Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres launched the UN80 Initiative in March 2025. Faced with the US government’s increasingly hostile approach to the UN, UN80 was presented as a reform geared towards making the UN system “fit for purpose”. However, this policy brief argues that both the UN bureaucracy and member states have missed key opportunities to turn UN80 into a tool for reconfiguring UN multilateralism and providing space for multilateral cooperation that – despite rising geopolitical tensions – effectively addresses transnational challenges. The UN Secretariat, on the one hand, has pushed for a rushed reform agenda through an avalanche of bureaucratic reshuffling and technocratic ideas that are driven primarily by the logic of efficiency gains. Despite investing considerable efforts, it has failed to develop a coherent organisational and governance vision for the future of the UN that would help the organisation adapt to shifts in global power and policy preferences. Although welcoming reform efforts in principle, member states – on the other hand – have neither provided proactive guidance on desired reform outcomes, nor offered strategic input on the reform proposals put forward by the UN bureaucracy. They have failed to take up their role as political reform governors of a UN system in need of adapting to new geopolitical realities. Although the trajectory of UN80 to date has been far from ideal, the Initiative could still serve as a first step towards more fundamental reform efforts that address member states’ diverging preferences and attempt to tackle multilateral governance deficits. Inorder to highlight what is at stake, the policy brief outlines three scenarios of how post-UN80 dynamics might unfold, helping stakeholders identify what kind of UN system they would like to see and which steps might be necessary to get there.

Scenario 1. Faltering momentum: the phase-out of UN80 contributes to UN fragmentation and decline. Member states and the UN bureaucracy continue working through the UN80 Initiative’s to-do list until everything is either proclaimed done, watered down or silently abandoned. This leaves major challenges unaddressed, contributing to increasing levels of fragmentation and dysfunction across the UN system.

Scenario 2. Bold moves: strategic UN reform ambitions supersede technocratic logics. Member states leave decisions about efficiency gains to UN chief executives while prioritising and spearheading more ambitious reforms. They task the new Secretary-General with designing a high-level debate on the purpose(s) and the future governance of the UN system that reaffirms the UN as the multilateral centre of world politics.

Scenario 3. Muddling through: a combination of technocratic and governance reforms keeps the UN afloat. Cost-cutting reforms continue while a coalition of reform-oriented small and medium-sized member states pushes for a selective reform of multilateral governance. The result is a somewhat smaller UN system that, while not fundamentally transformed, is better equipped to navigate geopolitical tensions.

Will the current oil supply shock hold back the region’s green transition, or accelerate it?

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

A little more than a year into the Trump 2.0 era, the “post–Cold War” international order as we know it is coming to an end. Amid increasing volatility and conflict, the shape and character of the order that will replace it are dangerously unclear. There are ambitions by so-called middle powers – including some member states of the EU – to provide an effective response, but questions remain as to their potential impact. Three scenarios can be envisaged: (1) an Orwellian dystopia dominated by three global powers – the United States, China and Russia – each with its own sphere of influence; (2) a “new Cold War” between two rival capitalist models: “Western” liberal democracy versus “Eastern” oligarchy and (3) the survival of the rules-based international order, possibly as a counterweight to oligarchic spheres of influence. For this scenario to materialise, middle powers must address the liberal order’s inherent weaknesses so that it delivers for all of its members. This discussion paper brings together 14 contributions drawing on the German Institute of Development and Sustainability’s (IDOS) broad regional and thematic expertise to examine these questions. The contributions analyse key actors, cooperation themes and regions. Each contribution analyses the implications of the changing global order for its specific area of focus and explores how international cooperation in general – and development cooperation in particular – can contribute to a more just and sustainable international system. The paper aims to provide readers with a range of perspectives on the state of international development cooperation and its possible evolution. Taken together, the contributions provide insights into the roles that international development cooperation may play in an emerging global order and identify priorities for reforms.

Krankheitsbedingte Fehltage von Beschäftigten in Deutschland sind 2022 stark gestiegen – Grund ist aber nicht primär die elektronische Krankschreibung – Atemwegserkrankungen und verändertes Verhalten nach der Pandemie sorgen für mehr Fehlzeiten am Arbeitsplatz – Teilkrankschreibung und mehr ...

Es ist das Treffen der Supermächte: Donald Trump besucht Xi Jinping in Peking. Während der US-Präsident nach vorweisbaren Erfolgen für seinen Wahlkampf sucht, hofft China auf ein Einknicken der USA in der Taiwan-Frage.

Amid the expected pomp and circumstance, what can we expect from the Trump-Xi summit?

The new legislation agreed on Tuesday seeks to foster the right to autonomy for adults across the EU.
Committee on Legal Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Dr. Anil Kakodkar, former chair of India's Atomic Energy Commission, joins the podcast to discuss the history and future of India’s three-stage nuclear program.

La Force navale des Forces armées de la RDC a lancé lundi 11 mai une série de patrouilles de sécurité sur le lac Albert. Cette mesure vise à lutter contre l’insécurité et les tracasseries dont sont victimes les pêcheurs sur ce lac.

La décision a été prise samedi 9 mai au cours d’une réunion du comité local de sécurité du secteur des Bahema-Nord à Kasenyi (Ituri). Selon les autorités, l’opération de surveillance va s’étendre sur une durée de trois mois.

RÉCIT - Alors que les cinq Français ayant voyagé sur le MV Hondius et leurs «cas contacts» sont placés à l’isolement, le chef du gouvernement et la ministre de la Santé, Stéphanie Rist, multiplient les réunions et promettent la «transparence».

In what can only be described as collective punishment, the young son of detained artist Gao Zhen is being prevented from returning home to the United States

Spokespersons for Parliament and the political groups will hold a briefing on the 18 – 21 May plenary session, on Wednesday at 11.00 in Parliament’s Anna Politkovskaya press room.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Following the 2025 regional drought, Kazakhstan authorities have warned about below-average reservoir levels and the possibility for summer shortages.

The meeting will be a stark display of Trump and Xi’s shared anti-human rights vision of transactional geopolitics. Accountability will have to come from elsewhere.

The policy brief by Frauke Seebass (Research Fellow, Wider Europe Programme – ELIAMEP & Researcher, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration), “Europe at a Crossroads: Setting the Course for a Resilient Continent”, was prepared in the framework of ELIAMEP’s initiative think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration, supported by the Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans.

This policy brief explores how the European Union can reconcile internal reform with geopolitical enlargement in an increasingly unstable global environment. It argues that the EU must adopt a more strategic and integrated approach to enlargement, security, competitiveness, and democratic resilience in order to strengthen its strategic autonomy and global relevance.

The brief highlights the untapped potential of enlargement countries—particularly the Western Balkans, Ukraine, and Moldova—in areas such as defense, infrastructure, critical raw materials, and supply chains. At the same time, it stresses the importance of safeguarding democratic values, improving institutional effectiveness, and involving citizens more directly in shaping Europe’s future. Ultimately, it argues that closer cooperation with candidate countries and like-minded partners is essential for building a more resilient, united, and future-proof Europe.

You can read the policy brief here.

This policy brief was profoundly informed by Europe at a Crossroads, a two-day high-level dialogue to explore forward-looking strategies for Europe’s future held by ELIAMEP on 19 and 20 February 2026, with the kind support of Konrad Adenauer Foundation Greece & Cyprus and Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies.

L’attaque surprise lancée contre l’Iran par les États-Unis et Israël le 28 février 2026, a vu Téhéran intensifier ses activités militaires dans la région du golfe Persique et notamment à mettre en place un blocus « à péage » du détroit d’Ormuz. Cette initiative censée s’adresser aux bâtiments marchands appartenant à des nations « non hostiles » selon la terminologie employée par le gouvernement iranien a pour l’heure profité à peu de nations, dont la Chine et le trafic maritime est quasiment à l’arrêt. Ce blocus du détroit d’Ormuz tout comme les initiatives militaires des États-Unis pour l’en empêcher commencent à avoir d’importantes répercussions non seulement sur l’approvisionnement en pétrole brut des pays asiatiques, mais aussi sur la chaîne d’approvisionnement mondiale en pétrole.

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L’article Les chaînes d’approvisionnement pétrolières asiatiques perturbées par le blocus du détroit d’Ormuz : perspectives pour l’Inde, le Japon et la Corée du Sud est apparu en premier sur IRIS.