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Publikationen des German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS)
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The global gateway in the Southern neighbourhood: the dilemma of investing in authoritarian MENA countries

mar, 12/03/2024 - 15:07

This policy brief discusses the Global Gateway investment programme launched by the EU to foster infrastructure projects connecting Europe with other parts of the world, particularly the Southern Neighbourhood. With an initial focus on generating €300 billion for investments by 2027, the programme aims to leverage the EU’s economic size and normative attractiveness to become a global power. However, it faces a dilemma when cooperating with authoritarian regimes in the MENA region, where autocrats have tightened control despite past hopes for democratic change. Although the Global Gateway isn’t designed as a democracy promotion tool, the EU hopes its investments will indirectly promote democratic standards. Partnering with authoritarian governments nevertheless poses long-term geostrategic risks. This brief highlights the challenges of balancing investment opportunities with the EU’s democratic values, especially in regions where autocracy prevails.

Improving gender-responsive innovation: adoption among smallholder farmers in Africa

mar, 12/03/2024 - 13:28

The development and adoption of innovations are important for economic growth, enhancing well-being and for a more sustainable management of land and natural resources. Globally, improvements in agricultural development have been achieved through the adoption of innovations targeting productivity, sustainability, resilience or product quality of farmers and other food system actors such as processors and consumers. The need to drive innovations among African smallholder farmers has never been more urgent. Africa has a  rapidly growing population, insufficient food production, high rural poverty and land degradation, which is exacerbated by climate and environmental changes and extreme weather events. Fostering new farming practices and innovation adoption among female and male  smallholder farmers, including marginalised groups requires addressing the economic, environmental and socio-cultural dimensions of development and contribute to social justice and gender equity. This is not a self-evident process as some innovations have contributed to adverse environmental or social effects, resulting in low adoption rates and unsuccessful scaling of innovations.

Transnational cooperation – an explorative collection

mar, 12/03/2024 - 12:59

The present collection of short papers is an experimental, explorative and introspective German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) project on international and transnational cooperation for development and sustainability. It is the product of internal brainstorming discussions at IDOS in mid-2022 that aspired to conduct a preliminary, exemplary mapping of the use of “transnational lenses” and their understandings across various work strands at the institute. This might lead to new questions in our work, or it might simply be an attempt to look at our topics of interest with a different perspective. 

Higher total energy costs strain elderly, especially low-income, across 31 developed countries

lun, 11/03/2024 - 22:12

Addressing the total energy cost burden of elderly people is essential for designing equitable and effective energy policies, especially in responding to energy crisis in an aging society. It is due to the double impact of energy price hikes on households—through direct impact on fuel bills and indirect impact on the prices of goods and services consumed. However, while examining the household energy cost burden of the elderly, their indirect energy consumption and associated cost burden remain poorly understood. This study quantifies and compares the direct and indirect energy footprints and associated total energy cost burdens for different age groups across 31 developed countries. It reveals that the elderly have larger per capita energy footprints, resulting from higher levels of both direct and indirect energy consumption compared with the younger age groups. More importantly, the elderly, especially the low-income elderly, have a higher total energy cost burden rate. As the share of elderly in the total population rapidly grows in these countries, the larger per capita energy footprint and associated cost burden rate of elderly people would make these aging countries more vulnerable in times of energy crises. It is therefore crucial to develop policies that aim to reduce energy consumption and costs, improve energy efficiency, and support low-income elderly populations. Such policies are necessary to reduce the vulnerability of these aging countries to the energy crisis.

Legitimacy challenges in inter- and transnational cooperation

lun, 11/03/2024 - 14:38

Inter- and transnational formats of cooperation are increasingly contested at a time when both are needed more than ever to address globally shared challenges. This paper focusses on the origins of contested legitimacy in inter- and transnational cooperation. Legitimacy is understood here not as a quality that an actor possesses or not, but one that results from social processes (see also Tallberg & Zürn, 2019). The paper introduces different formats for inter- and transnational cooperation. First, we show that despite an overall shift towards allowing more transnational actor participation in international decision-making, resistance against meaningful and comprehensive participation remains high among a substantial group of states. Also, among transnational actors themselves, questions concerning access and participation remain disputed. Second, the paper argues that different cooperation formats need to take into account the unequal capacities and capabilities of actors in a more extensive way. To enhance the legitimacy – and potentially also the effectiveness – of cooperation formats, these differences should be considered in institutional set-ups, facilitating not only participation but also real contribution. For this, more attention needs to be paid to the differences also among non-state actors, which are often classified according to their types but take different roles depending on the format of cooperation and the governance levels at which they operate.

60 Jahre Forschung, Politikberatung und Ausbildung am IDOS

lun, 11/03/2024 - 10:00

Bonn, 11. März 2024. Das German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) wurde am 2. März 1964 gegründet. Es war die Zeit, in der das deutsche Engagement in der internationalen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit der Gründung des Bundesministeriums für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung (BMZ) im Jahr 1961 an Fahrt aufnahm.

Das IDOS, damals noch unter dem Namen Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), wurde gegründet, um Hochschulabsolvent*innen für die Arbeit im neuen Feld der Entwicklungspolitik und Internationalen Zusammenarbeit vorzubereiten und die deutsche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit durch Forschung und Politikberatung zu unterstützen. Der erste Ausbildungskurs wurde am 27. April 1965 feierlich durch Bundespräsident Lübke und Bundesminister Scheel eröffnet.

Wir blicken zurück auf sechs Dekaden intensiven Forschens, Beratens, Ausbildens und gemeinsamen Lernens, immer mit dem Ziel, innovative und umsetzungsorientierte Lösungen für aktuelle Entwicklungsherausforderungen zu finden. Hierbei steht die Weiterentwicklung internationaler Kooperation im Kontext geopolitischer Verschiebungen im Fokus, aber auch die Ausgestaltung des klimastabilisierenden Umbaus von Wirtschafts- und Sozialsystemen, und die sozialgerechte und nachhaltige Integration von Ländern niedrigen und mittleren Einkommens in globale Wertschöpfungsketten. Wir forschen zu den Auswirkungen des Klimawandels und der Ausgestaltung von Politikinstrumenten zur Klimaanpassung oder der Kompensation von Klimaschäden und -Verlusten. Wir stellen Indizes zur Verfügung, mit denen multidimensionale und geschlechtsspezifische Armut oder staatliche Fragilität gemessen und Kooperationsinstrumente entsprechend überprüft werden können. Vor dem Hintergrund zunehmender sozialer Polarisierung und politischer Autokratisierung in Ländern aller Einkommensgruppen und auf allen Kontinenten arbeiten und beraten wir zu Politiken und Instrumenten für Demokratieschutz und -förderung.

Im September dieses Jahres freuen wir uns, den 60. Kurs unseres Postgraduierten-Programms zu begrüßen. Das Managing Global Governance (MGG) Programm mit Entscheidungsträger*innen von morgen aus Brasilien, China, Indien, Indonesien, Mexiko und Südafrika, befindet sich bereits im 18 Jahr. Zugleich startet in wenigen Wochen der vierte Kurs der Shaping Futures Academy, unseres Fortbildungs- und Dialogprogramms für Nachwuchsführungskräfte aus neun afrikanischen Ländern und Europa.

Unsere Umbenennung – aus dem Deutschen Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) wurde im Jahr 2022 das German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) – ist ein Zeichen für die Weiterentwicklung unseres Instituts, sowie für die Veränderung des Umfelds, in dem wir seit sechs Dekaden wissenschaftlich forschen, politische Akteure beraten und Nachwuchs- und Führungskräfte ausbilden. Das IDOS hat sich internationalisiert, sowohl hinsichtlich unseres Teams als auch unsere Arbeitsstile: Wir arbeiten in internationalen Partnernetzwerken, um mittels transformativer Forschung und Wissenskooperationen nachhaltige Zukünfte mit zu ermöglichen.  

Der Fokus unserer Arbeit liegt auf der Interdependenz und gegenseitigen Abhängigkeit von Entwicklung und Nachhaltigkeit. Menschenwürdiges Leben weltweit und für alle gesellschaftlichen Gruppen ist heute und insbesondere in Zukunft nur möglich, wenn planetare Leitplanken eingehalten werden, wenn also wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklung mit dem Schutz biologischer Vielfalt, sauberer Böden und Meere und einer radikalen Reduktion klimaschädlicher Emissionen einhergeht. Hierfür ist die Gestaltung nachhaltiger Entwicklungspfade in Ländern aller Einkommensgruppen, aber mit gezielter Förderung in Niedrig- und Mitteleinkommensländern, notwendig. Es bedarf einer regelbasierten internationalen Ordnung unter Anerkennung der Menschenrechte und des Internationalen Völkerrechts und konstruktiver multilateraler Kooperation auch in einer multipolaren Welt.

Es ist unser Anspruch, auch in Zukunft und vor dem Hintergrund voranschreitenden Klimawandels und Artensterbens, sozialer Polarisierung und politischer Autokratisierung, demographischer Umverteilung und geopolitischer Spannungen, durch Forschung, Nachwuchsförderung für Wissenschaft und Praxis, Politikberatung und transregionale Wissenskooperation die zunehmend multipolar geprägte Welt konstruktiv und kooperativ zu gestalten und gemeinsam nachhaltige und sozialgerechte Zukünfte zu ermöglichen. Hierfür müssen wir uns als international orientiertes Forschungsinstitut und Think Tank stets weiterentwickeln.

Es ist somit unabdingbar, koloniale und hegemoniale Kontinuitäten zwischen und innerhalb von Gesellschaften und Regionen zu erkennen und aufzubrechen. Es gilt, Forschungsagenden gemeinsam mit Partnern zu entwerfen und umzusetzen, strukturelle Machtungleichgewichte zu erkennen und kontext-spezifische und immer wieder gesellschaftliche Kompromisse ermöglichende Formen der Umverteilung zu entwickeln. Dies ist unser Beitrag, um Entscheidungsträger*innen in Deutschland, Europa und weltweit in der Gestaltung von nachhaltigen Zukünften zu unterstützen. Politikberatung begreifen wir nicht als einseitigen Wissenstransfer, sondern als die Ermöglichung gemeinsamer Lernprozesse, auch gemeinsam mit unseren internationalen Wissenschaftspartner*innen.

Unabhängige, transformative und kollaborative Wissenschaft ist gerade vor dem Hintergrund geopolitischer Spannungen und populistischer Tendenzen notwendiger denn je, um tragfähige Lösungen für die globalen Herausforderungen unserer Zeit zu entwickeln. Hierfür stehen wir als IDOS: für nachhaltige Zukünfte in einer von transregionalen Spannungen geprägten Welt.  

Transnational and transdisciplinary knowledge networks as a tool to foster cooperation: how to unfold transformative potential through investing in alumni network development

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:56

Networks are becoming more important as a tool to facilitate the cooperation of like-minded actors in increasingly complex settings, within and beyond borders as well as between and across scales. Transnational and transdisciplinary knowledge  networks can provide a structure that enables cooperation and offers promises of flexibility and adaptability. This paper focusses on transnational and transdisciplinary knowledge networks formed by alumni – people who have engaged in collective  learning experiences. The paper shares five lessons on how multi-stakeholder interactions in transnational networks can be fostered to unfold transformative potential and create societal impact. From a network member’s perspective, the network  needs to be relevant to the current stage of his or her professional life – while also contributing to the greater common good that the respective group is aiming for. Investing in trust, a shared vision and values as well as providing structures of self-organisation are especially effective instruments for increasing cooperation to work on complex challenges.

The role of training and dialogue formats for transnational cooperation

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:52

The world faces major and interrelated challenges, with crises occurring at increasing speed and intensity. At the same time, the architecture to develop effective global responses is weak. One way to foster conducive conditions for transnational  cooperation is to qualify change makers from diverse national and sectoral backgrounds and to provide them transnational spaces for dialogue and exchange. The German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS) runs two international formats that provide such spaces and networks for dialogue: the Shaping Futures - African-European Network on Development and Sustainability (Shaping Futures) and Managing Global Governance (MGG), both featuring an Academy as their core element.

From individual to systemic impact: transnational networks and the meso-level of change

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:49

Transnational networks can play a crucial role in tackling complex challenges in sustainability transformations at political, societal and technical levels (Göpel, 2016; WBGU, 2011). Monkelbaan (2019, p. 36) frames them as “informal institutions linking actors across national boundaries and involving various aspects of global governance in new and informal ways”, referring to Wessel (2011).27 The scope, depth and urgency of the necessary transformations ahead of us easily leads to a sense of  individual inefficacy: “The systems” seem too all-encompassing for any single individual to make a difference. However, this perspective might underestimate the role of individuals at a meso level of system change in transnational networks. Exploring  the mechanisms of cooperation in these networks and the paradigms defining their goals can help us understand their potential impact for political and societal transformation.

Who owns the outcomes of transnational science and technology cooperation: reflections about German-Indonesian cooperation on the tsunami warning system

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:46

Transnational cooperation in the science and technology domain has been an integral part of global society. From the times when humans developed artefacts in the prehistoric age to colonialisation practices, the World Wars and beyond, and from  managing global health issues to addressing regional and global natural disasters, science and technology are inherent parts of global change and exchanges. Cooperation in the science and technology domain requires its own forms and frameworks of exchange and circumstances. Entanglements are equally political and complex because they are outcomes of power asymmetries. This paper reflects on a case study on German-Indonesian transnational cooperation in the domain of science and technology, namely the German-Indonesian Tsunami Early Warning System Project (GITEWS).

Coping with power asymmetries in transnational mutual learning and dialogue formats

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:42

This paper discusses the importance of acknowledging power asymmetries in transnational (knowledge) cooperation and exchange. The authors explore different forms of power and the challenges of tackling power imbalances while working in  cooperation between diverse actors. They argue that new and more reflective approaches to transnational (knowledge) cooperation are necessary. The authors then discuss how power inequalities are addressed in the Managing Global Governance  (MGG) Academy and in the Shaping Futures Academy,24 organised by the German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS). Both formats are mutual learning and dialogue programmes for early to mid-career professionals from different partner countries around the globe.

The role of transnational democracy activists during Togo’s constitutional reform episode, 2017-2019

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:39

Amidst resurgent autocratisation around the world, digitalisation makes it easier than ever before for civil society activists and opposition politicians to connect with potential allies in other countries. Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, domestic  grassroots social movements seem to be increasingly connecting and forming transnational networks and platforms. Against this observation it becomes relevant to study whether transnational alliances can and will play a greater role in fostering democratisation and countering autocratisation. This paper first provides background on the phenomenon of increased transnational networking in sub-Saharan Africa. It then proceeds to present a brief case vignette of the role transnational activist  connections played during Togo’s constitutional reform episode 2017-2019. Findings show that activists purposefully sought transnational allies, but that for the specific case at hand, the links to transnational networks and platforms were still too  nascent. The Togolese regime hence was able to easily obstruct transnational democracy activists from having greater influence.

When government and civil society organisations join forces in transnational advocacy: lessons from the Strategic Partnership Programme

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:36

Advocacy is a strategy to fight the root causes of poverty and exclusion, including activities to influence policies, awareness-raising, legal action and networking (van Wessel, Hilhorst, Schulpen, & Biekart, 2020, p. 730). While some of the advocacy  activities might only take place at the domestic level targeting national actors, many domestic issues are framed by civil society organisations (CSOs) as part of transnational campaigns. As development challenges are not confined to national  borders, CSO networks can contribute to policy processes at different policy levels through transnational advocacy. The contribution engages with an advocacy programme that sought cooperation between government and civil society actors,  challenging not only the state–civil society divide, but also the power-laden relationship between donors and implementing partners. Although this approach could not tackle structural imbalances in the aid system, the programme still showed that complementary action between government and civil society actors can contribute to stronger transnational advocacy.

Sámi-EU relations as an example of transnational cooperation for sustainable development?

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:33

Neoliberal institutionalism frames international institutions as being able to “obviate the need for national power” (Barkin, 2003, p. 334). As the concept of transnational cooperation is informed by the school of neoliberal institutionalism, the question  arises as to how relevant power relations are in settings of transnational cooperation, and in what way power can actually be obviated in these settings? Transnational cooperation formats are often seen as an ideal space for diverse actors to cooperate with each other, but like other political spaces, they are not free of questions of power – instead they are very much shaped by power relations. For the case of Sámi-EU relations as a para-diplomatic and post-colonial relationship, it is decisive to  understand the dimension of power in order to comprehend this relationship and in what way power relations are challenged and changed in these transnational cooperative settings.

Transnationalisation light: non-state inclusion and North/South differentials in global development governance

lun, 11/03/2024 - 09:28

Global development governance has traditionally been dominated by states. Recent trends towards transnationalisation and multi-stakeholderism, however, emphasise non-state actor inclusion in more horizontal structures. This paper investigates the  extent of genuine transnationalisation in global development governance, focussing on the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC) as an ambitious attempt at transnationalisation. Although we find that the GPEDC  demonstrates a strong commitment to formally incorporating non-state actors, (wealthy) states continue to wield decisive influence. Despite apparent inclusivity, we observe a condition we term “transnationalisation light”: the limited realisation of  substantive non-state stakeholder inclusion. Notably, power imbalances persist between and among state and non-state actors, often favouring Northern stakeholders and exacerbating evolving North/South divisions.

ለስደተኞች እና ለስደተኛ ተቀባይ ማህበረሰቦች የስራ እድል እና ማህበራዊ ትስስርን ለማሻሻል የቴክኒክና ሙያ ስልጠና (TVET) ያለው ሚና፡፡ በኢትዮጵያ ከተካሄደው የተፅዕኖ ግምገማ (Impact Assessment) የተገኘ ማስረጃ

ven, 22/12/2023 - 08:28

መንግስታት እና ለጋሾች በቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ትምህርትና ሥልጠና (ቴሙትስ) አማካኝነት የሥራ ዕድሎችን እና
ምርታማነትን የማሳደግ ከፍተኛ ምኞት አላቸው። ሥልጠናው በዋናነት የሥራ ገበያው የሚፈልገውን ሙያ
በማስተማር ብቃት ያለው የሰው ኃይል አቅርቦትን ማመቻቸት ይጠበቅበታል። እነዚሁ አካላት የቴክኒክና ሙያ
ትምህርትና ሥልጠና ከሥራ ስምሪት ባሻገር አካታችነትን፣ የፆታ እኩልነትን እና ማኅበራዊ ትስስርን (social
cohesion) በኅብረተሰቡ ውስጥ እንደሚያሻሽል ይገምታሉ።
የሥራ እድል ተደራሽነት ፤ ማኅበራዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ውህደትን በማጎልበት እንዲሁም ተፈናቃዮችን መልሶ
በማቋቋም ረገድ ወሳኝ ሚናን ይጫወታል። በስደት ረዥም ጊዜ መቆየት እና ወደሶስተኛ አገር የሚደረጉ የቋሚ
መፍትሄ እድሎች ማሽቆልቆል፤ የስደተኞች የመጀመርያ መዳረሻ አገሮች ውስጥ ማኅበራዊ ውህደት (local
integration) ፍለጋን አነሳስቷል። ባለፉት አስርት ዓመታት የቴክኒክና ሙያ ትምህርትና ሥልጠና ከፍተኛ ትኩረትን
የሳበው ከዚህ አንፃር ነው።
የቴክኒክና ሙያ ትምህርትና ሥልጠና የእነዚህን መንግስታት እና ለጋሾች ምኞቶች ያሟላ ነው? በአጠቃላይ
በቴክኒክና ሙያ ትምህርትና ሥልጠና ላይ ያሉ ተጨባጭ ማስረጃዎች ውስን እና በአብዛኛው ወጥነት የሌላቸው
ናቸው። ከሥራና ከገቢ አንፃር ሲታይ ትንሽ አወንታዊ ውጤት እንዳለ መረጃዎች ቢጠቁሙም በአብዛኛው ውጤቶች
የሚታዩት ከመካከለኛ እስከ ረዥም ጊዜ (Medium and long term) ሲሆን፣ በአጠቃላይ ፕሮግራሞቹ ለረጅም ጊዜ
ሥራ አጦች በተሻለ ሁኔታ ይሰራሉ። ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ፣ የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ስልጠና በማኅበራዊ ትስስር ዙሪያ
ሊያመጣ የሚችለውን ውጤት በተመለከተ ትልቅ የእውቀት ክፍተት አለ። በፖሊሲው ከተቀመጠው የገንዘብ
መጠን እና ከሚጠበቀው ከፍተኛ ግምት አንፃር፣ የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ስልጠና የተቀመጠለትን ዓላማ እንዴት
እንደሚያሳካ መረዳት አስፈላጊ ነው።
በዚህ የፖሊሲ ምክረ ሃሳብ በጀርመን ዓለም አቀፍ ትብብር ኤጀንሲ (ጂአይዜድ) አማካኝንት በኢትዮጵያ
የተተገበረውን ሁሉን አቀፍ የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ስልጠና (TVET) ጥናት ውጤት አቅርበናል። በዚህ ፕሮግራም ስደተኞችን
ተቀባይ ሀገር ነዋሪዎች እና ስደተኞች በጋራ ስልጠናውን የተከታተሉ ሲሆን፣ ዓላማውም ማኅበራዊ ትስስርን
ማጎልበት እና የሥራ እድሎችን ማመቻቸት ነው።
የጥናቱ ውጤቶቹ እንደሚያመለክቱት፣ በማኅበራዊ ትስስር በኩል የታዩ ተፅእኖዎች በብዙ ገፅታ ጥሩ ቢሆኑም፣
ከገቢ እና ከሥራ እድል አንጻር ውጤቶቹ ዝቅተኛ እና የተወሰኑ ግለሰቦች ላይ ያተኮሩ ናቸው። አሃዛዊ እና አሃዛዊ
ያልሆኑ (quantitative and qualitative) ማስረጃዎች የሚጠቁሙት ስልጠናው የማኅበራዊ ትስስርን ለማሳደግ
እንደሚረዳ ነው፡፡ ከፕሮግራም ዲዛይን ወይም ከአፈጻጸም ችግሮች በላይ እንደ የሥራ እድሎች ውስንነት፣ የሕግ
ማቆዎች እና የፆታ እኩልነትን መሰረት ያደረገ እድል ያለመኖር እና የመሳሰሉ በመዋቅራዊ ችግሮች ስልጠናው
በስራ እድል ፈጠራ በኩል ውጤታማ እንዳይሆን ዋና መሰናክል ሆነው ይታያሉ።
የጥናቱ ዋና ዋና ምክረ ሃሳቦች፥

  •  የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ትምህርትና ስልጠና (ቴሙትስ) ሲታቀድ ጥንቃቄ በተሞላበት ጥናት ማለትም፤ ከጉልበት

ገበያው አቅም እና ከህግ ማእቀፉ አንጻር በበቂ ሁኔታ መታየት አለበት፡፡ በተለይ የሥራ እድሎችን
ከመፍጠር አንጻር ይህ በጣም ወሳኝ ነው፡፡

  • ማኅበራዊ ትስስርን ለማሻሻል ፤ አካታች የሆነ የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ስልጠና ውጤታማ መሣሪያ ሆኖ

ይስተዋላል። ነገር ግን ማኅበራዊ ትስስር ፣ ከሥራ እድል ፈጠራ እንደ ተጨማሪ ውጤት ብቻ ሳይሆን
የስልጠናው ዋና ዓላማ ሆኖ የሚውሰድ ከሆነ፤ “ሌሎች የተሻሉ አማራጮች አልነበሩም ወይ?” የሚል
ጥያቄ ያስነሳል፡፡ በተለይ ከሥራ እድል ፈጠራ እና ከገቢ አንጻር በተያያዘ ባለን ማስረጃ መሰረት ጥያቄውን
የበለጠ አስፈላጊ ያደርገዋል።

  •  አካታች የቴክኒክ እና ሙያ ስልጠና (ቴሙትስ) መርሃ ግብር የሚያመጣውን ለውጥ በተመለከተ፣ ሰፋ ያሉ

ተጨማሪ ጥናቶችን ይፈልጋል። መሞላት ካለባቸው የእውቀት ክፍተቶች መካከል የቴክኒክና ሙያ ሥልጠና
በስደተኞች ላይ የሚያሳድረው ተጽዕኖ፣ ሊያስከትል የሚችለውን አሉታዊ እና አወንታዊ ተጽዕኖ፤ ሊያስከትል
የሚችለው ማኅበራዊ ተጽዕኖ፣ እንዲሁም በፆታ በኩል እና ከመካከለኛ እስከ የረዥም ጊዜ ያለው የሥራ እድል
ፈጠራ እና ገቢ ላይ የሚኖሩት ውጤቶች ይገኙበታል።

Improving employment and social cohesion among refugee and host communities through TVET: evidence from an impact assessment in Ethiopia

jeu, 21/12/2023 - 18:19

In pursuit of employment opportunities and increased productivity, governments and donors have the highest ambitions for technical and vocational education and training (TVET) systems. Most prominently, TVET is expected to facilitate access to employment and a qualified workforce by offering its graduates skills that the labour market demands. Beyond its employment impacts, TVET supporters also anticipate that it will improve societal outcomes such as inclusion, gender equality and social cohesion.

Access to the labour market plays an essential role in allowing displaced populations to sustain their livelihoods and to foster socio-economic integration. Long-term displacement situations and a decline in resettlement opportunities have spurred the quest for local integration in countries of first asylum. It is in this context that TVET has gained additional salience in the past decade.

Does TVET live up to these promises? Overall, systematic empirical evidence on the impact of TVET is limited and often inconsistent. In terms of employment and income, evidence suggests that there is a small positive effect, but time plays an important factor. Often, impacts are only seen in the medium- to long-term, and in general, programmes tend to work better for the long-term unemployed. Evidence of societal effects is even more limited; there is a large gap of knowledge on the potential social cohesion impacts of TVET. Given the amount of funding and the high expectations found in the policy discourse, it is essential to better understand if and how TVET measures contribute to achieving their self-declared goals.

In this brief, we present the results of an accompanying research study of an inclusive TVET programme implemented by the German development cooperation organisation Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) in Ethiopia. In this programme, host and refugee participants are jointly trained, with the explicit goals of fostering social cohesion and improving employment opportunities.

The results indicate that while the social cohesion effect seems remarkable on several dimensions, the income and employment effect is at best weak and materialises only for specific groups of individuals. Qualitative and quantitative evidence supports the validity of the approach to achieve social cohesion. More than design or implementation problems, the lack of stronger employment effects appears to be driven by structural context conditions like limited labour market absorption capacity, legal work permission constraints, gender barriers and similar hindering factors.

We derive the following main recommendations from the analysis:

  • TVET measures need a careful context analysis (including labour market capacities, legal work barriers) to ensure that the necessary conditions for TVET to succeed are in place. This is particularly relevant in terms of employment effects, which appear to be elusive.
  • Inclusive TVET measures seem to be an effective tool to improve social cohesion. However, if social cohesion effects are valued not just as an “add-on” to employment effects but as primary goals, the question arises if alternative interventions might be more efficient. This question is particularly salient given the modest evidence regarding employment and income effects.
  • The evidence base of the impact of (inclusive) TVET programmes needs to be expanded. Knowledge gaps that need to be closed include TVET’s impact on displaced populations, its potential societal effects, differential gender effects, and medium- to long-term employment and income effects.

Development finance at a turning point: effects and policy recommendations

jeu, 21/12/2023 - 16:11

Development finance is at a turning point, as the macroeconomic environment has changed profoundly and the financing gap for low- and middle-income countries has widened. The events that led to this new situation are the multiple crises that the global economy is facing, such as the climate crisis, the COVID-19 crisis and the war in Ukraine. As a result, interest rates have risen sharply over the past year and are not expected to decline anytime soon. High interest rates further restrict low- and middle-income countries’ access to international financial markets by making borrowing more expensive. At the same time, debt levels in several countries are rising to levels that are almost impossible to repay. Poorer countries find themselves in a trap where financing the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) becomes a distant goal for them.
To “get back on track” in financing the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, a number of reform proposals have been put forward within several processes and initiatives, including the Financing for Development (FfD) process, the Bridgetown Initiative and the Macron-led Paris Summit. Despite being initiated by different actors, these proposals all highlight the importance of reforming the international financial architecture in view of the changed macroeconomic environment. The Hamburg Sustainability Conference in June 2024, the United Nation’s Summit of the Future in 2024 and the next FfD Conference in 2025 should be used to strengthen and accelerate ongoing reform processes and come up with new, innovative and bold proposals to reshape development finance in these challenging times. Against the background of the multiple crises and its effects, our key recommendations for the reform of development finance are as follows.
First, new initiatives and frameworks are needed to provide urgent debt relief and restructuring for highly indebted countries. The international community should promote a reformed G20 Common Framework for debt restructuring and discuss a green Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC)-like initiative for debt relief for low-income countries as a solution on a case-by-case basis, integrating short-term shock remedies with long-term sustainable development finance. Debt and climate risks should be addressed simultaneously by better incorporating climate risks in debt sustainability analyses conducted by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, and by considering the volume of investments in climate adaptation because these investments reduce the risks associated with climate change.
Second, tax revenues – the most important source of development finance – need to increase and countries need to expand their fiscal space by reforming their tax administrations and policies. Building fiscal buffers can help countries to become more resilient to future crises. In the short run, eliminating unnecessary tax expenditures such as fossil fuel subsidies is the lowest-hanging fruit to increase tax revenues, while in the long run, more green fiscal reforms (e.g. carbon pricing and environmental taxes) are needed, as well as more effective international tax cooperation. In addition, donor funds should be increased to provide technical assistance and capacity-building to tax and customs administrations.
Third, the Development Assistance Committee member countries should at least halve the gap between their current contributions and the official development assistance (ODA) contribution target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income by 2026, and reach the full attainment of the target by 2030. In particular, donors need to provide ODA in addition to (not as a substitute for) climate finance and channel more ODA to the poorest countries. In this regard, donors should report climate and development finance separately to mitigate the risk of over-reporting.
Fourth, we recall the need to reform multilateral development banks (MDBs). The multiple crises have made the role of MDBs in closing the development financing gap even more important than before. As attracting private capital is becoming more difficult for low- and middle-income countries, MDBs should harness their proven ability to leverage private finance for financing the SDGs. MDBs should substantially increase their lending capacity, for example by lowering their equity to loan thresholds and raising additional capital from shareholders or private investors. MDBs should be reformed to include in their vision the provision of global public goods, such as tackling the climate crisis and preparing for pandemics. Development banks and private creditors should include clauses on natural disasters and pandemics in their financing instruments.

Contextualising social cohesion I: an overview of concepts in Africa

jeu, 21/12/2023 - 12:27

The social fragmentation of societies is one of the greatest challenges for peace, democracy and human rights worldwide. For some years now, observers have been witnessing ever-stronger tendencies towards social division, also in Western societies, which had been believed to be united for so long. Rising inequality, the rejection of previously shared values and growing scepticism towards public institutions suggest that social cohesion is at risk. Against this background, it seems more important than ever to understand what factors hold a society together – and when such cohesion is most vulnerable. Protecting and strengthening social cohesion has therefore become an objective of many activities at the local, national and international levels, and academics have started to develop methodologies on how to measure social cohesion (see, with further references: Leininger et al., 2021).
This paper aims:
• to give a systematic overview of the literature on African concepts of social cohesion;
• to introduce the discourse around African concepts and to see which relevant concepts of social cohesion can be located in African societies;
• to analyse in more detail some key African concepts and their core elements and to see which conceptual dimensions and insights on determinants of social cohesion differ from the mainstream, while inviting scholars to add further to this listing; and, in particular
• to gain a better understanding of the academic discourse on social cohesion in Africa by analysing the concepts, determinants, origins and context of social cohesion theories as well as the risk of Western bias in identifying concepts for social cohesion in the African context.
One of the questions that inspired the present research project is how we could better understand which relevant concepts of social cohesion in African societies are particularly emphasised by African scholars and how “Western” concepts of social cohesion relate to the various African academic approaches to the topic. Further research questions that were raised in the context of the present paper are:
• How can traditional knowledge and African social theories contribute towards contextualising the debate on social cohesion in Africa?
• What are the key aspects of the concepts of social cohesion in selected African countries, and how can these be analysed?
• How did pre-colonial societies in Africa understand social cohesion, and what insights can be gained from this?
Methodologically, we identify and analyse concepts within the African context in order to gain insights into basic elements of social cohesion. This literature review draws on different sources such as ethnophilosophy, political philosophy, religion, culture, economics and international discourses. This literature review is the first part of an assessment of concepts of social cohesion in Africa. It is followed by a systematic comparison of social cohesion concepts in specific African countries.
The academic benefit is to identify the current state of research on social cohesion in Africa, to identify the need for further research and to deepen the understanding of the phenomenon of social cohesion. In addition, we aim to deliver developmental value through these publications by helping decision-makers come to evidence-based decisions and synthesise as well as make use of scientific evidence for development practice.

Europas Rolle beim langfristigen Aufbau eines palästinensischen Staates

mer, 20/12/2023 - 10:00

Bonn, 20. November 2023. Der Krieg in Gaza, den die Hamas am 7. Oktober begonnen hat, wird wahrscheinlich keinen Sieger haben. Nur ein sofortiger und andauernder Waffenstillstand kann das Leiden der Zivilbevölkerung beenden und die Freilassung der Geiseln ermöglichen. Die Planung für die Zeit danach muss jetzt beginnen, damit sich ein solch schrecklicher Krieg nicht wiederholt.

Dazu bedarf es einer politischen Lösung, um die gegenseitige Gewalt im Nahostkonflikt zu beenden, und eines intensiven Staatsaufbauprogramms für Palästina. Die Vereinigten Staaten als Israels wichtigster Beschützer und Sponsor werden beide Prozesse unterstützen müssen. Auch die europäischen Regierungen und die EU haben eine wichtige Rolle zu spielen.

Politisch gesehen hat der Gaza-Krieg die Szenarien für die künftigen israelisch-palästinensischen Beziehungen in den Mittelpunkt gerückt. Paradoxerweise hat der Krieg die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung wahrscheinlicher gemacht, während Ein-Staaten-Szenarien zunehmend unrealistisch erscheinen.

Israelische Extremisten träumen schon lange von einer Einstaatenlösung, bei der die Palästinenser aus dem Gazastreifen und dem Westjordanland nach Ägypten und Jordanien vertrieben würden. Diese Position hat sich in den letzten Jahren in Israel immer mehr durchgesetzt, da ihre Befürworter sogar der Regierung angehören. Abgesehen von den moralischen und rechtlichen Implikationen, die Zerstörung Palästinas liegt nicht im Interesse Israels. Ägypten und Jordanien haben eine klare Haltung zu den palästinensischen Flüchtlingen, und israelische Versuche, sie auszuweisen, würden ihre Friedensverträge gefährden. Jegliche Hoffnung auf eine Normalisierung der Beziehungen zur arabischen Welt würde zunichte gemacht, und die langfristige Sicherheit und Unabhängigkeit Israels wäre grundlegend gefährdet. Außerdem würde ein solcher Schritt große Proteste in den westlichen Ländern auslösen und damit die Unterstützung der westlichen Regierungen für die Sicherheit Israels und sogar dessen Legitimität gefährden.

Die andere, von Liberalen erträumte Einstaatenlösung, bei der Juden, Muslime und Christen in einer multiethnischen Demokratie zusammenleben, ist noch unwahrscheinlicher. Der Gaza-Krieg hat die jüngsten Forderungen nach einer säkularen Demokratie als hoffnungslose Utopie erscheinen lassen. In jedem Fall hat die demografische Realität der wachsenden palästinensischen Bevölkerung Debatten darüber ausgelöst, ob der jüdische Staat und die Demokratie in dem von Israel kontrollierten Gebiet vereinbar sind.

Der Gaza-Krieg hat auch gezeigt, dass das derzeitige Szenario, in dem Israel die palästinensischen Gebiete besetzt hält und die Grenzen, die Bewegungsfreiheit, die Einkommensquellen und die Wohnungen der Palästinenser kontrolliert, unhaltbar ist. Es sieht allmählich nach einer Minderheitenherrschaft Israels über eine größere palästinensische Bevölkerung aus, die zunehmend auf Repression angewiesen ist. Der Besatzung ist es nicht gelungen, die Palästinenser zu unterwerfen, sondern sie hat ein Umfeld geschaffen, in dem eine terroristische Organisation wie die Hamas gedeihen könnte und sich zu einer ernsthaften Bedrohung für Israel entwickelt hat.

Alles, was bleibt, ist eine Zweistaatenlösung in den Grenzen von 1967, wie sie in den Osloer Abkommen von 1993 vereinbart wurde. Dafür müssen die israelischen Siedler das Westjordanland verlassen. Andere Streitpunkte, einschließlich des Status von Jerusalem als heilige Stadt für alle Nachkommen Abrahams, müssen einvernehmlich gelöst werden.

Den Vereinigten Staaten kommt die Hauptrolle bei der Aushandlung einer Zweistaatenlösung zu. Europa wird aufgrund seiner Nähe und seines Wohlstands eine wichtige Rolle dabei spielen, dass diese Lösung Bestand hat. Die meisten EU-Mitgliedstaaten unterstützen das Szenario, auch wenn dies heute in weiter Ferne zu liegen scheint.

Immense Anstrengungen sind nötig, um langfristig den Staatsaufbau und damit den Frieden zu sichern – und der europäischen Entwicklungspolitik kommt dabei eine wichtige Rolle zu. Eine internationale Entwicklungskonferenz über die Zukunft Palästinas sollte so bald wie möglich stattfinden. Es muss eine Reihe von Prioritäten vereinbart werden. Am dringlichsten ist eine Strategie zum Aufbau einer palästinensischen politischen Führung und von Regierungsinstitutionen, wahrscheinlich unter Aufsicht der UN. Weiter sind Pläne für den Wiederaufbau, die Infrastruktur und Investitionen erforderlich, einschließlich der physischen Verbindungen zwischen dem Gazastreifen und dem Westjordanland, der Unterstützung des sozialen Zusammenhalts nach dem Konflikt und für die wichtigsten Wirtschaftssektoren, auch mit Hilfe eines neuen Handelsabkommens mit der EU. Finanzmittel müssen bereit stehen und Partner aus dem öffentlichen und privaten Sektor im Westen, in Asien und in der arabischen Welt mobilisiert sein.

Keine dieser Bedingungen für eine politische Zweistaatenlösung und einen Staatsaufbau für Palästina ist neu oder radikal. Sie spiegeln bestehende Verpflichtungen Israels, der Palästinensischen Autonomiebehörde, der Vereinigten Staaten, der EU und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten sowie der arabischen Nachbarn Israels wider. Der Gaza-Krieg hat gezeigt, dass diese Verpflichtungen den einzigen vernünftigen Ausweg aus der Gewaltspirale zwischen Israelis und Palästinensern bieten. Es ist an der Zeit, dass die europäischen Regierungen und die EU Israelis und Palästinenser dabei unterstützen, eine Zweistaatenlösung zu verwirklichen.

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