Diplomacy & Defense Think Tank News

Le 20 juillet, l'Eurobaromètre a publié une nouvelle enquête sur l'opinion des Européens concernant la transition écologique. 93% des personnes interrogées estiment que le changement climatique est un problème grave, et 58% pensent que la transition vers une économie verte devrait s'accélérer.

En juin, le taux d'inflation annuel de la zone euro s'est établi à 5,5% contre 6,1% en mai, selon les chiffres publiés par Eurostat le 19 juillet. Un an auparavant, il était de 8,6%. Le taux d'inflation annuel de l'Union européenne s'est établi à 6,4% en juin 2023, contre 7,1% en mai. Un an auparavant, il était de 9,6%. Par rapport à mai, l'inflation annuelle a baissé dans vingt-cinq États membres.

Jusqu'au 3 septembre, le Grimaldi Forum à Monaco consacre une exposition à Monet. A travers une centaine de tableaux, l'exposition retrace le parcours artistique de Monet et l'influence de la Riviera sur l'œuvre du peintre.

Jusqu'au 5 novembre, le Kumu (ou Kunstimuuseum) de Tallinn propose une exposition consacrée à des gravures faites par des femmes artistes durant les années 1960. Intitulée "Par la gorge noire de tes yeux" (through the Black gorge of your eyes", elle met en lumière ce travail riche et atypique.

Jusqu'au 30 octobre, la Fondation DESTE à Hydra propose une exposition qui explore l'incidence de la technologie sur l'imagination. Pour penser ce thème, plusieurs œuvres d'artistes comme Duchamp, Wilhelm Reich ou encore Jeff Koons et Pamela Rosenkranz sont présentées au public.

Jusqu'au 30 octobre, la galerie nationale d'art Zacheta à Varsovie consacre une exposition de Marzena Turek Gas. L'exposition invite à découvrir le travail coloré de l'artiste, à l'intersection entre la sculpture et le design.

Jusqu'au 22 août se tient la 7ème édition de la foire d'art de Prague à la galerie U Zlatého Kohouta, située dans le centre historique de la ville. Près d'une centaine d'œuvres d'art de 32 auteurs tchèques et étrangers sont présentées aux visiteurs.

Jusqu'au 19 août se tient le festival d'opéra de Macerata. Le Sferisterio accueille Carmen de Georges Bizet, Lucia di Lammermoor de Gaetano Donizetti et La traviata de Giuseppe Verdi ainsi qu'une série d'événements symphoniques et de danse.

Le festival de Bayreuth a lieu jusqu'au 28 août. Fondé en 1876 par Richard Wagner, il est consacré à l'interprétation de ses dix principaux opéras.

La 31e édition du Festival international de musique de chambre de Salon-de-Provence a lieu du 28 juillet au 5 août. Le festival accueille une trentaine de solistes de premier plan autour d'une programmation inédite.

Du 3 août au 1er septembre se tient la quinzaine musicale de Saint-Sébastien qui rassemble plusieurs événements de musique englobant un large éventail de styles et d'auteurs : Opéras, représentations de ballet classique, concerts symphoniques et de musique ancienne.

Du 4 au 27 août se tiendra le Festival international d'Édimbourg. Cet événement culturel d'envergure mondiale présente un programme composé des meilleurs artistes et ensembles du monde de la danse, de l'opéra, de la musique, du théâtre et du cinéma.

Du 8 août au 10 septembre se tiendra le festival de musique classique à Lucerne, en Suisse. Pendant plus de 5 semaines seront proposés une centaine de concerts, couvrant une vaste palette musicale.

Le festival de Sziget, qui se tient du 10 au 15 août à Budapest sur l'île d'Obuda est l'un des plus grands événements musicaux et culturels populaires d'Europe.

Chinese engagement with the UN development pillar reflects a notion of multilateralism that differs from established (Western) concepts. These concepts frame UN entities as actors in their own right, nurtured by core resources and drawing legitimacy from their neutrality. China seems to see the UN more as a platform for facilitating bilateral exchanges, thriving on individual member state contributions. The Chinese approach could help adjust the UN to changing political realities, but brings risks for its commitment to individual and human rightsChina’s approach receives low scores on conventional global governance indices. But it might well offer a mechanism for adjusting the UN to changing political realities. Beyond Chinese power and expertise, a stronger – and more explicit – focus on bilateral stakes might strengthen the UN’s relevance among an increasingly divided membership. It might also open avenues for drawing on development solutions from across the board, and overcoming outdated North-South assistance models. However, China’s approach also comes with a major risk. A UN built more directly around states’ discrete and immediate priorities will find it difficult to maintain its commitment to individual and human rights and a long-term focus on global public goods. In line with the UN Charter, it is in the interest of all member states to ensure that the global organisation provides a stable normative foundation for multilateral cooperation.

Chinese engagement with the UN development pillar reflects a notion of multilateralism that differs from established (Western) concepts. These concepts frame UN entities as actors in their own right, nurtured by core resources and drawing legitimacy from their neutrality. China seems to see the UN more as a platform for facilitating bilateral exchanges, thriving on individual member state contributions. The Chinese approach could help adjust the UN to changing political realities, but brings risks for its commitment to individual and human rightsChina’s approach receives low scores on conventional global governance indices. But it might well offer a mechanism for adjusting the UN to changing political realities. Beyond Chinese power and expertise, a stronger – and more explicit – focus on bilateral stakes might strengthen the UN’s relevance among an increasingly divided membership. It might also open avenues for drawing on development solutions from across the board, and overcoming outdated North-South assistance models. However, China’s approach also comes with a major risk. A UN built more directly around states’ discrete and immediate priorities will find it difficult to maintain its commitment to individual and human rights and a long-term focus on global public goods. In line with the UN Charter, it is in the interest of all member states to ensure that the global organisation provides a stable normative foundation for multilateral cooperation.

Chinese engagement with the UN development pillar reflects a notion of multilateralism that differs from established (Western) concepts. These concepts frame UN entities as actors in their own right, nurtured by core resources and drawing legitimacy from their neutrality. China seems to see the UN more as a platform for facilitating bilateral exchanges, thriving on individual member state contributions. The Chinese approach could help adjust the UN to changing political realities, but brings risks for its commitment to individual and human rightsChina’s approach receives low scores on conventional global governance indices. But it might well offer a mechanism for adjusting the UN to changing political realities. Beyond Chinese power and expertise, a stronger – and more explicit – focus on bilateral stakes might strengthen the UN’s relevance among an increasingly divided membership. It might also open avenues for drawing on development solutions from across the board, and overcoming outdated North-South assistance models. However, China’s approach also comes with a major risk. A UN built more directly around states’ discrete and immediate priorities will find it difficult to maintain its commitment to individual and human rights and a long-term focus on global public goods. In line with the UN Charter, it is in the interest of all member states to ensure that the global organisation provides a stable normative foundation for multilateral cooperation.

Event Video 
Photos

jQuery(document).ready(function($){$("#isloaderfor-mcjpwc").fadeOut(300, function () { $(".pagwrap-mcjpwc").fadeIn(300);});});

During an event cohosted by IPI and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences on July 20th, panelists discussed the challenging global context for delivering humanitarian health responses, as well as specific issues such as the need to address gender-based violence in humanitarian health responses, the imperative to localize humanitarian action, and the opportunities and risks at the intersection of health, development, and peace.

The Secretary General’s New Agenda for Peace notes “conflict and disease can intersect in multiple ways and the risk posed are currently not addressed holistically and in a coordinated manner.” The discussion, which featured participants from a range of backgrounds, contributed to an enhanced systematic understanding of these constraints.

In May 2023, in partnership with MIT Press, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences released a special issue of the journal Daedalus, “Delivering Humanitarian Health Services in Violent Conflicts,” as part of the Academy’s project on Rethinking the Humanitarian Health Response to Violent Conflict. As the launch of this special issue, the policy forum brought together academics, scholars, policymakers, and practitioners to discuss the contemporary challenges and opportunities in humanitarian health delivery.

President of the International Rescue Committee, David Miliband set the scene by highlighting two major trends in global politics. The first trend is the “growing global risks in a hyper-connected world,” and secondly, political/geopolitical fragmentation, a trend which exacerbates those risks.

Addressing the health needs of people on the move requires rethinking the fluidity of health systems and the importance to expand the paradigm of the current health system and framework. Fouad Fouad, Associate Professor of Public Health Practice at the American University of Beirut suggested a potential “health system beyond borders,” which could foster a more integrated response. International health NGOs could be uniquely well positioned to operationalize commitments to localize humanitarian health delivery and better support actors in leadership roles, noted Jennifer Welsh, Canada 150 Research Chair in Global Governance and Security at McGill University. However, there is a lack of data to assess how localization could work in the humanitarian health sector and a need for more public opinion research on local populations. Welsh reminded participants that there are preexisting tools that could be enhanced.

IPI non-resident fellow Dirk Druet expressed that “given the realities of where health emergencies are likely to take place in the future, adopting emergency humanitarian responses to operating in conflict situations is absolutely critical to helping the most vulnerable.” In the realm of emergency health situations, the international community lacks clarity on the practical implications of adopting a conflict-informed approach.

Daedalus is the Academy’s open-access quarterly journal, featuring multidisciplinary, authoritative essays centered on a theme or subject and drawing on the intellectual capacity of Academy members and outside experts. Please visit here to see the May 2023 issue.

Welcoming/Opening Remarks:
Adam Lupel, Vice President and Chief Operating Officer, International Peace Institute
David Oxtoby, President, American Academy of Arts and Sciences

Panelists:
David Miliband, President, International Rescue Committee
Jennifer Welsh, Canada 150 Research Chair in Global Governance and Security, McGill University; Project Cochair, Rethinking the Humanitarian Health Response to Violent Conflict
Fouad Fouad, Associate Professor of Public Health Practice, American University of Beirut (virtual)
Dirk Druet, Affiliate Researcher, McGill University; Non-Resident Fellow, International Peace Institute (virtual)

Moderator:
Jenna Russo, Director of Research and Head of the Brian Urquhart Center for Peace Operations, International Peace Institute

Closing Remarks:
Paul Wise, Richard E. Behrman Professor of Child Health and Society, Stanford University; Project Cochair, Rethinking the Humanitarian Health Response to Violent Conflict

C’est désormais officiel, Vladimir Poutine ne participera pas au sommet des BRICS qui se tiendra fin août en Afrique du Sud. Il s’agit là d’un revers diplomatique majeur pour Vladimir Poutine. L’Afrique du Sud est un pays proche de la Russie, qui n’a pas condamné l’agression russe contre l’Ukraine, mais qui semble là avoir cédé aux pressions pour mettre au ban le président russe, ce qu’elle n’avait pas fait à l’époque avec Omar el Bechir, lui aussi alors poursuivi par la Cour pénale internationale. Quel impact aura cette décision, aussi bien d’un point de vue international que s’agissant de la crédibilité interne de Vladimir Poutine ?