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Voltaire Cousteau’s rules may have been written as parody in 1973, but their relevance today is deadly serious. The waters of geopolitics are infested

"I think that the European nations are going to take a lot of the burden and we’re going to help them" the US President said

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Motivation: In recent years, foreign aid donors have tried to becomemore transparent, often by sharing information digitally. However,the politicization of individual aid projects has resulted in biasedreporting, raising doubts about the legitimacy of aid in general. Wetherefore examine whether increased transparency leads to greatergovernment effectiveness and public trust. Purpose: Government agencies typically assume that greatertransparency in public administration improves understanding ofbureaucratic actions, thereby fostering trust in the government. Inforeign aid, openness is believed to enhance public confidence andimprove the effectiveness of governments. However, recent publicand political reactions to the disclosure of aid information cast doubton these optimistic assumptions. Approach and methods: Using our sender-mediator-receiver modelof a “fragile transparency loop,” we analyse how communicationbreaks down in German foreign aid. First, we focus on Germany as adonor that shares information through a digital transparency portal,examining the sender side. Second, we investigate the mediator sideby conducting a qualitative content analysis of German online mediaarticles. Third, we examine the receiver side by disaggregating theGerman public into several subgroups. Findings: Our empirical findings suggest that, while donors assumea virtuous transparency loop, the reality can resemble a fragiletransparency loop that is easily disrupted. The government maywithhold information; mediators may spread misinformation; and thepublic may not receive information neutrally. These dynamics explainwhy, despite increasing transparency, donors may not achieve theintended increases in government effectiveness and public trust. Policy implications: Donors should find a balanced approach toforeign aid transparency that upholds democratic accountabilitywhile avoiding information overload. Aid bureaucracies should tailortheir disclosure to serve different audiences, including professionalswith development expertise and the wider public, who may havepreconceptions or be uninformed about foreign aid.

Security guarantees, not concessions, top Ukraine allies’ agenda

The only effective deterrent is to create a credible threat that Moscow cannot beat, with much less wriggle room for would-be protectors to soften their commitment

Henrik Landerholm, who resigned in January over the scandal, left documents in an unlocked locker at a hotel in March 2023

Mehr als ein Jahr nach den tödlichen Unruhen in Neukaledonien unternimmt Paris einen neuen Anlauf, um ein umstrittenes politisches Abkommen des Territoriums voranzubringen.

Die Diskriminierung von übergewichtigen Menschen am Arbeitsplatz ist ein wachsendes Problem. Besonders Frauen verdienen schlechter, wegen neuer, alter Schönheitsideale., Übergewicht hat sich in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten zu einer großen gesundheitlichen Herausforderung mit pandemischen Ausmaßen entwickelt. Die WHO spricht schon seit 1997 von einer globalen Epidemie. Wir wissen zwar viel über die Auswirkungen von Übergewicht auf die Gesundheit und die Sozialsysteme, ...

Der Europäische Gerichtshof hat der EU-Kommission eine Niederlage zugefügt: Brüssel habe eine Beschwerde der französischen NGO BLOOM nicht ausreichend geprüft. Nun steht der Thunfisch erneut im Zentrum des Streits um seine Fangmethoden.

En un an, le prix d'un appartement de 50 m² à Skopje a bondi de 20 000 euros. La hausse atteint +22,5 % au premier semestre 2025, tirée par une demande soutenue et un recours accru au crédit. Un rythme qui inquiète autorités et acteurs du secteur, alors que près d'un logement sur trois reste inoccupé dans le pays.

- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Macédoine du Nord, Economie

L'ancien salafiste Sanin Musa voulait organiser une prière publique dans le bastion croate de Široki Brijeg. L'affaire ravive les débats sur la liberté religieuse et les prières dans l'espace public, une pratique pourtant très marginale en Bosnie-Herzégovine.

- Le fil de l'Info / Religions, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Islam balkans, Courrier des Balkans

From jollof rice in St Lucia to Afrobeats in Jamaica, islanders find new ways to embrace Africa.

Aux côtés de Jean-Luc Soulé, président fondateur du Festival, une équipe de bénévoles et de salariés, efficaces et passionnés, s'engage toute l'année pour porter et développer le Festival et ses activités artistiques ou solidaires. Cette mobilisation est soutenue par de fidèles mécènes et partenaires publics et privés depuis trente-cinq ans.
Le Festival du Périgord Noir tient à remercier chaleureusement tous ceux qui ont choisi de s'investir dans le quotidien du Festival et d'en soutenir (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions, Albanie

L'Église orthodoxe serbe a convoqué deux théologiens devant le tribunal ecclésiastique. Leur crime ? Critiquer le patriarche Porfirije et les dirigeants de l'Église pour leur soutien aveugle et militant au régime d'Aleksandar Vučić.

- Articles / Religions, Serbie, orthodoxie, Vucic, Radio Slobodna Evropa

After a long and bitter legal battle splitting his family, Harry Roy Veevers is yet to rest in peace.

Entre jazz, pop et chansons traditionnelles du Zagorje, c'était l'une des plus grandes voix croates du XXe siècle. Gabi Novak est décédée à l'âge de 90 ans, deux mois après son fils, le pianiste de jazz Matija Dedić.

- Le fil de l'Info / Culture et éducation, Croatie, Personnalités, Courrier des Balkans

Brighton and The Gambia forward Yankuba Minteh says the motivation to change his family's life inspired his football dream.

Die Organisation fur Afrikanische Einheit (OAU), heute Afrikanische Union (AU), schloss 1969 eine Fluchtlingskonvention, deren Regelungen zum Teil von jenen der Genfer Fluchtlingskonvention von 1951 abweichen. In der Fluchtlingskonvention der AU wird explizit die politische Natur Gefluchteter anerkannt und eine Begriffsbestimmung vorgenommen, die in den politischen Umwalzungen im Kontext von Kolonialisierung und antikolonialer Kampfe verankert ist. Sie definiert Gefluchtete als Menschen, die vor Ereignissen fliehen, die ihren Ursprung in ≫externer Aggression, Besetzung, [und] auslandischer Beherrschung≪ haben (Artikel 1. 2). Der damalige politische Zeitgeist basierte auf Antikolonialismus, Panafrikanismus und afrikanischer Solidaritat. Er pragte einen entsprechenden Humanitarismus und wirkte sich unmittelbar auf die offenen Fluchtlingspolitiken auf dem Kontinent aus. Dementsprechend nahmen die damals gerade unabhangig gewordenen afrikanischen Staaten Menschen aus den noch nicht befreiten Kolonien des Kontinents auf. Sie forderten und unterstutzten den Widerstand gegenuber der kolonialen Besetzung, indem sie sowohl materielle als auch moralische, militarische, ideologische und politische Unterstutzung boten. Insbesondere nahmen sie Afrikaner:innen auf, die vor den durch diesen Widerstand erzeugten gewaltsamen Gegenreaktionen flohen. Diese Unterstutzung machte eine Unterscheidung zwischen Gefluchteten auf der einen und politischen Aktivist:innen und Kampfer:innen auf der anderen Seite fragwurdig. Den unabhangig gewordenen Landern erschien es deshalb politisch inkoharent und unlogisch, antikoloniale Kampfe zu unterstutzen und zugleich Afrikaner:innen, die vor ebendiesen Kampfen aus ihren Landern flohen, das Asyl zu verweigern.