisbollah war in Libanon zum massgebenden Machtfaktor und zur Schutzmacht der libanesischen Christen geworden. Ab 2007 bestimmte die Hisbollah die Kampfkraft der libanesischen Streitkräfte.
Seit dem Ausbruch des Bürgerkrieges in Syrien 2011 ist die Hisbollah zum entscheidenden Machtfaktor im Nachbarland geworden. Ohne die Söldner der Hisbollah hätte Assad den Krieg schon längst verloren. Die Kampfkraft der Hisbollah in Syrien wird auf 4’000 bis 8’000 Söldner geschätzt.[3] Die Kommandanten der Hisbollah sollen auch den Angriffsplan der syrischen, iranischen, libanesischen und afghanischen Streitkräfte auf Aleppo konzipiert haben.[4] Dank der im syrischen Bürgerkrieg gewonnen Kriegserfahrungen dürfte die Hisbollah heute zum wichtigen Akteur in der Levante mutiert sein. Die israelischen Streitkräfte werden in einem zukünftigen Krieg mit der Hisbollah, angeführt von Hassan Nasrallah, einem kriegserprobten Gegner gegenüberstehen.
[1] Stahel, A.A., Terrorismus und Marxismus, Marxistisch-Leninistische Konzeptionen des Terrorismus und der Revolution, ASMZ, Huber u. Co. AG, Frauenfeld, 1987, S. 151/152.
[2] Stahel, A. A., S. 151/152.
[3] The Military Balance 2017, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, London, 2017, P. 407.
So auch Humud, C.E., Blanchard, Chr.M. and M.B.D. Nikitin, Armed Conflict in Syria: Overview and U.S. Response, Congressional Research Service, Washington, D.C., January 6, 2017, P. 38.
[4] Abi-Habib, M., Syria War’s Winner: Hezbollah, in The Wall Street Journal, April 3, 2017, P. A1/A8.
Ursula von der Leyen s’exprimant à la presse, entourée (à sa gauche) du général Volker Wieker, et (à sa droite) du général Jörg Vollmer (© LH / B2)
(B2 à Illkirch) La ministre de la Défense allemande, Ursula von der Leyen, est arrivée en tout début d’après-midi au quartier Leclerc, à Illkirch-Graffenstaden (sud de Strasbourg) pour une mise au point sur les valeurs de l’armée allemande.
C’est ici que le militaire allemand Franco A, soupçonné de vouloir commettre un attentat, était affecté, au 291e bataillon de chasseurs de la brigade franco-allemande (BFA) (lire : Mélange des genres. Un militaire allemand de la BFA soupçonné de préparer un attentat raciste). Une visite décidée la veille dans l’urgence (annulant au passage un voyage prévu aux États-Unis) afin de renforcer le message de la ministre, soumise à forte critiques sur la scène nationale, notamment auprès des forces armées. Récit…
Un message fort : des défaillances internes à résoudre
Accompagnée de l’inspecteur général Volker Wieker (le chef d’état-major de l’armée allemande) et de l’inspecteur général Jörg Vollmer (patron de l’armée de terre), Ursula von der Leyen a voulu faire passer un message clair. Si « la grande majorité des soldats [allemands] ont tout le respect » de la ministre, « il est important de creuser plus profondément si quelque chose a mal tourné ». « Nous sommes au début d’un long processus. » Il y a « encore beaucoup à venir, mais ça vaut le coup » assure la ministre. En interne, il faudra expliquer « comment le soldat a pu faire carrière si longtemps dans les rangs de la Bundeswehr, sans être inquiété ». Et elle compte s’y mettre rapidement.
Des faiblesses dans la direction de l’armée
Dès demain, jeudi 4 mai, elle rencontrera à Berlin une centaine de hauts gradés de l’armée allemande pour évoquer « la formation, au vu des récents scandales et leurs conséquences ». A Illkirch, Von der Leyen a annoncé également une révision du Code de discipline militaire. La ministre a aussi confirmé les propos tenus dans une interview au quotidien Bild, où elle dénonçait des « faiblesses de direction » dans l’armée et un « esprit de corps mal placé » conduisant à minimiser les dérives.
Opération de com’ politique
Un des dessins du « bunkers », la salle de détente des sous-officiers allemands, au quartier Leclerc, à Illkirch. (© LH / B2)
Von der Leyen est venue, en personne, pour se faire une idée de l’avancement de l’enquête qu’elle a elle-même ordonné la semaine passée. Mais la visite était aussi (et surtout) une opération de com’ pour redorer le blason de la ministre, mise en mal dans ce début de campagne électorale (en Allemagne).
Une revue de paquetage… dans le détail
Arrivée vers 14h, la ministre n’est restée dans la base que quelques heures. Pourtant, le tour a été minutieux. Et la presse tenue à bonne distance de la ministre pour éviter toute question intempestive. Après une première rencontre avec les hauts gradés allemands, elle a tenu à rencontrer plusieurs soldats. Elle a également visité le lieu de travail de Franco A. ainsi que les différentes zones de vie des soldats allemands.
Des décors glorifiant le passé nazi
Dans sa chambre, les enquêteurs ont trouvé une arme décorée d’une croix-gammée, un poster de soldats du IIIe Reich et divers documents à la gloire des nazis, a annoncé la ministre. Dans le « bunker », le salon de loisirs des sous-officiers, auquel B2 a eu accès, les murs sont décorés de dessins de soldats rappelant ceux de la Wehrmacht… Un détail que la ministre a d’ailleurs « déploré » vertement : « La Wehrmacht n’a rien en commun avec la Bundeswehr. [Elle] ne peut inspirer aucune forme de tradition. »
Les Français absents
Côté français, le service a été réduit au minimum. Seul le général Nicolas Casanova, chef de la 2ème Brigade blindée (2e BB), a reçu la ministre à son arrivée à l’aéroport de Eintzeim et au quartier Leclerc. Mais il l’a fait surtout en « sa qualité de gouverneur militaire de Strasbourg ». D’ailleurs, la visite de la ministre n’a pas été annoncée par les responsables de presse français. Les médias français se comptaient à peine sur les doigts d’une main. En revanche, côté allemand, une bonne dizaine de télévisions et une quinzaine de journalistes dont certains arrivés dans l’avion de la ministre étaient présents.
(Leonor Hubaut)
(B2) Le patrouilleur de haute mer commandant Blaison (F-793) a pris le relais du Commandant Birot (F-796) dans l’opération Sophia en Méditerranée (EUNAVFOR Med). Tous deux sont des avisos de type A 69 de la classe d’Estienne d’Orves.