Feed aggregator

Source : © European Union, 2018 - EP

ZÜRICH - Am Freitag eröffnet die neuste Ayverdi-Filiale im Zürcher Kreis 3. Laut BLICK-Lesern die beste Kebab-Kette der Schweiz. Neu im Angebot: ein Kebab für 91 Franken. Wir haben ihn getestet.

Mehr als 10 Franken lässt eigentlich niemand für einen Kebab liegen. In der neusten Filiale der Gebrüder Ayverdi muss man jedoch richtig tief in die Taschen greifen. Für ihre neuste Kebab-Kreation mit Wagyu-Fleisch verlangen die Brüder saftige 91 Franken. Ihr Kebab-Laden wurde denn auch 2017 von BLICK-Lesern zum besten der Schweiz gekürt. 

Die beiden Brüder begründen den etwas unüblichen Preis für den Imbiss aus der Türkei mit den gewählten Gourmet-Zutaten. So ist in einem Zwiebel-Brioche-Brötli zartes Wagyu-Filet verpackt. Das ist japanisches Edel-Rindfleisch, ausgezeichnet mit der höchsten Qualitätsstufe A5. «In einem Restaurant bezahlt man für hundert Gramm über 120 Franken. Wir bieten 140 Gramm jedoch für 91 Franken an», meint Ali Ayverdi.

 

Ayverdis möchten etwas Spezielles mit Kunden teilen

Freunde hätten sie auf die Idee mit dem japanischen Edelfleisch gebracht. Die Ayverdis waren sofort von der Güte des Fleisches überzeugt – und wollten das Wagyu-Filet in ihr Menü einbauen. «Damit wollen wir mit unseren Kunden etwas ganz Spezielles teilen und näherbringen», sagt Ali Ayverdi zu BLICK.

BLICK hat den Gourmet-Kebab getestet – und ist begeistert. Das zarte Fleisch ist ein einmaliges Geschmackserlebnis. Mit dieser Art von Kebab hat man die Grundidee der Speise aufgegriffen. Denn auf Türkisch bedeutet der Ausdruck «gebratenes Fleisch».

Wer den Kebab selbst probieren möchte, kann das ab Freitag an der Badenerstrasse 415 in Zürich tun.  Aber bitte das grosse Portemonnaie mitbringen.

Am Samstag duellieren sich Real Madrid und Liverpool in Kiew um den Henkelpott. Bei den Königlichen stellt sich die Frage, wer an der Seite Cristiano Ronaldos aufläuft.

Real-Coach Zinédine Zidane lässt sich vor dem Champions-League-Final nicht in die Karten schauen. Wobei seine Aufstellung eigentlich schon steht. Einziges Fragezeichen: Wer spielt neben Isco und Cristiano Ronaldo im Angriff?

Zuletzt hatte sich Zidane für Gareth Bale entschieden. Aber es ist bekannt, dass Cristiano kein grosser Fan des Walisers ist und lieber mit Karim Benzema zusammenspielt. Cristiano hat dem Franzosen gegen Alaves sogar die Ausführung eines Penaltys überlassen. Ein andermal massregelte er die Zuschauer, nachdem sie Benzema ausgepfiffen hatten. Für Benzema spricht zudem die Tatsache, dass er im Halbfinal gegen Bayern der Matchwinner war.

Laut spanischen Medien scheint es nahezu ausgeschlossen, dass alle drei Superstars zusammen auflaufen. Wobei es auch hierfür einige Gründe gäbe: In dieser Saison haben Bale, Benzema und Crsitiano die bessere Torquote (72 Tore in 8889 Minuten) als in der letzten Saison (70 Tore in 9302 Minuten). (ma)

https://tvnewsroom.consilium.europa.eu/uploads/council-images/thumbs/uploads/council-images/remote/http_7e18a1c646f5450b9d6d-a75424f262e53e74f9539145894f4378.r8.cf3.rackcdn.com/9_13_2012-97030-financial-markets-16-9-preview_29.41_thumb_169_1523630457_1523630457_129_97shar_c1.jpg

EU Finance Ministers meet on 25 May 2018 in Brussels to agree measures to reduce risk in the banking sector. They discuss macroeconomic imbalances and age-related expenditure in the member states.

Download this video here.

Füst szállt a malomból, három mentőegység is a helyszínre sietett, remek együttműködést produkáltak.

The EU's Trade Commissioner Cecilia Malmström expressed concern on Thursday (24 May) about the US administration's announced plan to launch an investigation into imports of cars and trucks that might lead to new tariffs.

Written by Philip Boucher,

© NaMaKuKi / Shutterstock.com

Social media platforms are often thought of as open and connected spaces, since they allow users to communicate with a wide range of people and organisations. It seems obvious that to have access to a social network it should be necessary to open an account with the platform, and that on closing the account that access would be lost. However, telephone and email networks do not restrict access to their networks depending on which provider or platform is being used, and there are ways in which social media too could be more open and connected, providing greater connectivity and allowing users to change platform without losing access to the network. This could help foster a more competitive market that is more responsive to challenges such as privacy and disinformation.

The implications of changing provider for telephone, email and social media, three transformative communication services, vary. First, telephones. With both landlines and mobile phones, regardless of the service provider used, it is possible to call friends and family on other networks competing in the market. Any phone, using any service provider, can call any other phone. This means that customers can change provider if they become unhappy with their current provider or want to test the services of a new market entrant. They can even keep the same phone number, so they do not have to tell their contacts to update their phone books. Indeed, their contacts will probably not even notice.

Just like with phone calls, emails pass freely between accounts managed by different providers. Many people have several accounts, perhaps including a personal account from a commercial provider and a professional account maintained by an employer. Here, a customer who wants to change provider can open a new account elsewhere without losing the ability to email friends and colleagues who still use the original provider. Advanced users who are dissatisfied with what the market has to offer, for whatever reason, can even set up their own domain names and servers and control the whole account themselves. They can still send and receive emails to and from anyone else, with any email address. A change of provider, however, means a change of address, requiring contacts to update their directories.

Listen to podcast ‘What if social media were open and connected?‘

When it comes to social media profiles, there are many options available, and some people manage several profiles for different aspects of their personal and professional lives. However, social media platforms do not usually offer interconnectivity, so users cannot interact with accounts on a particular social media platform without having an account on it. This also means that the price is high for any customer who decides to leave a platform. They lose access to the network and their contacts and so might no longer receive invitations to events, and might not even realise what they have missed because they cannot see the pictures posted by their erstwhile contacts.

On the markets for telephone, email, internet or electricity services, customers can choose between several companies that provide access to the same open and connected network. There might be a small fee or minor inconvenience involved in changing provider, but the customer is not penalised by losing access to the whole network. Social media platforms, on the other hand, not only provide access to a network but, rather, they are the network. So the only way to participate in a particular social media network is through an account with the platform itself. Leaving the platform means losing access to that space.

In this sense, social media platforms are less open and less connected than old-fashioned telephone and email networks. As a result, their market is also less competitive. While new entrants to the telephone and email markets can immediately connect their new customers with all other telephone and email users, a new entrant to the social media market does not have the same luxury. Only platforms that are already large can offer a large network and, since they have full control over access to their network, they continue to attract more users. As large networks grow even larger, the cost of leaving them grows accordingly, and so do the barriers to new market entrants.

With high penalties for leaving platforms and little competition in the market, life is difficult for the discerning customer. Yet, there is a long and growing list of reasons to be judicious when it comes to social media providers. Citizens are increasingly concerned about immediate personal risks related to privacy, cyberbullying, depression and addiction, as well as wider social issues such as taxation, fake news and political interference. Perhaps a more competitive market would foster more robust responses to these problems. One way of fostering a healthier ecosystem of social media platforms might be to encourage the emergence of an open model for social media.

Potential impacts and developments

An open model for social media would have two separate features, open accounts and open platforms. Open accounts are just like standalone social media profiles, so they would include basic personal details as well as contacts with other accounts – using their email, phone number or other identifiers – and familiar content such as status updates, events, photos and videos. They would also specify the user’s preferences for how content could be shared with other accounts and how information from the network should be presented and communicated to them. These open accounts could be used with any open platform.

Open platforms would host and maintain these accounts. They would be responsible for managing communications with other platforms and accounts, protecting the user’s privacy, and presenting the user with information from the whole network – including contacts from all of the open accounts on all of the other open platforms – according to the user’s preferences. Open platforms could be funded by advertising revenue, subscriptions, donations, endowments, the state or some mixture of sources. They could offer specialist features and services catering for different users’ needs and preferences. Advanced users could set up their own servers and manage their own accounts and their relationships with the network. They could pay for this themselves, and offset the cost by charging advertisers to use their data. With such an open model, there would be no contradiction in a social media platform that has only one user, because it could still connect with any other open account on any other open platform.

The key to this is developing open standards that describe how open accounts and open platforms should communicate with each other, such as W3C‘s social web. The open standard should have full connectivity and portability so that any account on any platform that complies with the standard can connect with any other account on any other open platform. This means that users could change platforms without losing access to the network. In this way, if they felt that their current social media platform was untrustworthy or unethical, they could leave it and join another without missing invitations to events. En masse, such behaviour could help foster a competitive market that could respond to the immediate personal risks and wider social problems posed by social media. Users who already had accounts on closed social media platforms that did not comply with the open model could download a readable copy of all their data and convert it into an open account format, which they could then use with any open platform.

Anticipatory policy making

Several EU policies are already encouraging the portability of social media accounts, as well as the development of open standards. For example, Article 20 of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) gives citizens the right to obtain readable, portable copies of data about them that is held by their social media platforms. This could help discerning users to change platform if they are dissatisfied. EU procurement strategy also supports open source and open standards. Further initiatives supporting user control and open standards, combined with consumer demand for a new approach, could lead to the emergence of a genuinely open and connected model for social media.

Read this At a glance on ‘What if social media were open and connected?’ on the Think Tank pages of the European Parliament.

A két napig tartó előadás-sorozaton számos hazai és magyarországi akadémikus vett részt.

Jeune Afrique - Le Burkina Faso a annoncé jeudi la rupture de ses relations avec Taïwan. Un changement majeur pour la diplomatie burkinabè, qui...

Central European countries say they have "nothing to hide" on rule of law issues - while justice commissioner Vera Jourova said they should agree to the Commission's controversial budget plans on rule of law conditionality.

Időkép: Ismét tornádót rögzítettek Magyarországon, ezúttal a Tolna megyében.

Public buildings and businesses, such as this organic vineyard in the town of Ingelheim-Großwinternheim in the western state of Rhineland-Palatinate, have embraced renewable energy in Germany to encourage citizen participation, create local employment, promote the local industry and protect the environment. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

By Emilio Godoy
WÖRRSTADT, Germany, May 24 2018 (IPS)

“It made me angry that a company from outside the region was making money from renewable energy and I wondered why people weren’t getting involved,” says Petra Gruner-Bauer, president of the German co-operative SolixEnergie.

So Gruner-Bauer, founder of the organisation, began to raise awareness among her neighbours in Wörrstadt, a city in the western state of Rhineland-Palatinate, about what a co-operative was, the importance of citizen participation and community benefits.

“I wrote down on a piece of paper the things that needed to be changed and tried to convince people, and they got involved. It’s the power of people. We are at the same time members and entrepreneurs, we focus on making sure that each person receives renewable energy,” she told IPS in an interview.

The cooperative, which has 116 members, was set up in 2011 and has already developed two solar panel projects and a wind farm, generating more than seven million kilowatt-hours a year, benefiting 5,000 people in a town of 30,000.

To become a co-op member, the minimum investment is 1,022 dollars, and this year the rate of return on capital is less than one percent.

This co-operative is one of 42 of its kind operating in the energy sector in Rhineland-Palatinate, a state that has been a pioneer in the development of alternative renewable energy sources in Germany, generating 10,000 jobs. Nearly 50 percent of the region’s energy supply is based on renewable sources.

At a national level, energy co-operatives currently comprise 900,200 members, with an investment of some 1.83 billion dollars.

In 2016, German individuals and co-operatives owned 31.5 percent of the renewable energy facilities, making it the segment that receives the most investment in the energy sector, according to a study published in February by the German consulting firm Renewable Energies Agency.

German co-operatives have been instrumental in the progress made towards the country’s energy transition by fostering citizen empowerment, producing energy locally, providinga source of socio-economic wellbeing and reducing polluting emissions.

Of the basket of alternative energies, 36 percent of electricity generation comes from renewable sources, such as wind power, biomass, solar, hydroelectric and waste.

The energy transition, through a gradual replacement of fossil fuels with environmentally friendly alternatives, is part of the mechanisms established at the global level to contain global warming.

“Energy co-operatives are a very safe and easy way to participate in the energy transition, investing little money. They are highly decentralised, they help strengthen the local value chain, encourage public support for the transition and unleash financial potential,” Verena Ruppert, president of the Network of Citizen Energy Co-operatives of the State of Rhineland-Palatinate, told IPS.

This network brings together 24 members, 22 of which are energy co-operatives, which in turn comprise 5,000 individuals and more than 200 businesses, communities and religious organisations. The members of the co-operatives have invested some 85 million dollars in solar roofs, wind farms, biogas plants and residential retrofit projects.

Based on wind and solar energy, Germany is moving towards a future based on alternative energy sources, such as with this private wind farm in the city of Wörrstadt, in the state of Rhineland-Palatinate. Credit: Emilio Godoy/IPS

These energy cooperatives have a favourable environment in Germany, which facilitates their leadership in this field, as is also the case in Australia, Denmark and the United States, leading models in the industry.

Hurdles faced in Latin America

In contrast to Germany, in Latin America these co-operatives have not taken off, except in a minority of countries, despite the benefits they offer.

In countries such as Mexico, Peru and Venezuela, laws related to co-operatives recognise their role in various sectors, such as energy, but electricity regulations create barriers blocking their development.

The legislation does facilitate a role for co-operatives in countries such as Argentina and the Dominican Republic, while Bolivia, Colombia and Costa Rica also have regulations aimed at promoting such participation.

In Argentina, a country of 44 million people, energy co-operatives date back to the 1990s and already cover 16 percent of the domestic market, with some 500 electric co-operatives comprising more than one million members, according to figures from the Buenos Aires Federation of Electric and Public Services Co-operatives.

In 2016, the government of the northern province of Santa Fe created the Prosumidores– a play on words combining “producers” and “consumers” -Programme, which finances citizens who go from being mere consumers to also becoming producers who generate electricity and sell their surplus to the grid.

Brazil, for its part, has provided financial incentives since 2016 for distributed (decentralised) small-scale solar energy systems to enable individuals and businesses to generate their own electricity.

Costa Rica has also promoted this model, with four co-operatives accounting for nine percent of national power distribution and six percent of Costa Rica’s electricity generation.

This is highlighted in a report published in September 2017, “Renewable Energy Tenders and Community [Em]power[ment]: Latin America and the Caribbean“, prepared by the international Renewable Energy Policy Network for the 21st Century (Ren21).

These Costa Rican entities generate some 400 megawatts – mainly from hydroelectric power plants and a small volume of wind power -, comprise more than 200,000 members, provide electricity to some 400,000 customers and employ almost 2,000 workers.

Since 2015, Chile has also been promoting participatory generation through the government’s Energy Commune programme, which seeks to promote efficiency through the use of local renewable energies and for which it has created a community fund.

So far, the initiative manages eight projects in six municipalities and has organised two calls for proposals for more than 112 million dollars for the benefit of 34 communities.

The German transformation formally started in 2011, based on six laws that favour alternative generation through a surcharge for producers, the expansion of the electricity grid to encourage the incorporation of renewables and cogeneration to take advantage of energy wasted in fossil fuel facilities.

The reform of the Renewable Energy Law, in force since January 2017, set a fixed rate for the sector – fundamental for the progress made in renewables – and created auctions for all sources.

The changes reward those who generate electricity at a lower cost, impose generation caps, and limit the setting of fixed tariffs only for cooperatives and small producers.

But in Latin America, community energy ventures face legal, technical and financial barriers.

In Mexico, the Electricity Industry Law, in effect since 2014, makes it possible to launch local projects generating less than one megawatt, but virtually excludes them from the electricity auctions that the government has held since 2016.

At least 12 countries in the region organise renewable energy auctions that, because of their financial, technical and business requirements, exclude cooperatives, preventing them from further expansion.

That’s not the case in Germany, where they are now aiming for a new stage.

“The transition needs heating and transportation. We don’t want to focus only on power generation, but also on environmental protection,” said Gruner-Bauer, whose organisation is now moving into electric car sharing to reduce use of private vehicles.

Ruppert said they can cooperate with Latin American organisations. “But it’s a decision of the board of directors. We can help, but first we need to know the needs of co-operatives,” he said.

The REN21 report recommends reserving a quota for participatory citizen projects and facilitating access to energy purchase agreements, which ensures the efficiency of tenders and the effectiveness of fixed rates for these projects.

In addition, it proposes the establishment of an authority for citizen projects, capacity-building, promotion of community-based energy projects, and the establishment of specific national energy targets for these undertakings.

This article was made possible by CLEW 2018.

Related Articles

• From Mega to Micro, a Transition that Will Democratise Energy in Brazil
• Latin America Faces Uphill Energy Transition

The post Energy Cooperatives, Fogged Mirrors for Latin America appeared first on Inter Press Service.

Az egyik Nobu étteremben és szállodában sem szabad kiszolgálni az amerikai elnököt: aki megteszi, az az állásával játszik.

This report is for the general public and the media. 

SUMMARY

On 24 May 2018 at 06:31 (Moscow time), the seventy-fifth[1] Russian convoy arrived at the Donetsk Border Crossing Point (BCP). A total of 16 vehicles were checked by Russian Federation border guards and customs officers prior to their crossing into Ukraine. All 16 vehicles had crossed back into the Russian Federation by 14:33 on 24 May.

DETAIL

Leaving the Russian Federation

On 24 May at 06:31, the Observer Mission observed the arrival of a Russian convoy at the gate of the Donetsk BCP. A Russian Ministry of Emergency Situations (MES) team co-ordinated and led the movements of the convoy. The convoy consisted of ten cargo trucks and six support vehicles, including one ambulance. All but two cargo trucks bore the inscription “Humanitarian help from the Russian Federation”.

At 06:31, the vehicles entered the customs control area and queued in three lines. Once the convoy arrived, the vehicles were visually checked from the outside by Russian Federation border guards and customs officers. The Russian MES staff rolled up/opened the tarpaulins of the trucks and the border guards and customs officials performed a visual observation from the outside.

One service dog was present and used by Russian Federation border guards to check the vehicles from the outside. Three Ukrainian border guards and three customs officers were observed accompanying their Russian counterparts; they also performed visual observation of the vehicles from the outside (without entering the trucks’ cargo space). The Ukrainian officials had clipboards in their hands and were taking notes. By 06:50 all of the vehicles had left the BCP towards Ukraine.

Returning to the Russian Federation

At 14:16, the convoy returned and queued in the customs area. The tarpaulins of the trucks were opened and Russian Federation border guards and customs officers visually checked the returning convoy from the outside. One service dog was present and used by Russian Federation border guards to check the vehicles from the outside. Ukrainian representatives – three border guards and three customs officers – were present during this check. The Ukrainian officials also performed visual checks of the opened trucks from the outside. By 14:33 all 16 vehicles had crossed back into the Russian Federation.

 

[1]According to the statement of the Russian Federation officials, this convoy is considered to be the seventy-seventh Russian convoy which was sent to Ukraine. As two of these convoys did not cross through the “Donetsk” or “Gukovo” border crossing points, the Observer Mission did not record them. Hence, based on the Observer Mission’s counting, this convoy is considered the seventy-fifth convoy that has crossed into Ukraine.

 

read more

Written by Elena Lazarou,

The event was part of the series on the future of EU.

Speakers including David McAllister (EPP, Germany), Chair of the AFET Committee, Julia de Clerck-Sachsse (Adviser, Strategic Planning Division, EEAS), Tomáš Valášek (Director, Carnegie Europe) and Elena Lazarou (Policy Analyst, EPRS), as well as moderator Alexandre Stutzmann, Director of Committees, DG EXPO, joined the EPRS on 15 May 2018 for a roundtable event entitled ‘Roadmap for the Future of Europe: shaping EU Security and Defence Policy’. The event was held in the European Parliament’s Library and was the occasion for the launch of a new EPRS publication on ‘Peace and Security in 2018 – Overview of EU action and outlook for the future‘, which will be updated annually and which complements the existing annual publications on the Economic Outlook for the EU and the Demographic Outlook for the EU.

In his introductory keynote, David McAllister referred to the topic as a very timely one. In the past two years, the EU’s Member States have begun for the first time to put words into action in the area of security and defence. Looking back to the Bratislava Summit of 2016, which followed the Brexit vote and aimed at breathing new life into the EU integration process; one area of priority EU action was Security and Defence. This meant moving to the implementation of the Global Strategy and of the EU-NATO Joint Declaration. David Mc Allister identified three decisive factors in the EU’s decision to move ahead in the area of defence: the EU’s defence efficiency problem; improving EU-NATO relations to an unprecedented degree; and external factors such as the growing pressure on the international rules-based system and the shifting of economic and political power globally. He discussed ongoing challenges, such as Russian aggression, cyber threats and interference with elections, as well as the changes in United States’ foreign policy, and perceived those challenges as ‘push’ factors for European integration in defence. Permanent Structured Cooperation in defence (PESCO), implemented through projects such as Military Mobility, is perhaps the most illustrative example of this move towards integration. He also highlighted that the next challenges for PESCO will be arrangements on financing and governance, which will be discussed in the European Council in June 2018. The developments we have witnessed, such as PESCO and the European Defence Fund, led David McAllister to express optimism about the future, based on the fact that, contrary to the situation in the past, political will has emerged that could give rise to a new momentum. He ended his speech by reiterating the European Parliament’s call for an EU Security and Defence White Book, with more details and specifications on the implementation of the Global Strategy.

In the subsequent roundtable, experts discussed the challenges ahead for the EU’s security and defence policy, such as relations with NATO, implementing decisions and managing to keep up with the pace of events. The discussion also focused on the Global Strategy and how it translates into action, including in terms of the objectives set in Bratislava, but also with regard to the identity of the EU as a global peace and security actor. It was highlighted that security and defence is one of five priorities in the Global Strategy that include resilience, an integrated approach, a focus on prevention, regional orders and strengthening the multilateral order and global governance making it more inclusive and sustainable. That the multilateral rules-based order is being challenged today was a recurrent theme of discussion, and the EU’s need to work with partners on this was highlighted. The role of media and public perceptions of peace, security and the global environment was also emphasised as a source of anxiety about the future of the international system.

On the particular issue of PESCO, experts agreed that the combination of political will and the specific process that it represents, coupled with external factors (fragility, crises, a confrontational global environment), are encouraging. PESCO is also putting pressure on governments to spend more on defence and defence innovation, something which is needed in the EU. However, finding a compromise in the ambitions, interests, threat perceptions and capacities of Member States, is bound to be the major challenge ahead. Nevertheless, within an environment which is becoming increasingly unstable, this is a challenge – experts agreed – to be dynamically tackled.

Click to view slideshow.

Neue Vorwürfe von Frauen gegen einen Hollywood-Star: Schauspieler Morgan Freeman soll nicht weniger als acht Frauen belästigt haben. Der 80-Jährige entschuldigt sich.

Filmschauspieler Morgan Freeman (80) soll die Frauen an mehreren Filmsets belästigt haben, wie der US-Nachrichtensender CNN berichtet. 2015 soll Freeman versucht haben, den Rock einer Frau anzuheben und habe sie gefragt, ob sie Unterwäsche trage. Die junge Produktionsassistentin des Films «Going In Style» erzählt, er habe sie ungefragt berührt, etwa am unteren Rücken, und täglich Kommentare über ihre Figur und ihre Kleidung gemacht. Es habe sich um eine «monatelange Belästigung» gehandelt. «Er versuchte mehrfach, meinen Rock anzuheben. Geschafft hat er es aber nicht.»

Gegenüber CNN äussern sich noch weitere Frauen. So sagt eine Produktions-Angestellte des Films «Now You See Me» 2012, Freeman habe sie und ihre Assistentin mehrfach belästigt, Kommentare über ihre Figur gemacht. Sie hätten darum keine enganliegende Kleidung mehr getragen. Insgesamt acht Personen sollen demnach Opfer der Belästigungen des Oscarpreisträgers geworden sein.

Freeman kommentiert die Vorwürfe nicht

Freeman wollte zuerst keine Stellung nehmen, änderte später aber seine Meinung. «Jeder, der mich kennt oder mit mir zusammengearbeitet hat, weiss, dass ich niemanden absichtlich beleidigen oder jemanden wissentlich in Verlegenheit bringen würde», erklärte Freeman in einem Statement. «Ich entschuldige mich bei jedem, der sich unbehaglich oder nicht respektiert fühlte - das war nie meine Absicht.»

Szlovákia, a többi visegrádi országhoz hasonlóan, egy céltudatos, hosszú távú EU-költségvetést szorgalmaz. Ez Brüsszelben hangzott el ma a V4-es országok találkozóján, melyet a magyar elnökség rendezett.

French Web - La start-up parisienne Riminder, spécialisée dans la recherche d’emplois, a bouclé un premier tour de table de 2,3 millions de...

Des bolides saisis en 2016 par la justice genevoise, mal entretenus, se sont dépréciés. L’instruction contre le vice-président équato-guinéen coûte cher au contribuable.

Elfogultsági kérelmet és kizárási indítványt nyújtott be az ügyészségnek Ihász Sándor volt fellebbviteli főügyész, akit a Fenyő-gyilkossággal kapcsolatban hivatalos személy által elkövetett bűnpártolással gyanúsított meg a Központi Nyomozó Főügyészség (KNYF).

A volt főügyész védőügyvédje, Papp Gábor kedden az MTI-nek megerősítette: az Ihász által jegyzett dokumentumot kedden nyújtották be az ügyészségnek. Papp megjegyezte, mivel Ihász fellebbviteli főügyész volt, így mindenki érintettnek számít, aki jelenleg vezető beosztásban dolgozik ott.

A beadványban konkrétan megnevezték Keresztes Imre jelenlegi főügyészt is, aki még mint a fővárosi főügyész helyettese több éven át volt Ihász beosztottja. A KNYF több jelenlegi vezetőjével volt személyes, illetve szakmai kapcsolata Ihásznak, így a beadvány szerint tőlük ezek miatt nem várható pártatlanság az ügyben.

Papp azt mondta: céljuk a pártatlan igazságszolgáltatás, hogy Ihász Sándor ügyében olyanok járjanak el, akik minden irányban teljesen elfogulatlanok.

Az Országos Rendőr-főkapitányság (ORFK) idén áprilisban tette közzé, hogy 2017. október 31. óta ismét nyomoznak a Fenyő János ellen 1998. február 11-én előre kitervelten elkövetett emberölés ügyében. Egy héttel később azt közölték, hogy az ügyben Gyárfás Tamás volt úszószövetségi elnököt és médiavállalkozót a Készenléti Rendőrség Nemzeti Nyomozó Iroda (KR NNI) munkatársai Budapesten elfogták, majd előállították és gyanúsítottként hallgatták ki.

Az NNI az ugyanebben az ügyben március 22-én gyanúsítottként kihallgatott Portik Tamást is emberölésre felbujtással gyanúsítja. A KNYF nem sokkal később azt közölte: I. S. P. 2017 októberében hivatalában átvette a Fenyő-gyilkossággal kapcsolatos beszélgetésekről készült hangfelvételek leiratát. Az átadó az utóbb felbujtással meggyanúsított egyik férfi volt, aki akkor azért fordult az általa ismert főügyészhez, hogy tanácsot kérjen tőle.

A KNYF szerint I. S. P.-nek fel kellett ismernie, hogy a leiratban foglaltak olyan új bizonyítékok, amelyek jelentős mértékben hozzájárulhatnak az emberölés felbujtójának azonosításához, felelősségre vonásához. Ennek ellenére a törvényben előírt ügyészi kötelességével ellentétben a felmerült bizonyítékot nem adta át a nyomozóhatóságnak, hanem hivatali helyiségében tárolta.

“A Központi Nyomozó Főügyészség hivatalos személy hivatali eljárása során, hivatali kötelessége megszegésével elkövetett bűnpártolás bűntette miatt gyanúsítottként hallgatta ki dr. I. S. P. volt főügyészt” – írta akkor a KNYF. Erre reagálva Papp akkor azt mondta: “abszurd, ténybelileg és jogilag megalapozatlan” a gyanúsítás.