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Les relations franco-algériennes connaissent une nouvelle phase de turbulences. Mercredi 7 mai, la porte-parole du gouvernement français, Sophie Primas, a annoncé qu’une phase de concertation […]

L’article Crise diplomatique : la France prépare une « riposte graduée » contre l’Algérie est apparu en premier sur .

The UK Home Office was unable to process Julius Malema's application in time for his trip, the High Commission says.

Le ministre du Travail et de la Sécurité sociale, Fayçal Bentaleb, a présenté ce lundi devant la commission parlementaire de la santé, des affaires sociales, […]

L’article Inspecteurs, directeurs, enseignants : vers une retraite anticipée pour les cadres de l’éducation est apparu en premier sur .

Sahrawi refugees walk near the Awserd Refugee Camp in the Tindouf Province of Algeria. Credit: UN Photo/Evan Schneider

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Since the Western Sahara War in 1975, Sahrawi refugees have resided in a collection of refugee shelters in the Tindouf province of Algeria. For over 50 years, these communities have struggled to develop self-sufficiency and have been solely dependent on humanitarian aid for survival, marking one of the most protracted refugee crises in the world.

According to figures from the United Nations Regional Information Center in Western Europe (UNRIC), roughly 173,600 individuals reside across five camps in Tindouf, Algeria. These populations consist of the original Sahrawi refugees who fled persecution from Moroccan forces, and their descendants. These communities are unable to return to the Western Sahara due to Morocco’s control over a vast majority of the disputed territory.

On May 6, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) issued a response plan that detailed the current humanitarian situation impacting the Sahrawi refugees in Algeria. Despite having been one of the longest standing refugee crises, the United Nations (UN) had never issued a consolidated plan until 2024.

Due to factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the global reduction of foreign aid, and the war in Ukraine, the humanitarian situation in the Tindouf refugee shelters has deteriorated significantly in the past few years. Sahrawi refugees currently struggle to survive with a host of underfunded, basic services such as food access, education, and healthcare.

According to UNHCR, food insecurity has been a long-standing pinnacle of this humanitarian crisis since its inception. Despite the Algerian government’s attempts to consolidate the 30 percent reduction in food rations due to cuts in humanitarian aid, it is estimated that approximately 90 percent of households are unable to access adequate amounts of food. Roughly 30 percent of the Sahrawi refugee population is food insecure and an additional 58 percent is at risk of becoming food insecure.

The World Food Programme (WFP) states that the Tindouf camps are unable to develop self-sufficiency in food production due to the harsh and isolated deserts of westernmost Algeria, as well as intense heatwaves and water scarcity, which are results of the worsening climate crisis. Anemia is estimated to affect over 50 percent of young children and women of reproductive age.

Additionally, global acute malnutrition affects roughly 11 percent of all children aged 6 to 59 months. Poor diets and a lack of nutritional assistance has led to a host of health problems for these communities, including mineral and vitamin deficiencies, as well as increased rates of obesity in women.

Figures from the United Nations Sustainable Development Group (UNDSG) show that one in three children in the Tindouf camps experience stunted growth and only one in three children receive the nutritional assistance that they need to have healthy development. Additionally, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the scale of needs in the food security sector has compounded significantly, nearly doubling from the 19.8 million dollars required in pre-pandemic times.

Despite the growing scale of needs for food assistance, UNHCR reports that 100 percent of school-aged children are enrolled in feeding programs. The education sector is currently a major priority for humanitarian organizations. According to a press release from the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), only half of the students recorded at the end of the 2022 school year met the locally-established minimum threshold for learning, indicating that a significant amount of students in the Tindouf camps were not able to effectively retain information.

This can likely be attributed to the host of other issues plaguing Sahrawi communities. According to the U.S. Committee for Refugees and Migrants, due to limited educational and economic opportunities in the Tindouf camps, the new generation of refugees faces increased levels of disillusionment and anxiety, which could lead to increased insecurity and regional tensions in the future.

UNHCR reports that due to severe flooding in September 2024 in Dakhla, Western Sahara, a significant amount of essential healthcare and education infrastructures in Algerian refugee camps have been damaged. Sahrawi refugees are able to access 31 dispensaries and 6 hospitals. Although 100 percent of Sahrawi refugees have free access to primary healthcare services, the healthcare system in the Tindouf camps remains fragile and is critically dependent on humanitarian aid to remain functional.

Perhaps the biggest issues plaguing the Sahrawi healthcare system at the moment are a lack of monetary motivation for healthcare personnel, a significant shortage of medicines and materials, and a host of logistical issues. UNHCR is currently on the frontlines of this crisis distributing essential supplies and assisting doctors and nurses in the most affected areas.

Additionally, Sahrawi refugees have found it difficult to campaign for increased governmental support from the Western Sahara due to repressive tactics from Moroccan forces. According to a press release from Amnesty International, in January 2024, the police violently intercepted a peaceful protest by female Sahrawi activists in Laayoune, subjecting protestors to assaults and beatings.

In February, the police shut down a press conference that was conducted by Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders Collective (CODESA) in Laayoune. In April, Moroccan authorities bulldozed the homes of 12 Sahrawi families in Al-Jitir without providing any prior notice or means of relocation.

Despite the Sahrawi refugee population having shown immense resilience amid five decades of protracted crisis, programs that provide lifesaving aid for these communities have been severely underfunded. UNHCR’s Sahrawi Refugees Response Plan 2024-2025 estimates that roughly USD 214 million will be required to address needs in 2025. The UN is strongly urging donor contributions to meet this quota.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By CIVICUS
May 7 2025 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS speaks about democratic decline in the USA with humanitarian and civil society activist Samuel Worthington, former president of the US civil society alliance InterAction and author of a new book, Prisoners of Hope: Global Action and the Evolving Roles of US NGOs.

The USA has been added to the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist due to rising concerns about civic freedoms under Donald Trump’s second administration. Since January 2025, executive orders have driven sweeping personnel changes across federal agencies, particularly in the Justice Department. USAID has undergone dramatic restructuring, with funding cuts severely impacting on civil society organisations (CSOs) that support excluded groups across the world. Protests – particularly those addressing immigration and Israel’s war on Gaza – face heightened scrutiny and restrictions. Against this backdrop, civil society is mobilising to preserve democratic principles and civic engagement.

Samuel Worthington

How would you characterise the current state of US democracy?

The USA is experiencing what can only be described as a technocratic coup, rooted in far-right authoritarian ideology. The Trump administration is using every tool at its disposal, even if that means ignoring and breaking laws. The goal is speed: to use technology, claims of waste and abuse, combined with actions that dismantle institutions and attack individuals and organisations.

The Trump administration has adopted a typical authoritarian playbook, similar to that used by leaders such as Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, but at a much greater scale and speed that has taken many by surprise. A prime example is the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which uses computer systems to cripple organisations, create lists of ‘illegal’ individuals for targeting and dismantle protections for civic freedoms. Trump is attempting to centralise power in a 21st-century US variant of fascism, backed by a white nationalist ideology and largely based on Project 2025.

Civil society and institutions were not prepared for this level of attack. Many assumed democracy was more resilient and norms would hold. Instead, we are now witnessing core democratic institutions under assault. For the first time, we are seeing explicit federal government-driven censorship, with official lists of banned words. The administration is systematically attacking diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and withholding funds to punish noncompliant universities and institutions.

Trump is weaponising public money as leverage – even blackmail – to force organisations and US states to comply with his ideology. While pushback from the courts is increasing, this resistance has led to Trump’s attacks on the judiciary. The administration is also limiting media access to outlets that don’t align with its ideology.

As with all forms of fascism, there must be a scapegoat, and here, it’s migrants and transgender people. The Trump administration labels migrants as ‘illegals’ and mass deportations target anyone who doesn’t fit its narrow definition of who is an American. Changes to the constitution are being proposed to strip citizenship rights from US-born children of undocumented parents. Random arrests, disappearances and militarised threats against migrants are becoming increasingly common.

All of this has transpired in just the first hundred days. Democracy’s core institutions — civil society, media, Congress, the judiciary — and the rule of law itself are under enormous stress. The USA is in the midst of a profound constitutional crisis.

How has USAID’s restructuring impacted on civil society?

USAID served as the administration’s test case for destroying a government agency. DOGE destroyed USAID by disabling its computer systems, stopping funding and cancelling contracts. Under the constitution, only Congress has the authority to control appropriations or close government agencies. Even when courts ruled against the administration and ordered programmes to restart, the damage was irreversible: USAID’s systems had already been dismantled by DOGE and could not be easily rebuilt.

Many CSOs that relied heavily on USAID funding lost between 30 and 80 per cent of their resources, leading to mass layoffs, office closures and collapsed partnerships. Fortunately, the USA has a strong tradition of private philanthropy amounting to around US$450 billion a year, with over US$20 billion directed internationally. This private funding is helping some organisations survive. Many are now reorganising around private donors and preparing for the possibility that foundations themselves could become targets of future attacks.

Some CSOs are considering transforming into businesses to protect themselves. Others are fighting back through lawsuits. Some are trying to stay quiet in the hope of being overlooked — not a healthy strategy, but an understandable one. For most, simply trying to survive has become the primary focus.

What global implications are resulting from these domestic developments?

Global civil society has long been critical of the USA, but there was still an assumption that it remained committed to the values of democracy, freedom and global cooperation. This assumption has now been shattered.

The US government is no longer promoting democracy abroad. Instead, it is openly supporting authoritarian regimes and undermining civil society efforts worldwide. Both domestically and internationally, it is actively restricting independent civic action.

The dismantling of USAID alone will cost millions of lives. The USA once provided around half of global humanitarian resources. With this pullback, we’re already witnessing mass deaths and growing risks of famine. Essential supplies of medicines, including HIV/AIDS treatments, are being cut, putting millions more lives at risk.

As the USA disengages and retreats from its global leadership role, it leaves a vacuum, likely to be filled by authoritarian powers such as China and Russia. They will try to reshape the global system in ways that threaten human rights and democratic values.

Finally, the administration’s rhetoric about annexing Canada and seizing Greenland is eroding the post-Second World War rules-based international order, which was established specifically to prevent territorial expansion. By undermining these norms, the USA is effectively encouraging other authoritarian-leaning states to expand through force.

How are people responding to these challenges?

As Trump’s authoritarianism intensifies, people are mobilising to defend democracy and resist repression. Three major protest movements have emerged: the broad-based ‘Hands Off’ movement against fascism and in defence of democracy, student protests focused on Gaza and Palestine and the growing resistance to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) deportations.

Protesting against ICE or in solidarity with Gaza has become increasingly dangerous. Citizens may face serious criminal charges simply for joining protests, and non-citizens risk prison and deportation. The case of Kilmar Abrego Garcia illustrates this reality: after living in Maryland for 13 years and with legal protection, he was forcibly deported to El Salvador.

Despite these risks, as ICE steps up deportations, activists are taking steps to protect vulnerable people. In some cases, they form human chains to block ICE officers and help people reach their homes, where immigration agents cannot enter without legal permission.

People are fighting back both in the streets and in the courts, challenging these injustices, pushing back against escalating repression and defending fundamental rights.

Do you see any hope for US democracy?

I believe that ultimately, Trump’s attempt to break the US government and dismantle constitutional democracy will fail, for several reasons.

First, we are a country of independent states, and states like California, Illinois and Massachusetts are actively resisting, fighting in courts and passing their own laws to protect their residents. This resistance comes at a cost. The Trump administration has already threatened to cut all federal funding to Maine after its governor refused to follow the administration’s anti-diversity directives. So far, the courts have sided with Maine.

Trump has repeatedly bypassed Congress and violated the separation of powers. In response, CSOs, US states, unions, universities and citizens have already filed over 150 lawsuits against the federal government alleging breaches of the constitution. These lawsuits are steadily moving through the courts and so far, the rulings have overwhelmingly gone against the administration.

At the grassroots level, daily protests continue and constantly evolve. Instead of trying to bring millions to Washington DC, the strategy has shifted toward organising thousands of decentralised protests across the country. After national parks were shut down, for example, there were 433 protests across every single national park on the same day. Movements like ‘Hands Off’ have mobilised millions.

We are learning from struggles in Hungary, Turkey, Ukraine and elsewhere. We now know that democracy cannot be taken for granted; it must be defended every day. But we also know that our strength lies in solidarity. People are forming networks of resistance across the country. We have realised that if we stand alone, we may fail, but together, we can preserve our democracy.

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SEE ALSO
Trump and Musk take the chainsaw to global civil society CIVICUS Lens 07.Mar.2025
Tech leaders cosy up to Trump CIVICUS Lens 20.Feb.2025
US funding cuts: Philanthropy must step in to support locally led development CIVICUS 12.Feb.2025

 

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Az elmúlt években szép nagy ívet befutott helikoptererőink bázisa a levegőből.

Zord

La première chambre pénale près le tribunal de Dar El-Beida a lourdement condamné un étudiant universitaire et huit douaniers pour trafic de stupéfiants à l’aéroport […]

L’article 8 douaniers condamnés pour trafic de stupéfiants à l’aéroport d’Alger est apparu en premier sur .

À l’occasion du 80ᵉ anniversaire des massacres du 8 mai 1945, le président de la République, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, a adressé un message solennel au peuple […]

L’article Tebboune célèbre le 80ᵉ anniversaire du 8 mai 1945 et rend hommage aux martyrs est apparu en premier sur .

The Commission on Population and Development (2024)

By Mary Kuira
NAIROBI, May 7 2025 (IPS)

Just a month ago, I found myself in a hospital, anxiously waiting for my son to be attended to. As we sat quietly in one of the waiting rooms, an emergency case was wheeled in — a young woman, barely out of her teens. Her face contorted in visible pain. Her dress was soaked with blood, which had begun to pool beneath the wheelchair and trickle onto the floor.

I couldn’t help but overhear the nurse asking the girl who had accompanied her, “What happened?” “She just started her periods,” the friend whispered, her voice laced with fear and confusion.

But from my own experience, I knew periods don’t arrive like this. The heavy bleeding, the extreme pain, the sheer urgency: something was terribly wrong. In a country where abortion is criminalized and conversations on reproductive health are often shrouded in silence, there are things you don’t say out loud, not even in a hospital.

Presentations were dominated by government departments and bureaucrats. I couldn’t help but wonder — where were the voices of the people these policies are meant to serve? Where was the civil society that brought these stories from their grassroots partners?
Later, I learned the young woman had been referred to a higher-level facility because the hospital couldn’t handle her case. I left that day with a prayer on my lips, hoping she lived to tell her story.

So why am I sharing this? Because last week, I sat in another room, far away from that hospital, attending the 58th Session of the Commission on Population and Development (CPD58) at the United Nations.

This was my first time attending the annual conference. The conversations were a sobering reminder of how precarious sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) remain, especially for young women like the one I saw that day.

Despite the gravity of the global challenges, CPD58 felt like a more formal than interactive space. At many of the side events I attended, audiences sat silent, rarely given the chance to ask questions.

Presentations were dominated by government departments and bureaucrats. I couldn’t help but wonder — where were the voices of the people these policies are meant to serve? Where was the civil society that brought these stories from their grassroots partners?

 

Breaking the silence

One of the few spaces that broke this silence was a gathering organized by the International Sexual and Reproductive Rights Coalition (ISRRC), a coalition of organizations from all regions of the world dedicated to advancing SRHR. It offered a rare moment of authentic exchange, where the few CSO voices present could reflect on the battles we face both at home and on the global stage.

But overall, the opposition to SRHR remained stubborn and vocal. I listened as some delegations pushed back against terms that should be non-negotiable: Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE), safe abortion, gender equality.

These are not just words; they are lifelines for young women, especially those navigating complex realities in countries like mine, Kenya.

Ironically, many CPD58 conversations just wanted to focus on maternal health, not on teenage pregnancies or young mothers. Basically, addressing maternal health without discussing the process that leads to pregnancy (sex and sexuality) and therefore CSE.

I couldn’t help but think: How do we talk about preventing HIV without talking about sex? How do we address teenage pregnancy without speaking openly about reproductive health? How can we ignore child marriages when they remain a heartbreaking reality across many countries? And what do we say to survivors of rape — young or old — who become pregnant? Should they be forced to carry these pregnancies, regardless of the trauma or the risks?

As an advocate and a believer in the power of quality data to inform decisions, these questions weigh heavily on me. Are the policies we design grounded in real, lived experiences? Do we collect and use data to reflect the brutal realities so many young women face daily?

 

Combating anti-rights narratives

One clear takeaway from CPD58 was this: facts and stories must go hand in hand. Data alone can inform, but stories can transform. Both are essential to combating anti-rights narratives and creating spaces for conversations.

Another key take away is the critical need for civil society to maintain both its presence and momentum in these spaces. The CPD remains one of the least attended UN meetings, and its negotiation process is opaque.

The anti-rights movement’s growing clout risks reversing many SRHR gains by easily passing resolutions without push back. If civil society isn’t present and organized, no one will be the wiser. It is essential to occupy and safeguard this space.

We must train youth activists to counter opposition and challenge anti-gender, anti-abortion, and anti-CSE rhetoric not just with facts, but with human stories.

Tell the stories that humanize the data; stories like the one I witnessed in that hospital room. Digital spaces hold tremendous potential to advance SRHR, especially for marginalized communities.

Yet, with opportunity comes risk. The same platforms that can empower young women are breeding grounds for misinformation. Our efforts must include both creating digital solutions and equipping young women to navigate these spaces safely and wisely.

I was encouraged to see progressive voices from the European Union, Latin America, and parts of Africa and Asia stand firm in defending SRHR within the final negotiated text. But the fight doesn’t end there.

From Nigeria to Mozambique, from Jordan to Guatemala — and every corner in between — we must ensure young women in all their diversities are not left behind. Their voices, rights, and choices must be respected.

Finally, we must keep the pressure on at home. Advocacy for policies that protect and expand comprehensive sexuality education, safe abortion (where permitted), and youth-friendly SRH services must not stop at international commitments. We must hold our governments accountable and ensure those commitments translate into action.

The young woman in that hospital room deserved better. So do countless others like her.

And the only way forward is by standing up, speaking out, and refusing to let silence win.

 

Mary Kuira is Global DMEL Coordinator at Hivos East Africa

A new report has identified Ireland as having the lowest availability rate for new cancer medicines in Western Europe, significantly limiting treatment options for patients.

Május 9-én, pénteken 12.00 órakor az ország területén az elektromotoros szirénák hálózatának rendszeres tesztelésére kerül sor kétperces egyenletes hangjelzéssel. A többi elektronikus szirénán csendes műszaki tesztet végeznek.

Mfor.hu: Az euró árfolyama szerdán (5. 7.) a reggel hét órakor jegyzett 404,68 forintról 404,14 forintra gyengült 18 órakor. A svájci frank jegyzése a reggeli 432,05 forintról 433,77 forintra emelkedett, míg a dolláré 356,71 forintról 356,27 forintra csökkent, írta az MTI.

Pakisztáni területeket támadott India szerdára (5. 7.) virradóra, válaszul az áprilisi támadásra, amelyben fegyveresek 26 embert, főként indiai turistákat öltek meg Kasmírban, amiért India Pakisztánt vádolta.

3,000 additional federal police officers are planned to support border controls, German media reported.

Robert Fico kormányfő tervezett moszkvai látogatása az ő szuverén döntése, de egyúttal az ő bizonyítványa is – jelentette ki Markéta Pekarová Adamová, a cseh parlament képviselőházának elnöke, miután Prágában találkozott Richard Rašival (Hlas), a szlovák parlament elnökével.

A szerbiai diákmozgalom, amely hónapok óta tiltakozik Aleksandar Vučić kormánya ellen, most az előrehozott parlamenti választásokat is követeli. Az újvidéki vasútállomáson 2024 novemberében történt tragédia miatti nyomás máris az incidens felelőseinek sorozatos letartóztatását, s a kormány bukását eredményezte.

Au 31 décembre 2024, le nombre de cartes SIM actives connectées aux réseaux de communications électroniques mobiles au Bénin est estimé à 18,2 millions contre 16,3 millions de cartes SIM en 2023 soit un accroissement de 11,24%.

Le marché mobile béninois continue de croître. Au 31 décembre 2024, on compte 10 943 657 abonnés à la téléphonie mobile. Cela représente une hausse importante par rapport à 2023.

Le marché des communications électroniques mobiles est animé par trois (03) opérateurs : SPACETEL BENIN S.A. (MTN), MOOV AFRICA BENIN S.A. et SBIN S.A (CELTIIS).

Le taux de pénétration, selon les données de l'Arcep Bénin, atteint 83,4 % en 2024 contre 67,3 % en 2023. On observe donc un gain de 16,1 points en un an.

Le nombre de cartes SIM actives a lui aussi progressé. Il est passé de 16,3 millions en 2023 à 18,2 millions en 2024, soit une augmentation de 11,24 %.

Au Bénin, les abonnés au réseau de téléphonie mobile disposent de deux à trois cartes Sim.
M. M.

"Security of all people travelling through Lithuania, including leaders, is our highest priority, so we took this decision," Lithuania's president said.

Érdekli-e a francia elnököt, hogy mennyire gyenge az új német kancellár (igen)? Van-e a román választásnak tágabb nemzetközi tanulsága (van)? ----> tovább olvasok!

The post Nemcsak Trump játszik a sakktáblán, Macron német, orosz és szír bábukat mozgatna appeared first on FRANCIA POLITIKA.

TASR: A hároméves gyermekek háromnegyede már most is óvodába jár - hangsúlyozta Tomáš Drucker (Hlas) oktatásügyi miniszter a gyerekek kötelező óvodai beíratásával kapcsolatos kritikákra reagálva. A miniszter közölte, nyitott a vitára, és hangsúlyozta, senkit sem fognak kényszeríteni, csak a színvonalas óvodai nevelés fontosságát szeretnék hangsúlyozni.