Feed aggregator

Le président américain a déclaré que les droits de douane sur les voitures entreraient en vigueur le 2 avril et sur les pièces détachées un mois plus tard.

US-Präsident Trump will Zölle in Höhe von 25 Prozent auf alle Autos, die nicht in den USA gefertigt werden, erheben. Handelsexpertin Sonali Chowdhry aus der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin kommentiert das Vorhaben wie folgt:

Die neue US-Regierung nimmt gegenüber ihren Handelspartnern eine zunehmend konfrontative Haltung ein. Ihre jüngste Ankündigung – pauschale Zölle von 25 Prozent auf Automobilimporte, unabhängig von deren Herkunft – trifft neben der EU auch andere große Autoexporteure wie Kanada, Mexiko, Japan und Südkorea. Diese neuen Autozölle zielen auf eine stark globalisierte Branche ab und werden zweifellos komplexe internationale Lieferketten stören.

Deutschland ist innerhalb der EU besonders stark betroffen, da die USA der größte Importeur deutscher Autos sind. Im Jahr 2024 gingen 13 Prozent der deutschen Neufahrzeugexporte in die USA, und auf mehrere große deutsche Automobilkonzerne (Mercedes-Benz, BMW, Volkswagen und Audi) entfallen rund 65 Prozent der weltweiten Exporte in die USA. Auch die USA werden die Auswirkungen dieses Zollkriegs zu spüren bekommen, da die höheren Kosten wahrscheinlich an die Verbraucher*innen weitergegeben werden und die Inflation anheizen.

Für die EU ergeben sich im Wesentlichen drei strategische Reaktionen: Erstens kann sie Gegenmaßnahmen zum Preis weiterer wirtschaftlicher Verluste ergreifen und zweitens sektorale Vereinbarungen im Vertrauen auf den politischen Willen der USA suchen. Drittens kann die EU den Handel innerhalb des europäischen Binnenmarktes und mit anderen Freihandelspartnern vertiefen, um die Ausfuhren zu diversifizieren. Die dritte Option ist die einzige, die zu spürbarem und langfristigem Wirtschaftswachstum führen und die Widerstandsfähigkeit der EU stärken kann.

Commission / Italie (Traitement des eaux urbaines résiduaires)
Environnement et consommateurs

Traitement des eaux urbaines résiduaires : la Cour impose des sanctions financières à l’Italie pour n’avoir pas respecté ses obligations en matière de collecte et de traitement pour quatre agglomérations

Die Abteilung Kommunikation des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) sucht zum nächstmöglichen Zeitpunkt für die Pressestelle eine studentische Hilfskraft (w/m/div) (für 19 Wochenstunden).

Wie sollte die EU darauf antworten?

Das Konjunkturbarometer des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) ist auch im März weiter gestiegen. Nach drei deutlichen Anstiegen in den vergangenen Monaten hat sich das Plus mit 0,2 auf nun 90,6 Punkte aber deutlich abgeschwächt. Zudem verharrt der Barometerwert damit ...

Myroslava Hladchenko

Global university rankings have got prominence in recent decades. Nation-states develop evaluation policies drawing on the assessment criteria of world rankings aiming their universities to take higher positions in these rankings (Salmi & Saroyan, 2007). QS Rankings is one of them. It is a profitable business that generated €46 m in revenue in 2019 (Shahjahan et al., 2022). Research assessment by QS Rankings takes the form of citations (excluding self-citations) per faculty indicator (Staff, 2021).

 

Since the 2010s Ukrainian media and the education ministry have traced the positions of Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings (Higher Education, 2011). However, since 2022, everyday survival has taken priority over research in the lives of Ukrainian scholars. The paradox of war is that, while life-threatening conditions, shelling, blackouts and economic recession are the part of everyday reality, work obligations and responsibilities remain the same as they were in pre-war life. This applies to all, including scholars. Despite the war, Ukrainian scholars continue to publish which deserves respect. As well, Ukrainian universities participate in QS Rankings 2025.

 

However, QS is a for-profit company the aim of which is not to contribute to societal well-being but to increase its profits. Elsevier which provides data for QS is another for-profit company the aim of which is also to increase revenue. The same concerns publishers issuing Gold Open Access journals, as many of them are oriented on publishing as many articles as possible to ensure profits.

 

The university is a key institution for social and economic development in a knowledge-intensive society (Mohrman et al., 2008). University performance is supposed to result in the quality of life, technological progress and social well-being of the nation. These are the ends that the university is supposed to achieve through research. Publications are just one of the means of achieving these ends. QS Rankings has turned the means of universities into their ends. The university’s position in the global ranking reflects, first, the economic development of the country. Second, the university position at the national level. A university cannot increase its position in the ranking, if there is no economic growth and beneficial conditions for science in the country. On the other hand, the university should contribute to economic growth at the national level.

 

The examination of the assessment of six Ukrainian universities in QS Rankings 2025, first, raise concerns regarding the mismatch between the faculty staff of universities announced on the QS Rankings website and the number of authors affiliated with the explored institutions in their research outputs. Second, it is unclear why the articles in the journals discontinued from Scopus are still in Scopus and correspondingly they are not excluded from the research output assessed by QS Rankings. Third, QS Rankings uses closed data. University managers do not have access to these data and cannot use them while developing research assessment policies. While developing the research assessment policies, universities mostly use SciVal provided by Scopus for a fee. However, there is a mismatch in data that shows SciVal and data that uses QS Rankings. First, QS Rankings normalises only by disciplines but SciVal normalises by year, discipline and document type. As conference papers are less cited than articles, normalisation by a document type results in a high FWCI shown by SciVal. Second, QS Rankings excludes self-citations but SciVal provides data including self-citations.

 

The IRN (International Research Network) index introduced by QS Rankings requires universities to increase the number of countries they collaborate with. It means that not academics but QS Rankings decides with whom they need to collaborate. Aiming to increase the IRN index, Sumy State University gives points if the article increases the number of collaborating countries. This is nothing else but means-ends decoupling.

 

The study findings resonate with the other studies that raise concerns about the ability of QS Rankings as well as other rankings to be a trustworthy assessment tool (Chirikov, 2023; Teixeira da Silva, 2024; Shahjahan, et al., 2021). In 2024, the University Zurich has withdrawn from the ranking published by Times Higher Education magazine. University announced that rankings create false incentives focusing on measurable output, forcing universities to increase the number of publications rather than prioritise the quality of content (Swissinfo, 2024). In 2023, Korean universities boycotted QS Rankings because of the IRN index (Jung & Sharma, 2023).

 

Six Ukrainian universities participating in QS Rankings 2025 have publications in discontinued from Scopus and MDPI journals. MDPI journals is a fast and easy way of publishing for a fee. The question is why academics from a country at war with underfunding science and low salaries are ready to pay an unaffordable APC (article processing fee). Arguably there is a high degree of international collaboration in articles in MDPI journals because Ukrainian academics are interested in finding a foreign co-author able to pay an APC. However, the question is who benefits from publications with a high APC except for publishers that make revenue? Academics publish at the cost of science because the money spent on APCs could be invested in science.

 

The findings highlight that articles (co)-authored by Ukrainian academics co-affiliated with foreign institutions or foreign academics have a higher impact than articles authored by only Ukrainian researchers. The share of articles authored by only Ukrainian authors ranges from 52.6% to 73.3%. Thus, Ukrainian academics have the space to strengthen collaboration with foreign colleagues.

 

To summarise, the research assessment criteria at the global, national and university levels must be oriented towards scientific excellence that results in economic growth and societal well-being. Ukrainian case shows that means-ends decoupling at the global, national and organisational levels results in diversion of critical resources, both financial and human. This negatively impacts on the development of society, the economy and the fulfilment of the talents of individuals in academia as well.

 

Myroslava Hladchenko is researcher in Kyiv, Ukraine. Her research focuses on higher education, universities and research assessment. This blog post is based on her recent article Hladchenko, M. (2025) Ukrainian universities in QS World University Rankings: when the means become ends. Scientometrics 130, 969–997. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11192-024-05165-2  

 

Acknowledgements

This project has received funding through the MSCA4Ukraine project, which is funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union. Neither the European Union nor the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium as a whole nor any individual member institutions of the MSCA4Ukraine Consortium can be held responsible for them.

 

References

Chirikov, I. (2023). Does conflict of interest distort global university rankings?. Higher education, 86(4), 791-808.

Higher Education (2011). Ukrainian universities at first in the global rankings http://vnz.org.ua/statti/879-ukrayinski-vnz-upershe-v-mizhnarodnomu-rejtyngu-zadovoleni-ne-vsi

Jung, U., and Sharma, Y. (2023) Korean universities unite against QS ranking changes https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20230704195008557

Mohrman, K., Ma, W., & Baker, D. (2008). The research university in transition: The emerging global model. Higher Education Policy, 21(1), 5–27

Salmi, J., & Saroyan, A. (2007). League tables as policy instruments: Uses and misuses. Higher education management and policy, 19(2), 1-38.

Shahjahan, R. A., Grimm, A., & Allen, R. M. (2021). The “LOOMING DISASTER” for higher education: How commercial rankers use social media to amplify and foster affect. Higher Education, 1-17.

Shahjahan, R. A., Sonneveldt, E. L., Estera, A. L., & Bae, S. (2022). Emoscapes and commercial university rankers: the role of affect in global higher education policy. Critical Studies in Education, 63(3), 275-290.

Staff, W. (2021). Understanding the methodology: QS World University Rankings https://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings-articles/world-university-rankings/understanding-methodology-qs-world-university-rankings

Swissinfo (2024) University of Zurich withdraws from international university ranking https://education.am/abroad_en/tpost/48hm4eipi1-university-of-zurich-withdraws-from-inte

Teixeira da Silva, J. A. (2024). How are global university rankings adjusted for erroneous science, fraud and misconduct? Posterior reduction or adjustment in rankings in response to retractions and invalidation of scientific findings. Journal of Information Science, 01655515241269499.

The post Ukrainian universities in QS World University Rankings: when the means become ends appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

En un quart de siècle au pouvoir, nous avons vu de nombreux Poutine différents, explique le rédacteur en chef de la BBC pour la Russie.

Ha találomra megkérdeznénk embereket az utcán a leghíresebb terroristákról, aligha akadna a felsoroltak között orosz nemzetiségű személy. Pedig az 20. század fordulóján Oroszországban a cári kormányzatnak igen meggyűlt a baja a terrorizmussal, aminek állami vezetők (köztük miniszterelnökök és cárok) is áldozatául estek. Ennek emlékezete Oroszországon kívül már nemigen van, de orosz közegben továbbra is ismert ez az időszak. Az egyik terroristával foglalkozunk a KatPol Kávéház 121. adásában, akinek életét a Fakó lovon ülő halál c. orosz film is feldolgozza.

[...] Bővebben!

Event Video 
Photos

jQuery(document).ready(function($){$("#isloaderfor-rukpek").fadeOut(300, function () { $(".pagwrap-rukpek").fadeIn(300);});});

IPI and Grace Farms Foundation cohosted the second Art for Peace series event featuring global human rights advocate and artist Nasreen Sheikh on March 26th.

For the first time publicly, Nasreen Sheikh did a reading of her poem “A Table for Peace,” which she wrote during an artist residency at Grace Farms Foundation in Connecticut. The event also featured “The Veil,” a textile-based fine art piece symbolizing protection and honoring the anonymity of survivors of modern slavery. It will be part of a performance art installation and integrated into the film ANAVARANA—Nasreen Sheikh’s documentary filmmaking debut—which explores modern slavery’s impact on women and its connection to the global climate crisis.

At the event, Nasreen demonstrated how her work amplifies the intersection of art, social transformation, and peacebuilding, as well as the lasting power of art as both a historical record and a tool for shaping global consciousness.

Nasreen Sheikh is a survivor of modern slavery and a visionary leader committed to ending this issue through survivor-led initiatives. She is the founder of the Empowerment Collective, an organization dedicated to ending modern slavery through survivor leadership, and Local Women’s Handicrafts (LWH), a social business venture in Nepal that empowers marginalized women through traditional craftsmanship. Nasreen’s dedication to a transparent global economic and supply chain system, illustrated through her development of the TransparaTrade initiative, enhances supply chain transparency and promotes corporate engagement and legislative reforms to end modern slavery. In addition to her advocacy, Nasreen is a documentary filmmaker, author, and multimedia artist. Her creative work weaves her experiences and insights into compelling narratives.

The Art for Peace Series, in partnership with Grace Farms Foundation, highlights the role of art and education in building a culture of peace and reconciliation and is chaired by IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein.

Opening Remarks:
Chelsea Thatcher, Founding Creative Director, Chief Strategic Officer at Grace Farms

Featured Artist:
Nasreen Sheikh, Global Advocate for Human Rights, Documentary Filmmaker, Author, and Multimedia Artist

Moderator:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and CEO, International Peace Institute

The post Building a Culture of Peace and Reconciliation through Art, Featuring Artist and Activist Nasreen Sheikh appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Lorsque l'axe Washington-Londres-Varsovie décide en janvier dernier de contraindre l'Allemagne et la France à livrer des chars lourds à Kiev, il bénéficie d'une chambre d'écho médiatique haute-fidélité. On en apprécie le caractère grossièrement propagandiste en imaginant un instant que le débat porte sur (...) / Conflit russo-ukrainien 2022-, Médias, Presse, Armement, Relations internationales - 2023/02

À l'en croire, c'est pour des raisons d'abord esthétiques et plastiques que Käthe Kollwitz (1867-1945) commença à peindre le monde ouvrier : « Le beau, c'était pour moi le portefaix de Königsberg, les mariniers polonais sur leurs bateaux, la générosité des mouvements dans le peuple. Les gens du monde (...) / Art, Mouvement de contestation, Allemagne, Peinture - 2023/02

Russian authorities have detained Vadim Moshkovich, the founder of the Rusagro holding company, former senator from the Belgorod region, and dollar billionaire. Moshkovich had attempted to distance himself from Russian President Vladimir Putin following the start of the special military operation in Ukraine and the personal sanctions imposed against him. Suspected of Large-Scale Fraud and Asset Seizure According to preliminary reports, Moshkovich is suspected of large-scale fraud and seizing the assets of another major holding company. A criminal case has reportedly already been opened. Investigative actions are being carried out against Moshkovich as part of a case under Part 4 of Article 159 of the Russian Criminal Code (fraud on an especially large scale). His legal status in the case has not yet been disclosed.

Nous autres anciens devons accomplir notre devoir de transmission. Témoigner auprès de la jeunesse qu'une planète Terre sans téléphone portable a été possible. Délicate mission. Il faudra être singulièrement persuasif pour que les digital natives conçoivent que longtemps, au bout des bras, il y eut (...) / Société, Technologie, Électronique, Informatique - 2023/02

Le 14 janvier dernier, le premier ministre britannique Rishi Sunak annonçait la fourniture de chars Challenger 2 à l'Ukraine. Londres ouvrait ainsi la voie à la livraison d'armes lourdes à Kiev : depuis le début de l'invasion russe, le Royaume-Uni donne le « la » à l'Europe, au diapason des (...) / Royaume-Uni, Relations internationales, Géopolitique - 2023/02

by Dr Caroline Emberson (Nottingham University Business School and the University of Nottingham’s Rights Lab)

New research, recently published in JCMS, examines the detection of labour exploitation within domestic care services. In the article, I identify a range of municipal activities including whistleblowing procedures; care-worker professionalisation; the expansion of employee’s roles and inter-agency data analysis. Yet my findings show that significant gaps still exist in the regulation of labour exploitation among domestic workers, particularly in relation to live-in care workers who are usually beyond the reach of national labour inspectorates.

I investigated municipal practices in four European countries: France, Italy, Sweden and The Netherlands. These countries allow paired comparison of practices in different welfare regime trajectory types. For example, long-term care in France and Italy has evolved from a tradition of conservative familialism – where the family is seen as the main support provider. Whereas in Sweden and The Netherlands, welfare services have followed universalist egalitarianism principles: where the state aims to provide access for all those in need.

In each of these different contexts, I asked: what actions have municipal government and other regional actors taken to mitigate the risks of labour exploitation among domestic care workers and what barriers remain?

These are important questions. Policy instruments such as Article 4 of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings (ECAT) place human rights protections at the centre of European policymaking. Recent horizontal policy developments open up the possibility for the development of public procurement mechanisms to achieve these social policy aims. However, legal scholars have identified both risks and dilemmas for the state as it attempts to leverage its role as a ‘buyer’ to improve human rights. EU regional governments, sometimes in the guise of the local municipality, are important procurers and administrators of domestic care, a service which is, increasingly, delivered in the home. What role do these local municipalities play in guaranteeing the working conditions of these increasing numbers of domestic care workers?

My findings reveal a significant gap in labour enforcement regulation among domestic care workers. At the time of writing, in every case care workers’ conditions were beyond the scope of the respective national labour inspectorates, who are forced still to view the domestic setting as a private domain.

In addition, the governance activities that have emerged among regional state actors, particularly at the municipal level also warrant improvement. While initiatives to enhance individual agency are more commonly reported in traditionally familial welfare regimes, collective actions are described more frequently in countries with a more universalist approach to care provision. Importantly, my findings from the studies conducted in The Netherlands and Sweden do suggest that municipal roles to combat labour exploitation are starting to emerge. However, in France and Italy greater emphasis was placed upon enhancement of the agency of individual workers within an environment that placed significant cultural reliance upon a cohort of individualised domestic workers. Furthermore, in Sweden and The Netherlands, my informants placed greater emphasis on the collective response of municipal actors. These practitioners engaged with professionals in other national bodies to identify and eradicate labour malpractices.

In each of the countries I studied, my informants had no doubt that the phenomenon of exploitation was real. However, even where municipal engagement to address these problems was at its most extensive, collective action could be hampered by legacy legislation.

Two specific examples emerged at the time of the research. The Netherlands Regulations for Home Services prevented ratification of the ILO C189 Domestic Workers Convention, 2011, which aims to provide conditions for domestic workers that are no less favourable than those of other workers. My second example comes from the Swedish case study. Here, while much sophisticated gender-blind legislation is in force, my informants reported that labour enforcement legislation was still relatively immature and failed to recognise the most severe forms of labour exploitation, referred to in some third countries as modern slavery.

Despite these legislative gaps, findings from the studies conducted in The Netherlands and Sweden show that those in municipal roles are starting to change their practices to combat labour exploitation. This is an important and significant finding. In Amsterdam, specialist anti-trafficking coordinators have been appointed and the responsibilities of other front-line workers widened, including those in fire and building safety roles. Likewise, in Sweden specialist regional coordination roles have been introduced in the municipality of Jonkoping to support the gender equality aims of the Swedish Gender Equality Agency. Unfortunately, the regulatory gaps in labour inspection noted earlier mean that the enforcement activities of these role-holders remain focused predominantly on communal workplaces such as the factory. Scrutiny of the domestic sphere remains off-limits and this, coupled with resource limitations, continue to make it difficult for these municipal employees to uncover exploitation in the home.

The EU and its member states clearly have a duty not only to protect, but also to respect, human rights in the domestic care services that they fund. Municipalities with responsibility for the oversight of services of this type across the EU must act to ensure that the working conditions of domestic care workers are acceptable. To do this, the EU should consider how to address the regulatory loophole that precludes labour inspection within private households. Where legacy legislative regimes persist, EU members states should review and amend national legislation to provide equal rights for domestic care workers and work to ratify ILO convention C189. Where domestic workers’ contracts remain largely informal, as was the case in Italy, my informants suggest that member states should also consider the introduction of employer incentives to encourage formal contracting. As academics, we could usefully improve our understanding of the gendered nature of labour exploitation and, hence, appropriate labour standards enforcement actions.

Dr Caroline Emberson is Assistant Professor in Operations Management at Nottingham University Business School in the United Kingdom and a member of the University’s Rights Lab research group. Her research interests include modern slavery, especially in the supply chains of long-term care. She has consulted widely, giving evidence to UK Government and House of Lords Inquiries and the Canadian Government. Follow Dr Emberson on Twitter.

The post Uncovering labour exploitation in state-funded domestic care appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

by Dr Nicole Scicluna (Hong Kong Baptist University)

As we pass the third anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the EU continues to deal with the many challenges to which the conflict has given rise. An overarching challenge is that of maintaining unity of purpose and of action – a task that becomes more difficult as the Trump administration’s apparent animosity towards Ukraine and Europe threatens the EU’s Ukraine strategy from without and as recalcitrant national leaders seek to undermine it from within.

My recent contribution to JCMS deals with another aspect of the unity challenge; namely that of maintaining the coherence of the EU’s legal order. In particular, this challenge has manifested on the EU’s external borders with Russia and Belarus. One aspect of it is well known – what has been described as the ‘instrumentalisation’ of migration by the Russian and Belarusian regimes, which have encouraged and facilitated the movement of would-be asylum seekers and migrants across the EU’s Eastern frontiers. The response of the affected countries, particularly Latvia, Lithuania and Poland, has garnered much attention and consternation for the way in which it has prioritised the securitisation of borders over the human rights and humanitarian needs of vulnerable people. Criticism has extended to the European Commission for not only condoning non-compliance with existing EU asylum law, but actually making it easier for states to derogate from their legal obligations.

Yet, this is not the only respect in which the actions of countries on the EU’s Eastern border undermine the coherence of the EU’s legal order. The treatment of Russian nationals seeking entry to Europe also warrants attention. This is an issue that goes back to the early months of the war and to debates over the type, breadth and depth of sanctions that should be levied on Russia for its illegal and brutal aggression. As the EU was placing sanctions on individuals and companies directly associated with the Russian government or with connections to the war, there were suggestions from some quarters that restrictive measures should be extended to the Russian population as a whole, with a focus on Russian tourists in the Schengen area.

Then-Estonian prime minister and now-EU high representative, Kaja Kallas, for example, argued that travel to Europe was ‘a privilege not a human right’ and that the privilege should be withdrawn from Russians owing to the illegal war their government was waging on Europe’s borders. The question was put on the agenda of a meeting of EU foreign ministers in Prague in August 2022, at which the idea of a total ban on Russian tourists obtaining Schengen visas was rejected.

Nevertheless, on 8 September 2022, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland jointly announced that they would begin refusing entry to Russians holding Schengen visas issued by other member states. After some hesitation over the legality and viability of such an approach, Finland announced that it would also stop receiving visa applications in Russia and would deny entry to Russian holders of Schengen visas on 29 September 2022. Thus, the five EU member states bordering on Russia and/or Belarus (and which, therefore, account for the vast majority of Russians entering Schengen, given that the EU closed its airspace to flights originating in Russia at the outset of the war) effectively replicated among themselves the kind of Russian tourism ban that had been rejected by the Council.

The problem with this ‘regional solution’ is that it likely violates Schengen law, which does not allow for nationality-based bans on the granting of Schengen visas or entry at Schengen borders. And yet, the Commission has refrained from criticising these legally dubious policies, much less initiating any kind of enforcement action.

Would-be Russian tourists are not an obvious target for sympathy. But putting aside the substance of the dispute, the larger issue is that of creeping member state unilateralism and the Commission’s permissiveness towards it. Political agreement and legal obligation are the European Union’s lifeblood. When member states act outside the limits of what EU law permits, it is for the Commission, as ‘guardian of the treaties’, to take the lead in seeking redress. Yet, research has shown a steady decline in the number of infringements opened by the Commission over the past two decades. Moreover, the findings suggest that the proximate cause of this drop is not a fall in instances of probable non-compliance, but rather a growing preference inside the Commission for political solutions to legal compliance problems.

The Commission’s enforcement forbearance is especially evident when it comes to migration and borders. Aside from its deference to national prerogatives on migrant instrumentalisation, it has enabled – through both action and inaction – the widespread and prolonged reintroduction of internal border controls, seriously undermining one of the foundational principles of the Schengen area.

One may well understand why the Commission is reticent to lock horns with member states on matters of great political sensitivity. But at a moment when the prospective German chancellor, Friedrich Merz, wins an election campaigning on permanently reintroducing controls at all of Germany’s internal borders, the Commission’s tacit toleration of member state unilateralism seems to be contributing to an unravelling of foundational principles of EU legal order.

Dr Nicole Scicluna is an Assistant Professor in Government and International Studies at Hong Kong Baptist University. Her research and teaching interests include European and EU politics and law, and the relationship between international law and international politics. She can be contacted on Linkedin here and followed on X/Twitter here.

The post Enemy at the gates? Member state unilateralism and Commission tacit toleration in the treatment of Russian nationals at EU borders appeared first on Ideas on Europe.