Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Susan S. Ekoh argues that strengthening, rather than diminishing, international cooperation on migration offers important benefits to migrants, sending countries and receiving countries like Germany, particularly in the context of climate change.

Susan S. Ekoh argues that strengthening, rather than diminishing, international cooperation on migration offers important benefits to migrants, sending countries and receiving countries like Germany, particularly in the context of climate change.

Studie untersucht am Beispiel Italien und Spanien Corona-Hilfen für Unternehmen – Positive Effekte vor allem bei Mikro- und Kleinunternehmen – Geförderte Betriebe mit deutlich höheren Umsätzen – Investitionen deutlich gestiegen – Kaum Effekte bei Mittel- und Großunternehmen, während Risiko von ...

The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.

The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.

The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.

Die Bedeutung verlässlicher Partnerschaften hat im Lichte internationaler Entwicklungen in der letzten Dekade massiv zugenommen. Das ver­anschaulichen die »Krise des Multilateralismus«, Russlands Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine und der politische Wandel in den USA wie auch in der EU. Deutschland ist als international überdurchschnittlich exponierter Staat auf verlässliche Partnerschaften angewiesen. Daher ist es umso wichtiger, Klarheit darüber zu finden, was die Verlässlichkeit eines Partners ausmacht. Politisch allerdings dominiert ein wenig differenziertes Verständnis von Verlässlichkeit, das historische Pfadabhängigkeiten überbewertet. Warnzeichen, die darauf hindeuten, dass ein Partner unzuverlässig zu werden droht, können so leicht übersehen werden. Diese Studie präsentiert eine Heuristik, die sowohl das Verhalten eines (potenziellen) Partners in verschiedenen Kontexten in den Blick nimmt als auch relevante Akteurs- und Strukturmerkmale erschließt. Mithilfe dieser Heuristik kann die Verlässlichkeit neuer Partner ebenso beurteilt werden wie etablierte Partnerschaften. Umgekehrt kann man aus der Heuristik ableiten, was Deutschland tun sollte, um als verlässlicher Partner wahrgenommen zu werden. Zu empfehlen ist eine strategisch ausgerichtete »Partnerschaftspolitik« sowie ein relationales Verständnis von Partnerschaft: Die deutsche Politik muss sich offen damit auseinandersetzen, welche Rolle sie spielen und welchen Beitrag sie zur Verlässlichkeit einer bilateralen Partnerschaft leisten kann und will.

Diversifying the supply of mineral resources is a strategic necessity – one in which resource-rich countries of the Global South play a crucial role. Zambia, which is a major global copper exporter and possesses other critical raw materials, is seeking long-term alliances that will mobilise investment and promote local value creation. The EU has taken the first step towards cooperation with the strategic raw material partnership. But if it is to remain competitive in the geopolitical arena, a stronger industrial policy foundation will be needed. That includes a coherent raw material foreign policy aligned with the “Team Europe” approach and targeted financial instruments to support industrial cooperation.

Zum Verhältnis von Klimawissenschaft und Klimapolitik im Recht

Hier kommt der zweite Teil der Doppelfolge zur CO2-Bepreisung, diesmal mit Dr. Michael Pahle vom Potsdam-Institut für Klimafolgenforschung. Zunächst klären wir, warum CO2 einen Preis haben sollte und auf welche Arten er zustande kommen kann. Wir sortieren, warum es bald zwei verschiedene ...

Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.

Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.

Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.

To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.

To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.

To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.

Als vor zehn Jahren eine Lohnuntergrenze von 8,50 Euro eingezogen wurde, warnten Ökonomen vor Massenarbeitslosigkeit. Eine erneute Erhöhung wird der Wirtschaft helfen., Vor zehn Jahren wurde in Deutschland erstmals ein allgemeiner gesetzlicher Mindestlohn eingeführt – und er hat sich als großer Erfolg erwiesen. Auch deshalb hat die SPD in den Koalitionsverhandlungen gefordert, ihn ab kommendem Jahr auf 15 Euro zu erhöhen.  Warum aber war der Mindestlohn so ...

Event Video 
Photos

jQuery(document).ready(function($){$("#isloaderfor-phoevi").fadeOut(300, function () { $(".pagwrap-phoevi").fadeIn(300);});});

IPI and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide co-hosted an event on “The Ongoing Mass Atrocity Crimes Against the Uyghurs and How the UN Can Respond” on May 1st. The event featured a film screening of the Emmy award-winning film Reeducated, produced by the New Yorker.

This event raised awareness and galvanized discussion about the role of the United Nations to respond to and prevent mass atrocities in the Xinjiang region, nearly three years after the release of the report by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) detailing violations against Uyghurs and other Muslim minorities that the High Commissioner noted may constitute crimes against humanity. In August 2024 the OHCHR released an update on their work in China, sharing that they are engaging with Chinese authorities, including on Xinjiang, and noting that “many problematic laws and policies remain in place.”

The Uyghur community is a Turkic Muslim minority group of roughly 11 million people who live primarily in the province of Xinjiang in western China. The Chinese government has persecuted Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslim communities on the basis of their identity for decades.

Opening Remarks:
Adam Lupel, Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, International Peace Institute

Speakers:
Ben Mauk, Writer and Filmmaker of Reeducated
Rushan Abbas, Founder and Executive Director of Campaign for Uyghurs
Rayhan Asat, Senior Legal and Policy Advisor and China Project Lead, Atlantic Council Strategic Litigation Project
Sophie Richardson, Co-Executive Director, Chinese Human Rights Defenders

Moderator:
Naomi Kikoler, Director of the Simon-Skjodt Center for the Prevention of Genocide at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

The post The Ongoing Mass Atrocity Crimes Against the Uyghurs and How the UN Can Respond appeared first on International Peace Institute.

The ocean plays an essential role in regulating the global climate, absorbing around 25 % of global CO2 emissions. Scientific knowledge of the ocean’s capacity as a carbon sink is therefore essential for policy-making at the national and international level. However, the capacity of the existing marine science system to deliver this information at sufficiently high quality, without geographical and temporal gaps, and with equitable contributions by and access for less affluent national science systems, is far from assured. This contribution applies the six guiding principles of Open Science as a yardstick for science in the service of society to assess the current state of marine (carbon) science, pointing out strengths and shortcomings, and deriving specific recommendations for science policy. This contribution results from a three-year interdisciplinary research project with researchers from Brazil and Germany and was discussed within the UN Ocean Decade Program Ocean Acidification Research for Sustainability (OARS) to validate the applicability of insights and recommendations beyond these particular contexts.