Agrégateur de flux

Tahoua, à mi-chemin entre Niamey et Agadez? On a parlé de cette localité du Niger à deux reprises en octobre. D'abord parce que c'est dans cette région qu'a eu lieu, au début du mois, une attaque contre des forces de sécurité nigériennes. Bilan: 22 morts. Les victimes étaient 14 gardes, 5 gendarmes et 3 militaires, abattus par des hommes armés non identifiés.

Puis, c'est un travailleur humanitaire américain, Jeffery Woodke, qui a été enlevé. Le rapt a eu lieu le 14 octobre à Abalak, une préfecture de la région de Tahoua, à 635 km au nord-est de Niamey.

Le secteur est à l'évidence remuant. Est-ce la raison qui pousse la DLA américaine à vouloir s'y faire livrer, au cours des septe prochains mois, près de 160 000 litres de gazole?

Selon un appel d'offres du 14 décembre, la Defense Logistics Agency a besoin de 42 000 gallons de carburant (soit 159 000 litres).

"DLA Energy is seeking price quotes for a total of 42,00 USG of #2 Diesel Fuel, DF2 for delivery to Tahoua, NIGER (West Africa) for a period of seven (7) months beginning on 23 DECEMBER 2016 or as soon as possible", précise l'avis.

Pour qui et pourquoi? Rien dans les documents de la DLA n'indique le destinataire final de ce carburant pour véhicules. L'armée nigérienne? Des forces US déployées temporairement dans ce secteur? Ou tout simplement pour une "station-service" entre Niamey et Agadez, ville où les travaux d'installation d'infrastructures US se poursuivent sur la BA 201. Voir mon post ici.

„Készítsétek az Úr útját, egyengessétek ösvényeit.”
Mt 3,3

Mire felkapom a fejem, mire észbe kapok, már a legtöbb település, a legtöbb város karácsonyi díszekben pompázik, a városok főterein karácsonyi dallam hallható. A piacterek közelében megjelennek az árusok, akik a legújabb, legdivatosabb karácsonyi díszeket, a legfinomabb szaloncukrokat kínálják az embereknek. Ha jól belegondolunk, napjainkban már az üzleti világ kövezi ki a karácsonyhoz vezető utat. Kényelmes világban élünk. Mindenünk megvan, vagy mindent megvehetünk, ami a családunk számára „tökéletessé” varázsolhatja a karácsonyt.

Az igazi értéke, az igazi jelentősége ennek az ünnepnek valahogy háttérbe szorul. Pedig nem egy aprócska ajándék adatik nekünk. Az az Isten, aki a saját akaratából, az ő saját szeretetéből teremtett meg minket, elküldi egyszülött Fiát, Jézus Krisztust „hogy benne nyerjen áldást minden nemzedék”. A szeretet miatt születik a világra, hogy megváltson bennünket a bűnös életünktől. Azt kell megértenünk, hogy nem attól válik a szeretet ünnepévé a karácsony, ha minden egyes családtagomnak ajándékot veszek. Az Isten szeretetét nem lehet pénzen megvenni, az Isten szeretetét tiszta szívvel lehet csak elfogadni. Ha veszem a fáradságot és kitakarítom a portámat, a házamat, akkor mennyire inkább szükség van a lelkem megtisztítására. Ha vendégeket fogadunk a hajlékunkba, minden erőnkkel azon vagyunk, hogy egy tiszta szobába ültessük le őket. Isten vendégségbe érkezik hozzám karácsony szent ünnepén. Rengeteg időm van még átgondolni, hol szeretném fogadni a Megváltómat. Az advent, a készülődés időszaka erre ad lehetőséget. Készítsem az Úr útját, egyengessem az ő ösvényeit!

Petrás László
görögkatolikus papnövendék

Russian PK Machine Gun

Szombaton napközben még úgy tűnt, megállapodtak a harcoló felek, de kiderült, mégis vita van – állítólag ezúttal Irán blokkolja az ellenzéki fegyveresek és civilek elszállítását. Továbbra is rendkívül képlékeny a helyzet, sorra érkeznek az egymásnak ellentmondó nyilatkozatok. Lehetetlen megmondani, hogy mikor folytatódhat Kelet-Aleppó kiürítése.

A szír hadsereg által irányított buszok várakoztak az Aleppó nyugati-szélén található katonai ellenőrzőpontnál, Idlíb tartományba, a felkelők által körülzárt két siíta faluhoz indultak volna. A településeken becslések szerint mintegy 20 ezren ragadtak. A damaszkuszi kormány úgy egyezett meg a lázadókkal, hogy kimenekítésükért cserébe szabad eltávozást biztosítanak Kelet-Aleppóból.

A rommá lőtt városrész szervezett kiürítését pénteken azonban a hadsereg felfüggesztette. Úgy tudni azért, mert a lázadók nem teljesítették az alku rájuk eső részét. A kormányerők és a felkelők emellett kölcsönösen a tűzszünet megsértésével vádolták meg egymást.

A harcban álló feleknek azóta újra sikerült megegyezniük, és a korábbiak mellett még két másik felkelők-uralta város kiürítése is megkezdődhet.

Kelet-Aleppó utolsó, lázadók ellenőrizte részén becslések szerint még több tízezren várják kimentésüket. Helyi beszámolók szerint a civilek fagyoskodnak és éheznek. Az UNICEF szerint több száz veszélyeztetett gyermek van köztük, akik betegek, sebesültek vagy az összecsapásokban elvesztették szüleiket.

Közben néhány ezren tüntetnek egy szír határ menti török városban, hogy szolidaritásukat fejezzék ki az aleppóikkal.

Berlinben a német parlament előtt is több százan demonstráltak az aleppói hadműveletek beszüntetését követelve.

Ban Ki Mun leköszönő ENSZ főtitkár utolsó sajtótájékoztatóján keményen bírálta a nemzetközi közösséget, amiért már öt éve nem találnak megoldást a szíriai konfliktus békés rendezésére. A szíriai mészárlás egy tátongó seb a világ lelkiismeretén – mondta a leköszönő főtitkár. Aleppó mára a pokol szinonimájává vált – tette hozzá.

Barack Obama távozó amerikai elnök közben kitartott amellett, hogy jó döntés volt nem beavatkozni a polgárháborúba. Szerinte kizárólag a szír kormányzat és szövetségesei – Irán és Oroszország felelős a kegyetlenségekért. Az elnök szerint szándékosan körülzárják, ostromolják és kiéheztetik az ártatlan civileket. Egész negyedeket tettek a földdel egyenlővé – jelentette ki Barack Obama, hozzáfűzte, ezek mind szörnyű nemzetközi jogsértések.

Az ENSZ Biztonsági Tanácsa vasárnap szavaz egy francia javaslatról, hogy a világszervezet nemzetközi megfigyelőket küldjön Aleppóba.

Le film At the Border poursuit sa tournée des festivals. Prochaines dates :
Bulgaria : 15th-18th December 2016, Sofia, Balkans Beyond Borders Film Fest, Kino Vlaykova. (http://www.balkansbeyondborders.eu/)
Serbia : 15th-18th December 2016, Niš, FreeNetWorld International Film Festival

/ Dans les Balkans

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) this week condemned the arrest of several Sudanese human rights defenders and urged Khartoum to free them.

Chairman of the Sudan Social Development Organization (SUDO) Mudawi Ibrahim Adam (www.democracyandsecurity.org)

Nearly two weeks ago the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) arrested a Khartoum University Professor Mudawi Ibrahim Adam, his driver Adam El-Sheikh, and Akram Ahmed another rights activist repeatedly harassed by the security agent.

Adam's was arrested on 7 December after a first three-day protest from 27 to 29 November and before a call for a second general strike on 19 December.

"The Special Rapporteur notes that the constant arrests and detention of human rights defenders by security forces of the Republic of The Sudan is a tactic used by the Sudanese authorities to obstruct the work of human right defenders and activist, in their promotion and protection of human rights," said the ACHPR in a statement issued on 13 but extended to the ST on Saturday.

The rapporteur further condemned the detention of Sudanese human rights defenders and called on the government to "provide clarification" over the arrest of the three defenders to the ACHPR which is a quasi-judicial body established by the African Union to promote and protect human rights.

The "Immediately release all human rights defenders arbitrarily arrested and to refrain from repeatedly summoning, questioning and detaining human rights defenders; including Dr Mudawi Ibrahim Adam and Mr. Akram Ahmed," stressed the statement .

Sudan is a signatory of African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights since 1982, accordingly it has the obligations to guarantee fundamental rights including the right to "liberty and security of the person and to be protected from arbitrary arrests and detention; the rights to freedom of association, assembly and expression".

Following the announcement of a new austerity plan increasing fuel and electricity prices last November, NISS arrested over 40 opposition figures and activists to prevent protests against these measures.

(ST)

Árpási Botond írása

Öt afrikai ország jelentette be, hogy az európai olajvállalatok és exportőrök erősen szennyező üzemanyagainak behozatalát korlátozó intézkedéseket fognak életbe léptetni, számol be a Guardian. A cikk szerint svájci alapanyag-kereskedőket vádoltak meg egy szeptemberben közreadott jelentés kapcsán, mely a nyugat-afrikai államokba történő, az európai sztenderdeknél akár százszor több ként tartalmazó üzemanyag-exportról szólt.

Káposztát akár otthon, házilag is savanyíthatunk, és kiváló vitaminforrás a hideg időben. El sem hinné, mennyi érv szól a fogyasztása mellett!

A káposztának több fajtája honos és felhasználása is igen sokrétű. Eredendően a mediterrán vidékről származik, az Atlanti-óceán és a Földközi-tenger térségéből. Már az ősi egyiptomiak és a görögök is értékelték, mint tápláléknövényt. A görögök és a rómaiak nem csak étkezési növénynek tartották a káposztát, hanem úgy gondolták, hogy véd a részegség ellen is.

Hogyan építi egészségünket?
Gazdag C- és A-provitaminban, rostokban, ásványi sókban, valamint magas B9-vitamin-tartalma. Kevés kalóriát tartalmaz. 200 gramm káposzta háromszor annyi C-vitamint tartalmaz, mint egy közepes narancs, ezért mindenképpen érdemes rendszeresen fogyasztani belőle, főként a téli időszakban.

Magas C- és A-provitamin tartalmának köszönhetően méregtelenítő hatású és nagy szerepet tölt be a daganatos megbetegedések megelőzésében. Elősegíti az emésztést, rendszeres fogyasztásával a szorulás is elkerülhető. B9-vitamin-tartalmának köszönhetően segít a vérszegénység gyógyításában. Nagy mennyiségben fogyasztva viszont megzavarhatja a pajzsmirigy működését.

Külsőleg is használható
A káposzta levét a népgyógyászatban külsőleg is használják. Megfázás esetén a mellkasra tesznek belőle, hólyaggyulladás esetén pedig a hasra. Jól alkalmazható pattanás, herpesz, csípés, harapás enyhítésére, kezelésére is.

Elkészítése
A káposzták közül a leggyakrabban használt fajta a fejes káposzta, a kelkáposzta és a lilakáposzta. Salátákhoz leginkább a fejes- és a lilakáposzta illik, a kelkáposzta kiváló főzelékekhez, levesekhez és tölteni is. A lilakáposzta sokszor megjelenik a vadhúsok, liba- és kacsasültek mellett is, mint párolt köret. Mindegyik fajta jól pirítható wokban is, a téli időszakra savanyított formában tehetjük el.

A káposzta kiváló téli alapanyag. Sokáig eltartható és vitamintartalmát is jó ideig megőrzi. Vásárláskor mindig figyeljünk arra, hogy ne legyen rothad a torzsája körül, levelei pedig épek legyenek, és harsány színűek.

Támrendszeres művelésnél vegyük figyelmébe a jelentős költségtöbbletet, mely a kialakításkor és a fenntartási költségekben jelentkezik. Ilyen technológiával termésből is többre számítsunk. Támrendszer nélküli termesztésnél a költségek mérsékeltek ugyan, de a termésátlag elmarad az intenzív lugasos termesztésétől.

Alma- és körtefajták termete (habitusa)
Telepítés előtt el kell döntenünk, hogy a támrendszeres vagy a támrendszer nélküli termesztést választjuk. A döntést erősen befolyásolja a fajtaválasztás, minden fajtakörnek megvan a sajátos habitusa, mely genetikailag kódolt fajtabélyeg. A habitustípusnak megfelelően nevelhetjük ki a koronaformákat.

Az almafák például csúcsirányba, oldalra, nagy szög alatt növekvő vagy lehajló koronát nevelnek. A termetet természetesen metszéssel befolyásolni, módosítani tudjuk, viszont a természettel nehéz (költséges) küzdeni. Ezért is fontos alaposan megválasztani a termesztendő fajtát. Támrendszerre olyat válasszunk, mely alkalmas erre a művelési módra. Támrendszer nélküli művelés esetében viszont kerüljük a kistermetű, gyenge növekedésű, sekélyen gyökeresedő fajtákat.

Almafajták habitustípusa
1. Oszlopos fajták („O”): csúcsi növekedésűek, támrendszert, metszést nem igényelnek, habár támrendszeres termesztésben sokkal nagyobb termésmennyiséget érhetünk el. Nagy hátrányuk, hogy hajlamosak az alternanciára – nem egyenletes a termésük, egyik évben sokat, a másikban keveset teremnek. Ezeket a fajtákat nem célszerű nagy ültetvényekben használni, mert nem jövedelmezőek. Főként balkonfának, családi kertben terjedtek el. Ilyen fajták például a Telamon, Ballerina.
2. Spur típusú fajták („S”): kúpszerű oldalágakat, alsó, erős elágazásokat fejlesztenek. A termővesszők rövidek, ami kisebb törési hajlamot von maga után. Támrendszer nélkül jól termeszthetők, mivel a fa erős vázágakkal rendelkezik. Ilyen fajták a Redspur Delicious, Wellspur Delicious, Golden Spur.
3. A Téli aranyparmen típusú fajták („T”): tipikus sudaras korona, melyhez a fő vázágak ízesülnek. Két-, akár hároméves részeken terem. Alkalmas a támrendszer nélküli művelésre, viszont főként támrendszeres művelésben termesztik. Ilyen fajták a Red Delicious, Gloster.
4. A „standard Golden” típusú fajták („G”): a sudár dominál, orsókoronaforma nevelésére ideális fajták (akár szuper orsókorona is nevelhető). A sudáron sok kicsi termőrész található, tehát biztonságosan és igen bőven termők. Támrendszer nélkül nem termeszthetőek. Ilyen fajták a Jonathan klónok, Idared, Golden Delicious klónok (főként a modern fajták).
5. A végen termő típusú fajták („V”): a korona alsó részén gyenge elágazású ágakat növeszt, gyenge elágazódás jellemzi. A termőrész a fa külső részére szorul. Metszés nélkül gazdaságosan nem termeszthető. Támrendszeres vagy támrendszer nélküli művelésre is alkalmas. Ilyen fajták a Red Rome klónok, Grenny Smith.

Körtefajták habitustípusai
A körte habitusa teljes mértékben az alanyoktól és a metszéstechnológiától függ.
• Vadkörte alanyokon a körte erős növekedésű, nehéz kordában tartani. Az ilyen fák termésüket a háromévesnél idősebb részeken hozzák, támrendszer nélkül is könnyen termeszthetőek. Ilyen fajták a Vilmos, Packham’s Triumph, Clapp kedveltje, Conference, Bosc kobak.
• Birs alanyokon a körte korán termőre fordul, de gyengén növekvő, kis gyökérzetű csemeték nevelhetők, melyek csak támrendszerrel termeszthetőek.

Ezeket a habitustípusokat szem előtt tartva válaszuk meg, hogy támrendszerrel vagy anélkül vágunk bele a termesztésbe. Mikor kiválasztottuk a habitus típusát, akkor az adott típuson belül választhatjuk ki a megfelelő fajtákat. A fajták közül azokat válasszuk, melyek termései a legpiacosabbak, maguk a növények pedig lehetőleg öntermékenyülők, vagy megfelelően keresztbeporzók.

Molnár Ádám

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - U.S. government on Friday has expressed concern over Sudan's government “threatening rhetoric” and the crackdown on media in response to calls by Sudanese civil society for civil disobedience.

NISS has recently intensified crackdown on newspapers for publishing news reports and articles on the nationwide civil disobedience act which took place between 27 and 29 November. During the last three weeks, it seized copies of various dailies 23 times.

Also, in his address before a crowd in Sudan's eastern city of Kassala last Monday, Sudanese President Omer al-Bashir threatened to use force against opposition and challenged them to take to the streets if they want to topple his regime.

It is noteworthy that Sudanese activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a second civil disobedience action on December 19th to protest recent austerity measures.

Several opposition forces and armed groups expressed support for the general strike and called upon their affiliates to play an active role to ensure its success.

In a press statement on Friday, U.S. States Department spokesperson Mark Toner urged Sudan's government to “respond to protesters with restraint, and encourage Sudanese authorities to take all necessary steps to allow citizens to exercise their right to freedom of expression”.

The statement reiterated Washington's concern “about the detention, apparently without charge, of a number of opposition political leaders and human rights advocates”, urging the government “to stop seizing newspapers and engaging in other forms of censorship of those who report on, or express, political views”.

Following the government decision to raise fuel and electricity price on November 3rd, the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS) launched a large arrest campaign and detained more than 40 opposition figures from the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP) , National Umma Party (NUP), Sudanese Communist Party (SCP), Arab Ba'ath Party, National Alliance Forces (NAF) as well as civil society activists and journalists.

Meanwhile, Sudan's Foreign Ministry has described the U.S. States Department's statement as “inaccurate and unobjective” stressing his government's keenness to maintain security and preserve lives and property of citizens.

In statement released Saturday, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Gharib Allah Khidir said Sudan's constitution guarantees freedom of association, expression and publication in accordance with the laws in force.

“There are more than eighty political parties and twenty daily newspapers that reflect the intellectual and political diversity in the country,” he said.

He pointed to the positive atmosphere witnessed by the political arena, saying the implementation of the national dialogue outcome would help achieve sustainable development and the peaceful transfer of power.

(ST)

Újabb fordulat állt be a november 25-én rejtélyes körülmények között eltűnt 15 éves zentai Vitéz Barbara ügyében.

How can the alternative media be strengthened and sustainably harnessed?

By Mohamed S. M. Yassin

Sudan is a conflict-affected and protracted crises reality where the media is facing enormous challenges, constraints and soft process of polarization. The Media under the regime of Sudan is progressively undergoing a process of securitization and adopting sophisticated numbing tactics and modalities. Freedom of expression in Sudan is twisted by a Sudanese apartheid regime, directly governing the state for almost three decades during which most of the independent media operated and replaced, displaced or forced to silence. The Regime is aggressively conducting and implementing a sort of empowerment policies for those who share or inline with its Islamo-Arabization orientation and disempowerment of all those who are rejecting this so-denominated civilization project in all the media outlets, read, listened and seen and recently trying to expand its cultural oppression to the digital media domain as well. Sudanese communities are excluded, numbed and deprived from the right to have free information and diversity of media outlets as a fundamental right of expression and assembly. Therefore, a community media as an alternative media strengthening and support mechanisms in the Sudanese protracted crises and conflict-affected territories is an imperative necessity for this dire reality. In today's world and with special emphasis on dilapidated Sudanese contemporary and in the context of the continuous struggle, there is enough knowledge but little courage to address chronic and complex challenges especially in the Media fronts, though there are encouraging signals of mobilization to break the silence and win the fear. Thus, there are attempts of thinking in identifying, selecting and implementing paradigm shifts from the conventional elite media and knowledge sharing to community media, knowledge and experience sharing at large including the average citizen, and furthermore, from State-monopolized media to community-managed media as a necessity and likely basic need for the Sudanese numbed communities. The tyrannical regimes prevailing in Sudan is erecting every possible constraining barriers and denying the access of media houses to that territories targeted by their discriminative, sophisticated modern local apartheid, scorched earth policies and at the same time practicing horrible numbing on its population. This regime has the complete State-owned or para-statal Media monopoly and absolutely do not allow any transmission of whatsoever informative news unless it undergo through rigorous control, often if not always done through dedicated security apparatus. Logically, this gloomy situation necessitates rapid and concrete actions and interventions, in particular additional and alternative media to silence-break and inform a wider public about those inhuman circumstances. Therefore, ad hoc concrete, consistent, constructive and coordinated alternative media strengthening and supportive mechanisms should be put in place to scale-up the existing fragmented and scattered local Sudanese traditional and innovative media agencies serving the local communities. New media supportive and strengthening services can be realized through web-based media tools such as web-radio, web-based TV, as well as Media Networking Smart Mechanisms. This is also possible and obtainable following innovative partnering modality. Shared visionary media projects and programs can be identified, implemented, maintained and sustained with minimum financial and economic costs and maximum social and cultural benefits for the potential partnering stakeholders. For these motivations multi-player projects, programs can be suggested in a shifting and evolving vision of media knowledge and experience sharing. Thus, participated media support projects and programs should prioritise to be SMART, simple, miserable, actionable, result-based, and time-bounded. The principal requirements for the success and sustainability of relative and relevant proposals can be identified in hard and soft infrastructures frameworks in addition to the voluntary human resource and political will. The inter-university international cooperation and community solidarity for development, among other actors can play major and proactive role in the Sudanese transformational shifts, change and beyond.

As already known, for decades and decades in the African continent and in particular in Sudan prior to its political split, and even till today people have been living in dire humanitarian situations under the eyes and conscious of the entire world except for the Numbed Sudanese themselves. The armed conflicts and successive civil wars have reduced some Sudanese communities to the limits, especially in the deprived areas. The combined marginalization and oppression witnessed are aggravating factors especially in situation of absent, silent or silenced media. Currently, many Sudanese territories are hardly accessible and completely isolated from the media world for diversity of reasons and constraints.

Even the humanitarian organizations are not allowed to denounce and voice out the deteriorating and dire situations in terms of food and nutrition insecurity, absence of reliable education structures and systems, complete lack of sanitary and health infrastructure, resource grabbing, money laundering, green-washing, social and environmental injustice and exclusion, poor governance mechanisms, not to talk about the tragic daily aerial bombardment causing massive displacements towards all the domestic and neighbouring countries, continental and intercontinental mass migration and exodus.

Especially, in the marginalized and impoverished territories, in urban slums, rural dwells, peripheral rural-urban outskirts, refugee's camps as well as reaching the populations under siege in the caves, wondering in the bush, forests, mountains and valleys. An impelling media hard and soft infrastructures are needed to be a disseminative base for just peace, social justice and cohesion, rule of law, respect of universal human rights, democratic transformation and smooth transition from warring mentalities to peaceful and co-liveable spirits, and above all human dignity restitution. The innovative social digital media and ICT can assist in that prospective and would play a proactive role in the service of the Sudanese communities and within the continent and around the globe. To address this challenging reality, there is a need to identify, suggest and implement practical solutions to this problematic scenario, considering the context specificity of the deteriorating Sudan.

Alternative media have historically been a central force in social change. However, they do not uniformly subvert the hierarchies of access that have always been fundamental to mainstream media. In fact, the media or journalistic norms and routines have always drawn on the professional standards of the mainstream. The perception of 'mainstream' and 'alternative' as a misconception arguing that they have always existed on the same continuum and continue to converge [1]. In conflict-borne realities, alternative activist and community-managed media can play the role of the mainstream conventional media and the digital revolution is paving the pathways to the attainment and accomplishment of this affinity.

Media is related to different communication typologies, for instance, in scientific communications, communicating to the public involve three main groups of actors (scientist, journalist and the public) [2]. Likewise, in isolated conflict-affected areas, the communication mainly involves politicians (militarized or civil), ITC professionals and the dynamic public (communities). Media is a medium for the human development structuring, conduction and performance maintenance. As long as the human development is a process of enlarging people's choices—as they acquire more capabilities and enjoy more opportunities to use those capabilities to enhance well-being. Media is entrusted to inform the persons about the essence of the human development and that it their development implies that people are not only beneficiaries of development, but must influence the process that shapes their lives. Media is entrusted to inform and form the collective conscious about the rights to development in social, environmental and economic dimension, and importantly that in all this, economic growth is an important means to human development, but not the goal as there is no automatic link between economic growth and human development. In today's world, the Media is shouldered by more responsibilities of surpassing the limits of not only informing and influencing but to providing elements of information rights and ownership.

Some consideration and appreciation also should be spent on the role of the International Media present in Sudan, though some of them are donor-driven media, who sometimes reports on the Sudanese dire reality, while keeping low profiles and sometimes being anodyne in their reporting or operation in consideration of not to be expelled. International media correspondents suffer a lot in getting their permission or license realized and renewed, and in many times they are denied the free movement within the country, which is a typical regime blackmailing and corrupted tactics.

In Sudan, there is complex dilemma of lack of peace, security, and stability associated with a participated sustainable development and appropriate governance aggravated by lack of deliberative democracy and respect of the basic and fundamental human rights. The government is calling for peace while at the same time contradicting itself by igniting wars against its own populations. Calling and imposing securitized cordon on itself while its security apparatus is jeopardizing the security of its opponents by jailing and sending them to pseudo-voluntary exile or at least neutralizing or silencing them through fear and terror. The regime is trading stability while destabilizing elsewhere. It is pretending democracy through falsified electorate and buying and selling supportive pseudo-opponents. It is deceiving the governance system through decorative figures entrusted to reflect an apparent diversity and participation in the governance mechanisms. Arrogantly and falsely defending the human rights while filling its jails, detention and torture centres with thousands and thousands of opponents and political rivals and rejecters to its injustice and barbaric assaults on public wealth and authority. It is evident that the regime is adapting and adopting oppressive tactics, strategies and deliberated policies of igniting and sustaining conflicts in the country to trade on it. Knowing that the conflict avails a disabling environment for the Sudanese who are calling for their rights in development and justice, but continue to deepen and widening it. For staying in that dilemma and limbo, it is exercising numbing and regime oriented propagandistic state-and para-statal media. Therefore, the alternative Media, especially the social and community based media, are vital for the Sudanese communities who are exposed to cultural transient and transformational environments and deserve to be included in enabling and empowering information technology and communication projects and programs, which will allow and enhance their capability expressions for full economical, social, political and cultural inclusion and participation in non deprivable developmental arena.

Departing from a previously published paper on the alternative media strengthening and support mechanism in African protracted crises and conflict-affected territories: can paradigm shifts assist and relief?, a paper presented by Mohamed Yassin and Renato Kizito and published in the proceedings of the III Congress of the Italian University network for development Universities (CUCS2013) held in Torin, Italy 19-21 September 2013. The theme was imagining cultures of cooperation: university networking to face the new development challenges. In our Sudanese case, we have not embarked in the old development process to indulge in the new development challenges, which are touching and affecting the Sudanese population. The Author is writing a discussion working paper on the role of the alternative media in Sudan and posing some questions on how can the alternative media be supported, enhances, strengthened, sustainably sustained to play its role.

Media knowledge sharing and education does not necessary travel hand in hand with the major Media Freedom and the wealth of the nations does not necessarily reflect media freedom and immunity from manipulations.

This introductory abstract and concepts are circulated to stakeholders for participation in answer the following questions. Answers could be sent written, orally registered, or through direct interviews and e-consultations or in a format of storytelling and experience sharing. The expected feedbacks will be elaborated and shared with public upon completion. The methodology to be adapted and adopted and followed for the extension of this discussion working paper is a blend of direct experience and observations of the Author, simple open-ended ad hoc questionnaire basing through e-consultation and posting in digital media outlets; and lastly but not least semi-structured interviews with privileged informants.

The direct experience of the author will be reported in a sort of story telling additional to others to be narrated by the other and engaged stakeholders, being from and living in protracted crises and conflict-affected territory in Sudan and neighbouring countries. Worth to mention that, the protracted crises and conflict-affected territories are characterized by the longevity and succession of crises, prevalence of aid flow and fragile economic and food and nutrition security status.

The questionnaire is composed of seven core compulsory questions and 2 optional enquiries. The core questions asked are the following:
1. What role can the alternative media play in Sudan?
2. Do you agree that the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media? If yes, please explain.
3. How can the Alternative Media be strengthened and sustainably supported?
4. How can the International Media engage with or assist in supporting the Sudanese Alternative Media?
5. How do you evaluate the Sudanese alternative media position in terms of ICT and e-learning specially in the context of the protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?
6. Do you agree that Media Knowledge and Experience sharing are effective in pushing towards major Mediatisation and Mass Communication Educational Scaling-up? If yes, please explain
7. Do you know any sort of innovative social Media, capacity building, ITC and or e-learning instrument applicable in protracted-crises and conflict-affected realities?

While the optional enquiries were:
8. What sort of improvement and/or inquiry can be added to the questionnaire provided?
9. Do you have any additional inquiry to add? If yes, what is it?

Other complimentary questions:
What are the requirements to create effective and efficient functional alternative media?
What are the potentials of the alternative media?
What type of professionalism is needed to create and support the alternative media?
What are the major missions of the writing, web-broadcasting, photo and video journalist?
Why are journalists frequently in marathon behind the authorities and reporting what they deem suitable, instead of adopting professionalism and non-biasness?
What are the reasons behind the under and misreporting?
Why do some journalists use their media power to shine or gloom rivals?
How to isolate the useless Media operators, and place the suitable person in the right positions?
Why does governments avail all the state Media apparatus only to the journalist expressing their mainstream lines?

Methodology:
The questionnaire will be sent to targeted stakeholders, and posted in the personal social media and web page related to the principal author and blogs of the participants. Respondent to the questionnaire have had sufficient but limited time to formulate their answers and sent it back. The responses are expected to be satisfactory enough, in particular from those who are active in the Alternative and Activist Media. Alternative and Activist New Media [3] could be a suitable outlet in protracted crises and conflict affected Sudanese realities.
While the semi-structured interviews will be conducted via skype (teleconference program) with expert journalists in the Diaspora, and if possible to carry it with another journalists in the war-affected areas in case of overcoming the logistical and security constraint.

The wider public in the social media (Personal Facebook and Twitter pages and You-tube of the Author) is expected to react to the questions with likes, shares and comments.
The time will be major constraint to collect many answers and revert backs. However, the will be told stories, returned questionnaires, and conductible interviews will be sufficient to address the themes put on the table for this e-consultation.
One of the shortcoming and limitation of the questionnaire is that it is formulated in English language, which might be difficult for some potential respondents, and if possible it will be translate that in local languages, however, the author does not have very limited time and means to carry that task.

Internet links to the event and author digital posting will be reported in the questionnaire [4].

Of course the Alternative Media is playing major roles than the conventional Media. Alternative media has proven to challenge existing powers, to represent marginalized groups, and to foster horizontal linkages among communities of interest. Its dimensions in this case we talk of its content, aesthetic, modes of production, modes of distribution, and audience relations has given the reality on the ground unlike what we consume from the mainstream media. The convectional media has been playing to the gallery of its commercial interest or the government manipulation without key interest of championing for the human rights. Communication scholar Robert W. McChesney [5], inspired in part by the work of Chomsky [6] and Herman [7], has linked the failures of the mainstream press primarily to corporate ownership, pro-corporate public policy, and the myth of "professional journalism." He has published extensively on the failures of the mainstream press, and advocates scholarship in the study of the political economy of the media, the growth of alternative media, and comprehensive media policy reforms.” Alternative media are important because they can reach everybody and can be used by everybody with minimal training, and in certain difficult conditions they can gather and disseminate information that the institutional media cannot or do not want to access.”

Actually, the alternative media has played great and influential role in transforming the society in North Africa and specially in contexts where there are oppressive regimes denying freedom of expression and basic and fundamental rights, access to media and gagging and harassing journalists. In realities such as Sudan, the number of Social Media users was very limited, but it is efficient and effective and used by activists inside and outside the country. Through the Social media and personal websites, the information become available even for users in very remote areas and villages, through the phones connected to satellite internet, digital remote webcams, and the world has become ever connected with that remote areas not like in the past. So any change or notable event become widely disseminated and diffused within no time and transmitted consequently. The current social mobilization, strikes, students uprising and protest, and civil disobedience the Sudanese are using the social Media in growing numbers and that will lead to a benchmark and critical momentum to accomplish an inspired change. But this process is an accumulative process and its impacts will need time and resources.

For instance, in Egypt, Tunis, and other aggressive and oppressive regimes, the youth gained and took advantage of the available social media and achieved and developed great communication capacities and led the wide public through that innovative instruments of the social media, so the social media constituted alternative media counter opposing the regimes mainstream conventional media. Despite of the close surveillance and controls by those authoritarian regimes, some external institutional arrangements assisted those youth and activists and through certain systems of codifications and creation of alternative nicknames and fantasy modalities, they managed to communicate effectively and timely. So, substantially, the alternative media is becoming popular and playing a role of the mainstream conventional areas and continue to do so and that will lead to tangible change in the Sudanese reality.

In Sudan Alternative Mass communication is essentially depending on the financial availability and support and willingness to build the capacities of the needy. For example, there are no means and instruments such as cameras, laboratories, training materials, to prepare capable medial professionals, furthermore, recently the universities have lost their spirit of conducing genuine preparations of their students, and limited the freedom of research and journalistic investigation, and by that the universities become only universities in names without much substances, eluding the students and wasting precious time and resources of the students. In the past the students used to prepare concrete projects and participate in the public awareness and social enlightening, combat the socially destructive habits such as the FGM, conducing scientific and practical tours to the remote areas and even to Europe, but the students are mobilized for ideological and religious governmental interests. Add to that the teachers are increasing leaving the country and migrating to the Arab countries in scandalous human resource grabbing, and those who remain are not sufficiently dedicated and less qualified to carry their mission.

Generally, the Alternative Media be strengthened and supported by:
a. Empowering the community to learn the skill of storytelling to increase the content of the alternative media.
b. Replacing the current libertarian media model with one that operates democratically, rather than for profit
c. Strengthening public service broadcasting
d. Incorporating the use of alternative media into a larger discourse
e. Increasing the role of citizen journalism
f. Turning a passive audience into active participants
g. Using mass media to promote democratic ideals
h. Training and popular education.
i. Training of trainers, in absence of pollicised governments, oppressive security and intelligence apparatus
j. Formation of small clubs and information points with a minimal technical support that with a minimal cost can be sources of knowledge and information.
k. Through direct donations
l. Building websites as platforms for alternative media outlets
m. Facilitate accessibility to the world wide web
n. Upload ready contributions
o. Enhance and encourage data and information collection and correspondence
p. Protect the activist by obscuring the physical locations
q. Diffuse songs, short stories, novels, news, photos
r. Train in the main journalistic capacities such as interviewing capacities, public opinion
collection, news gathering, journalistic investigation
s. Offering jobs in media houses and encourage popular journalism
t. Build capacities in photo and video journalism, Event organisation coverage
u. Research for original and historic cultural master pieces of song, poetry and heritage
v. Provision of useful electronic links
w. Moral support
x. Constructive criticism
y. Organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and
stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative Media domain.
z. ….
aa. Erect institutions to defend the alternative media and their defenders.

In summary, from the previous brief participatory action research, emerged that the Alternative Media is becoming more popular in protracted crises and conflict-affected territories, such as the current South Sudan. There are plenty and blended strengthening and supporting mechanism, and there are many ways of enhancing it through the International Inter-university cooperation and solidarity, which can play a proactive role in boosting such enabling pathways. As previously the participants in the mentioned paper on the alternative media recommend organization of workshops and symposium and constitution of panel of experts and stakeholders to deeply address that challenging and imperative media domain, still this proposal remain valid and urgent.

With the advancement and improvements in the ICT tools, some states and particularly the Regime in Sudan exploited these major technological and digital advancements in processes of control and monitory of activist and crackdown on the opponents' media outlets and social media personal pages. The regime has been investing in recruiting operators to discourage, distract and diverge opponents and erected what is called the electronic jihadist, but there is growing popular rejects and isolation of those operators nicknamed the “Electronic Hens”. Actually the alternative media stakeholders should think strategies to intervene electronically and remotely when the Regime blocks or slowdown the Internet connection. It is true that the improvements in the ICT has capacitated the Regime to control and monitor and the opponents to the regime sometime confiscating their tools, instruments, computers and obscuring some websites and practicing sophisticated censorship, however, also the advancement in the ITC has provided platforms to the counterpart to inflict victories over the regime and the regimes recent public discourse has provided evidence that the regime is fearing the alternative media too much and gathering resources to crackdown on it. The regime is working for the collapse of mainstream media of their opponents and by reducing its profitability through the augmentation of the production costs and post-production-confiscations and knowing that will result in greatly reduced budgets for news gathering and dumbing down across the sector, this is further worsened by the cost and complexity of trying to operate in places like the Sudan, which is considered by the Regime as their sole and exclusive territory.

Though the wide spread social media are covering wide spectrum of the Sudanese population, but still it is not covering a critical mass or reaching a benchmark to overweight the prevailing one. It has limited temporal and spatial coverage and the people are suffering limitation of resources and time-constraints to follow all what occurs in the social media. If we consider the Facebook, it has the limit of 5000 co-users or friends, but that might have the accumulative effect and impact considerable number of community members, especially when the messages or posts are shared in groups and groups of groups. Still the twitter is more effective and efficient in reaching wider number, but it has its limit in the telegraphic length of the message limiting it to 140 characters, we have also the Instagram and the YouTube Channels but that are not massively used. To increase the coverage, the alternative media should move better and up-scape and out-scale its reach. Media in the IDP and refugees camps is important and the experience of Nuba report, Aien and filmmakers are useful experiences and need to be taken as good practices, among others, which are capable in generating public opinion. Now the alternative media can restore to the live broadcasting and pre-registered voice or video messages, and that might be effective and efficient tool for mass communication through the alternative media outlets. The Sudanese social alternative media should pass from the individualism, regionalism, localism, social classes and other forms or socio-economic and geographic aggregations to the collectivism to reflect major representation and deliberative voices.

All in all, also Sudan is gradually embarking the post-factual digital economy and media with the new forms of social media replacing considered journalism, and the Sudanese Alternative media will progress and gain momentum even after the tyrannical regime change. Let us hope and work together so that the alternative media play its complementary or substitutive role in yielding the inspired comprehensive change, through genuine solidarity and for inclusive prosperity.

Department of Agro-food, Environmental and Animal Sciences (D4A), University of Udine, Italy,Personal e-mail: yassintowers@gmail.com

By Ban Ki-moon

This year marks the fifth anniversary of the world's newest country, South Sudan. I attended the 2011 independence celebrations in the capital city of Juba. Hopes were high that the long-suffering people of the oil-rich country would finally see the fruits of a peace dividend after a prolonged civil war. Instead, the people of South Sudan now face a more dismal anniversary. This week marks three years since the country plunged into fighting with a terrible and mounting toll.

Tens of thousands have been killed. The social fabric of South Sudan has been shattered. The economy is in ruins. Millions have been displaced from their homes. Hunger and poverty are rampant.

Today, more than 6 million people in South Sudan require life-saving aid. As the conflict intensifies, that number is rapidly growing. Meanwhile, restrictions imposed by the Government of South Sudan on the U.N. Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and humanitarian organizations continue to tighten.

The people of South Sudan held out hope after independence following decades of war. Yet their leaders bear the primary responsibility of betraying the people's trust and bringing the country to ruins and more misery.

President Salva Kiir has pursued an ethnically-based strategy to suppress dissent, muzzle the media, exclude significant South Sudanese actors in the peace process and unilaterally implement an agreement to reach elections. Fighting has now spread across the country.

At the same time, actions by South Sudanese leaders including Riek Machar and other armed opposition actors are intensifying the conflict and manipulating ethnicity for political gain.

The risk of these mass atrocities, which include recurring episodes of ethnic cleansing, escalating into possible genocide is all too real.

South Sudan WFP site looted

Yet while the people of South Sudan suffer, the Security Council and the region stand divided. This has merely allowed time to mobilize resources to continue the slaughter.

Given the scale of this disaster, the United Nations Security Council, regional organizations and the international community must step up to their responsibility. Key actors, such as former Malian president Alpha Oumar Konaré—the African Union High Representative for South Sudan—have made significant efforts. But we must all do more to end this crisis.

I have taken a number of decisions to improve the performance of UNMISS itself. Yet simply reinforcing this peacekeeping mission to better perform and protect civilians will not end the conflict. There must be a political solution.

This means there must be a cessation of hostilities, followed by a genuinely inclusive political process. If this does not happen immediately, the Security Council should impose an arms embargo and targeted sanctions to change the calculations of the parties and convince them to choose the path of peace.

In addition, accountability is crucial so that those responsible for these despicable crimes face justice—from the highest levels to the foot soldiers following orders.

Time is running out as the warring parties ready themselves for another vicious cycle of violence after the end of the rainy season. The responsibility for restoring an inclusive dialogue is squarely on all the leaders of the country.

If they fail, the international community, the region, and the Security Council in particular, must impose penalties on the leadership on both sides. We owe this to the people of South Sudan, who have suffered far too much, for far too long.

Ban Ki-moon is the outgoing U.N. Secretary-General. He will step down on December 31 and be replaced by António Guterres

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)- A South Sudanese rebel commander has dismissed as untrue allegations that they received guns from the United Nation Mission in South Sudan in the oil-rich Unity state, prior to the mid-December 2013 outbreak of civil war.

Arms and light weapons have been used by both warring parties in South Sudan to commit abuses (Photo courtesy of SSANSA)

In an interview with Sudan Tribune on Saturday, Gen. James Koang Chuol, denied any knowledge about alleged delivery of UN weapons to the opposition forces.

The said report, Choul stressed, also failed to mention how the guns were sent to the armed opposition territories, as it was earlier alleged.

The rebel official strongly denied allegations that their forces targeted and raped civilians in the Unity state capital, Bentiu after they recaptured the town from pro-government troops in April 2014.

“I would like to clarify that this report is not true. We haven't killed any civilians, not even a single civilian in Bentiu town. This is not true, it is a real fabrication of lies from those who have reported it”, he said.

Choul said when the fighting started in the heart of Juba on 15 December, 2013, he was at the time in charge of the fourth division headquarters in Unity state and that he protected all civilians.

The killing of civilians in the oil-rich Unity state, he further said, were carried out by the Justice for Equality Movement (JEM), a Sudanese rebel group operating in Sudan's western region of Darfur.

Sudan Tribune was unable to independently verify the rebel official's claims.

A senior United Nations official recently warned of possible genocide in the young nation, should the international community fail to address the ongoing conflict between South Sudan's warring factions.

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (KHARTOUM) - Sudan's opposition umbrella Sudan Call on Saturday has participated in a training workshop on conflict resolution organized by the Carter Center in Nairobi.

On 7 December, the Carter Center, on Wednesday, said a delegation of experts would conduct unofficial meetings with the Sudanese stakeholders to explore ways to bring peace in Sudan, pointing the meetings “are not part of the official mediation that the African Union is conducting, but rather supplemental, exploratory gatherings designed to begin to identify points of common ground among all key Sudanese parties”.

On Saturday, the Carter Center organized a training workshop for the opposition umbrella Sudan Call in Nairobi with the participation of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM-MM) led by Minni Minnawi, Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), National Umma Party (NUP), a splinter faction of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the Civil Society Initiative (CSI).

It is noteworthy that the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Movement/North (SPLM-N) boycotted the workshop, saying the movement decided to stop all political contacts with the regime.

In a statement extended to Sudan Tribune Saturday, the participants said the workshop focus was on conflict analysis and resolution, pointing they learnt about peacemaking and transitional justice experiences in various countries including South Africa, Philippines, Northern Ireland, Tunisia and Yemen.

According to the statement, the participants in the workshop included Mariam al-Mahdi from the NUP, Ali Trayo from SLM-MM, Ahmed Mohamed Tugud from the JEM, Al-Tom Hago from the DUP and Babiker Mohamed al-Hassan from the CSI.

Sudanese army has been fighting SPLM-N rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states since 2011 and several armed movements in Darfur since 2003.

The African Union has been seeking to end the conflicts for several years. However since last August the peace talks are deadlocked over cessation of hostilities and humanitarian access deals

CIVIL DISOPEDIENCE

Meanwhile, the participants in the Carter Center's training workshop have expressed support for the December 19th civil disobedience calling on the Sudanese to actively engage in the general strike.

Sudanese activists have launched a wide electronic campaign to mobilize the Sudanese to engage in a second civil disobedience action on December 19th to protest recent austerity measures.

The statement described the civil disobedience as the “appropriate means to confront the regime”, stressing the need to continue the general strike until the Sudanese people achieve their objective.

The participants further called on Sudan Call leadership office to hold an urgent meeting to follow the course of events during this crucial time of struggle against the tyrannical rule.

They also praised the brave stances of all political prisoners and hostages of war and called for their immediate release.

The Sudan Call, which was established in Addis Ababa on 3 December 2014, includes the NUP, the two factions of the rebel umbrella Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF), and the CSI.

Sudan Call internal groups include the Sudanese Congress Party (SCoP), Sudanese Baath Party (SBP), Center Alliance Party (CAP), Sudanese National Party (SNP) and Sudanese National Alliance (SNA).

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)-The Jieng (Dinka) Council of elders on Saturday denied reports claiming there was a possibility genocide could occur in South Sudan, equating such claims to another regime change strategy from "people with personal interests".

President Salva Kiir Kiir with members of the Dinka (JIENG) Council of Elders. Its chair Ambrose Riny Thiik apprears to his right (Photo: Larco Lomayat)

Joshua Dau, a leading member of the group, claimed the whole thing about claims of looming genocide is another strategy for regime change.

“They have re-branded the strategy by resorting to the old game of pitting the same people against their own in order to achieve their own objective. They were talking about targeted killings and when it was proven that nothing of sort was taking place, they changed their strategy and are all over claiming a possibility of a potential genocide and ethnic cleansing, which is not true," Dau told Sudan Tribune on Saturday.

"All this is an attempt to find a way to implement their regime change agenda," he added.

He claimed there were some South Sudanese leaders were spearheading regime change agenda on behalf of people whose prime objective is to destabilise the young nation.

“There are people who have forgotten their responsibility under the constitution to protect the country. They are only looking after their own interests and they are willing to give away the country any at price, including the loss of sovereignty, loss of the lives and properties of their own people. They are the people you find day and night running their mouths about the efforts of the council to end this senseless war and reconcile the country”, he explained.

He claimed the group of South Sudanese leaders being used to advance foreign agenda to advance their own interest , primarily to extract natural resources like oil, gold, copper, tin, zinc, cobalt, uranium and arable fertile land which they have failed to get under the administration of president Salva Kiir.

“The people of South Sudan should appreciate the council and the president of the republic for remaining steady fast to protecting the rights and sovereign”, he stressed.

(ST)

December 17, 2016 (JUBA)- South Sudan has cautiously welcomed the United Nations Security Council's decision extending the mandate of its mission in the country (UNMISS) until 15 December 2017.

Daniel Awet Akot (ST)

The new mandate will increase number of its troops from the existing 13,500 to 17,000 including the 4,000 regional intervention forces.

The core elements of the mission include “protection of civilians, monitoring and investigating human rights, creating the conditions conducive to the delivery of humanitarian assistance”, and “supporting the implementation of the agreement”.

It also authorized the Regional Protection Force to “protect routes in and out of Juba, take over the Juba International Airport and key infrastructures around Juba and fight any party that attacks or is ready to attack the UN, non-governmental organisations, their staffs and civilians, but it did not include arms embargo and targeted sanctions.

It remains unclear whether the government would accept to handover key infrastructure and installations to be under the control of the regional protection force as most officials initially expressed deep concern at the security situation in South Sudan and the possibility of an outright ethnic war.

Speaking during an interview on Saturday, the presidential advisor on military affairs said the government has not yet received any official briefing from the United Nations about the new mandate

“I have heard from the media yesterday of the renewal of the mandate of UNMISS (United Nations Mission in South Sudan) but we have not yet received an official briefing from the leadership of UNMISS here. May be this would be the work of the coming week”, Daniel Awet Akot told Sudan Tribune.

He expressed disappointment at the Council for what he described as the continued unilateral action on issues of peace and security without adequate consultations with the government and the African union.

“Issues about peace are supposed to be coordinated since the objective one. They are not supposed to be unilateral. The council should indeed work with the government to implement the peace agreement rather than using threats of sanctions and punishment. What is needed now is a positive and constructive agenda that included the return of security and stability”, he explained.

(ST)

Alicia Aylies, miss Guyane, âgée de 18 ans, a été élue Miss France 2017 parmi 30 prétendantes. Elle succède à Iris Mittenaere, une Lilloise de 23 ans, qui avait offert l'an dernier un doublé historique à la région des Hauts-de-France.

Le candidat à la primaire de la gauche dévoile les orientations de sa candidature dans « Le Parisien » de ce dimanche. Il envisage notamment de réformer l’Europe « aux forceps ».

De passage en Guadeloupe jusqu’à dimanche, l’ancien ministre de l’économie a multiplié les selfies et les poignées de main, tout en se gardant de faire trop de promesses.