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Arcátlannak nevezte az AUR vezérét az RMDSZ képviselőházi frakcióvezetője, miután George Simion arra szólította fel a magyarokat, hogy iratkozzanak be az általa vezetett pártba. Csoma Botond bocsánatkérésre szólította fel az ultranacionalista politikust többek között az úzvölgyi atrocitásokért. Mint fogalmazott: azt javasolja, hogy menjen el Úz-völgyébe, és kérjen bocsánatot az ott elkövetett atrocitásokért, valamint az elmúlt […]

Articolul Csoma Botond szerint George Simion „arcátlan pimasz” apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

Sahand (nom d'emprunt) explique au Service mondial de la BBC qu'il envoie en Iran des terminaux d'accès à Internet par satellite afin que les gens puissent montrer « la réalité » de la situation dans le pays.

Irene Velez Torres, Director of the Colombian National Environmental Agency, during a panel discussion with policy experts at the Santa Marta Conference. Credit: Supplied

By Umar Manzoor Shah
SRINAGAR, India, May 6 2026 (IPS)

The First Conference on Transitioning Away from Fossil Fuels in Santa Marta, Colombia, may eventually be remembered as a defining moment in global climate politics, not because it produced a treaty or a formal negotiation outcome, but because it changed the tone, structure, and ambition of the conversation itself.

For decades, international climate diplomacy has been about managing emissions, not addressing the source of those emissions: fossil fuels. Governments continued to discuss carbon markets, offsets and adaptation funds but so too did the growth in oil, gas and coal production. Within the UN climate process itself, producer nations and powerful economic interests often blocked direct discussion of phasing out fossil fuels. However, there was no such case as Santa Marta.

The conference, co-hosted by Colombia and the Netherlands and attended by delegates from almost 60 nations, was not intended to be another COP-style negotiation. It was explicitly designed as a political and practical platform for those countries willing to move faster on the fossil fuel phase-out. That makes a difference.

“This was not a negotiating conference. This is about dialogue and looking together at what we can do and how we can apply our creativity, our collaboration, and the science to find new opportunities,” said Stientje van Veldhoven-van der Meer, Dutch Climate and Green Growth Minister.

The conference’s most important accomplishment might be the single transition from negotiation to problem-solving.

Traditional COP summits often descend into exercises in diplomatic survival, with countries fighting over language late into the night and protecting narrow interests. In Santa Marta, ministers repeatedly stressed that participants were not there to defend positions but to create solutions.

“The contrast was stark,” said Minina Talia, Tuvalu’s Minister for Home Affairs, Climate Change and Environment.

“I’ve been to a lot of COPs over the years and I’ve never felt like this. More chilled, ready to go home. We are not here to bargain. We’re here to find solutions,” he told reporters on the concluding day of the conference.

For small island states like Tuvalu, where climate change is an existential threat now rather than a future risk, this difference is significant. It is the politics of survival.

Several Concrete Results

Ireland and Tuvalu will co-host a second conference, ensuring continuity and signalling a conscious North-South partnership. A dedicated science panel will support countries and regions in their transition away from fossil fuels. Three work streams were established: pathways to transition away from fossil fuels; decarbonisation of trade balances; and new financial mechanisms to finance the transition.

These are not symbols for deliverables. They went to the core of the politics of dependence on fossil fuels.

The biggest challenge in climate politics is no longer to prove that climate change is real. It’s trying to work out how countries that rely on fossil fuel revenues can survive the transition without economic collapse, social unrest or widening inequality.

That means dealing with debt, subsidies, tax systems, labour transitions, industrial planning and trade balances. The focus on financial architecture in Santa Marta is a sign of awareness on the part of the participants.

The debate over fossil fuel subsidies was particularly important. Ministers emphasised the need for transparency on the location of fossil fuel incentives, revenues and dependencies within national economies. This is important because fossil fuels are not just an energy issue. They’re so entrenched in national budgets, banking systems, foreign policy and power structures.

The war in the Middle East, the disruption of oil supplies and the general insecurity of world energy have hastened the need for change. But unlike previous oil crises, this time renewable energy is getting cheaper and cheaper compared to fossil fuels, and electric vehicles are scaling up very fast.

Participants argued that the war has revealed not the need for more oil drilling, but the danger of fossil fuel dependence itself.

“The war really opened up peoples’ eyes to how fragile the fossil fuel system is,” a speaker said. “And this war comes at a time when renewables are cheaper than fossil fuels.

This shifts the transition from a strictly environmental imperative to a strategic economic and security priority.

Action on climate is no longer simply about saving the planet. It’s about stabilising economies, reducing geopolitical vulnerability and avoiding the financial risks of stranded fossil assets.

The reason this is a powerful shift is that finance ministers tend to move faster than environment ministers.

Another remarkable strength of Santa Marta was its insistence on being inclusive. Indigenous Peoples, parliamentarians, peasants, women, NGOs and even children were brought into the heart of the conversation.

“This is a new climate democracy, where governments are no longer the only actors making climate decisions,” said Irene Velez Torres, Director of the Colombian National Environmental Agency.

One of the strongest interventions at the conference came from Indigenous representatives, who warned that a clean energy transition without land justice would simply mean another wave of colonial extraction. Their declaration rejects a future where extraction of fossil fuels is replaced by mining for transition minerals, mega dams or industrial projects imposed on Indigenous lands without consent.

“If we are not part of building the just transition and the phase-out of fossil fuels, it will not be just,” they said in a joint declaration at the end of the conference on April 29.

This revealed one of the deepest contradictions in global climate policy: many governments speak of a green transition but continue with extractive models under a new name.

Indigenous leaders demanded free, prior and informed consent, legal recognition of the rights to their territories, direct access to climate finance and protection for land defenders at risk of criminalisation and violence.

The Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty initiative continues to be central. Tuvalu has been one of its earliest supporters, demanding a legally binding international framework to stop expansion and ensure a fair phase-out of fossil fuels.

Talia welcomed the treaty for raising the bar in terms of moral pressure and providing governments with clearer information but warned against limiting the whole transition conversation to one mechanism.

He said: “The treaty is an initiative. We want to look at all other initiatives so that we have a fair, balanced outcome.”

That’s a sign of strategic maturity. One treaty will not kill the most profitable industry in modern history.

These include UNFCCC processes, national policy, fossil fuel treaty mechanisms, regional declarations, central bank reforms and the involvement of financial institutions.

Participants highlighted China’s green lending strategies and said banking systems need to stop rewarding fossil fuel dependence and instead finance transition at scale.

Likewise, Pacific island nations are advocating for regional “fossil fuel-free zones”, supported by new declarations and intergovernmental task forces. These efforts matter because regional leadership often moves quicker than global consensus.

Hence, the choice of Tuvalu as the venue for the next conference is very significant. It’s shifting the discussion from the diplomatic capitals to one of the world’s most climate-vulnerable countries. It forces political leaders to confront the human reality of rising seas, disappearing land and threatened sovereignty.

History in the Making

Santa Marta won’t solve the fossil fuel crisis. It doesn’t stop new drilling. It does not yet impose binding obligations.But it may have done something more important, which is to make fossil fuel phase-out politically discussable at scale. For years, people saw talking straight about ending oil, gas, and coal as too radical, too unrealistic, or too politically dangerous. In Santa Marta it became the focus of the room.

If this coalition grows from 60 to 100 countries, if its outcomes feed into COP31 and national climate plans, if the finance systems start to shift, and if the Pacific conference deepens the legal momentum, then Santa Marta could be remembered not as a one-off summit but as the moment when climate diplomacy finally stopped treating the symptoms and started tackling the disease. That would be history.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Válság válság hátán, a gazdasági és a politikai krízis mellé még egy kormányválság is társul május ötödikétől a romániai belpolitikai freskóhoz. „Szerzői” vastag és egzaltált ecsetvonásokkal pingálnak a vászonra új vagy csak annak vélt erővonalakat. A kilábaláshoz bölcsesség, eltökéltség, a szerepek felelősségének felismerése és betöltése szükségeltetik. A Bolojan-kormány bukásával furamód épp a kabinet leszavazott miniszterelnöke […]

Articolul Élt 316 napot apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

La Cour d’Alger a rendu son verdict dans une affaire de la Résidence d’Etat du Sahel. Une lourde affaire de corruption impliquant 24 accusés, dont […]

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L’Algérie renforce son arsenal de protection des personnes vulnérables. Un décret exécutif, signé par le Premier ministre Saïfi Gharib, vient d’officialiser la création d’un fonds […]

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Sous l’égide du Ministre d’État, Ministre de l’Énergie et des Mines, Mohamed Arkab, et de son homologue égyptien Karim Ibrahim Ali Badawi , le groupe […]

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A street scene in Herat, where calls to reopen schools and universities for girls have exposed activists and educators to Taliban detention. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
HERAT, Afghanistan, May 5 2026 (IPS)

Qadoos Khatibi, an Afghan university lecturer, and Fayaz Ghori, a civil society activist, also from Afghanistan, were detained by the Taliban’s Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice. Their crime? Advocating for girls’ right to education.

Their arrest came as Afghanistan began a new academic year in the last week of March. Schools reopened across the country, but girls above primary school level remain barred from classrooms for the fifth consecutive year.

Khatibi had posted a video urging the Taliban to reopen educational institutions for girls, emphasizing that a country cannot develop without girls’ education. Ghori, for his part, had written that, “We are looking forward to the day when the doors of education will be opened for the girls of this country.”

In Afghanistan today, even civic, non-political advocacy can carry extreme risk. Critics and activists risk arrest, forced disappearance and sometimes worse, simply for sharing a video, writing a post, or speaking out. Online spaces are closely monitored, and critical voices are swiftly suppressed

Nearly five years have passed since the Taliban returned to power in Afghanistan, a period marked by the closure of secondary schools and universities to girls and women. During this time, girls’ education has come to a complete halt, and anyone who dares to speak out in protest often faces swift and harsh punishment.

Sediq Yasinzada, a civil society activist in Herat province and friend of both men, said they had spoken out against the closure of schools and universities for girls. They had shared posts on Facebook calling for the reopening of schools beyond grade six, and for universities to once again re-admit female students.

More than 2.2 million girls in Afghanistan are currently denied access to education due to restrictions, according to the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef), highlighting the magnitude of the problem.

In March this year, both men were summoned by the Taliban’s Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice in Herat. After interrogating them, they were handed over to Taliban intelligence. They spent 24 hours in detention, a fate that has become all too familiar for critics of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.

This time, however, the response was different. Because Khatibi and Ghori are well-known figures in Herat, their detention sparked a wave of support on social media. Ordinary citizens, activists, and local influencers called for their immediate release, bringing the issue to a wider public attention.

Alongside the social media outcry, several local elders and influential figures intervened directly with the Taliban, and after about 24 hours, both men were released.

Sarwar Khan, a prominent elder from Herat, says he has repeatedly urged the Taliban in meetings to reopen schools. He is the father of four daughters, all of whom are now denied access to education. “Send your sons to study”, was the Taliban’s mocking response, fully aware that Sarwar Khan has no sons.

When he pointed out that he has no sons, and that education is a right for both women and men, he was threatened with expulsion or even imprisonment if he continued to speak.

After his release from detention, Khatibi shared a statement on Facebook that underscored the core of their demand:

“What we asked for was a human, national, and Islamic request… Knowledge is the foundation of development and does not conflict with religious values. Knowledge does not have a gender. Our women and girls have the right to education.”

The arrests of Qadoos Khatibi and Fayaz Ghori are not isolated incidents. They reflect a broader pattern in Afghanistan, where even peaceful advocacy for girls’ education can be treated as a crime. Families like Sarwar Khan’s, as well as activists and ordinary citizens, face constant threats simply for demanding a basic human right.

In Afghanistan today, even civic, non-political advocacy can carry extreme risk. Critics and activists risk arrest, forced disappearance and sometimes worse, simply for sharing a video, writing a post, or speaking out. Online spaces are closely monitored, and critical voices are swiftly suppressed.

Many men avoid protest not out of indifference, but out of fear. In a situation whereby university professors and civil society activists can be scrutinized and ultimately criminalized simply for sharing a video or written text, many choose silence.

Yet despite this environment of repression, women, girls, and some men continue to protest. In recent years, dozens of women have been detained for weeks or even months without access to lawyers or contact with their families simply for demanding a fundamental right to education.

Since the Taliban returned to power in August 2021, Afghanistan has entered a harsh new era. Progress made over two decades, during which millions of girls entered schools and universities, has abruptly halted. The closure of schools beyond grade six and the suspension of higher education have created not only an educational crisis, but also a deep social and human challenge. In this climate, any form of civic protest is met with security crackdowns, shrinking the space for public expression.

Taliban authorities have repeatedly detained critics and civil society activists over the past several years, particularly those who have spoken out against their policies.

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

Un foyer de hantavirus détecté sur le MV Hondius mobilise l’OMS en urgence. En seulement quelques jours, six passagers ont été frappés par des complications […]

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L’article Paiement de la 2ème tranche AADL 3 : Y aura-t-il un sursis pour les souscripteurs en difficulté ? est apparu en premier sur .

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Chaque mardi, Pascal Boniface reçoit un membre de l’équipe de recherche de l’‪IRIS pour décrypter un fait d’actualité internationale. Aujourd’hui, échange avec Jean de Gliniasty, directeur de recherche à l’IRIS, ancien ambassadeur de France en Russie, sur la situation politique intérieure en Russie et la diplomatie menée par Vladimir Poutine. Le président russe est-il en difficulté ?

L’article Politique intérieure, diplomatie : Poutine en difficulté ? | Les mardis de l’IRIS est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

On 6 May, SEDE Members will have an exchange of views with Herald Ruijters, Deputy Director-General at DG DEFIS, on the stepping-up EU military support to Ukraine, focussed on the priorities for the 60 billion defence pillar of the Ukraine Support Loan. The following day, Members will discuss enhancing EU support to Veterans in Ukraine with representatives from EEAS, the EU CSDP Advisory Mission and the Commission. EU-Canada relations will also be high on the agenda this week,

with an exchange of views with the Canadian Ambassador to Belgium, Nicholas Brousseau, on the EU-Canada Security and Defence Partnership ahead of an upcoming SEDE visit to the country, as well as the vote, jointly with ITRE, on the agreement for Canada to join the EU's Security Action for Europe (SAFE) loan programme.

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate (VAE) zählen inzwischen zu den aggressivsten externen Akteuren in afrikanischen Konflikten, besonders in Äthiopien, Libyen, Sudan und Somalia. Beharrlich leugnet die Führung in der emiratischen Hauptstadt Abu Dhabi ihre Unterstützung für bewaffnete Akteure, führte sie aber sogar während des amerikanisch-israelischen Kriegs gegen Iran fort – trotz dessen gravie­render Auswirkungen auf das eigene Land. Diese Unterstützung erschwert eine konstruktive Konfliktbearbeitung und verschärft humanitäre Krisen und regionale Instabilität. Sie untergräbt Europas Interesse an stabilen Handelswegen, Fluchtursachenbekämpfung und regionaler Integration. Daher sollte Deutschland das destabilisierende Vorgehen der VAE wesentlich stärker in den bilateralen Beziehungen gewichten, deutlicher kritisieren und gemeinsam mit seinen europäischen Partnern Sanktionen prüfen. Der Kontext des Irankriegs sowie Spannungen zwischen den VAE und Saudi-Arabien bieten Chancen, einen Politikwechsel in Abu Dhabi zu bewirken.

KI, Scams, Desinformation: Wie behalte ich in der digitalen Welt die Kontrolle? In dieser AUA-Folge – Ask Us Anything – beantworten Johannes, Alexandra und Sven die Fragen ihrer Hörer:innen. Wie werden KI-Chatbots ausgetrickst? Wie funktioniert die Attribuierung von Cyberoperationen, und warum bleibt dabei immer Unsicherheit? Wie hängen Desinformation und Cyberoperationen zusammen? Und: Welche Begriffe aus dem Cyberwörterbuch würden die drei am liebsten verbannen?

Contrairement à ce qui est le cas pour les législateurs ordinaires, la mise en accusation d'un ministre nécessite la mise en place d'une commission d'enquête

The post Scandale agricole : le gouvernement grec protège une nouvelle fois d’anciens ministres appeared first on Euractiv FR.

The rising number of centenarians and older individuals raises important questions and issues, such as retirement ages, healthcare, pensions, living expenses, and elder care. Credit: Maricel Sequeira/IPS

By Joseph Chamie
PORTLAND, USA, May 5 2026 (IPS)

Throughout human history, reaching the age of 100 was considered an exceptional accomplishment. However, in recent decades, the number of centenarians in the world has been on the rise.

The increases in longevity for both men and women are welcomed developments. This remarkable accomplishment in human longevity, reaching 100 years or more, also poses challenges for the long-living individuals, their families, communities, and societies.

The rise in the number of centenarians can be attributed to a number of key economic, social, and scientific factors. These factors encompass public health initiatives, sanitation, environmental enhancements, medical advancements, improved access to healthcare, enhanced nutrition, medical treatments, vaccines, antibiotics, decline in infectious diseases, higher living standards, education, better management of chronic conditions, preventive care, social connections, and lifestyle choices.

In 1950, there were nearly 15,000 centenarians worldwide, representing a very small fraction of one percent of the global population of 2.5 billion. By 2026, the number of centenarians had increased by 45 times, reaching 672,000. This figure continued to represent a small, but larger fraction of one percent of the world’s current population, which had tripled to 8.3 billion.

The number of centenarians is expected to continue rising. It is projected that by 2050, the number of centenarians will almost quadruple, increasing from today’s 672,000 to 2.6 million. Furthermore, by the end of the century, the number of centenarians is expected to be approximately twenty-seven times greater than it is today, reaching 18 million by 2100 (Figure 1).

Source: United Nations.

Of the world’s 672,000 centenarians, nearly two-thirds reside in the more developed regions. The country with the largest number of centenarians is Japan with 126,000, accounting for nearly one-fifth of the world’s total. Following Japan, the next four countries and their number of centenarians are the United States (77,000), China (53,000), India (43,000), and France (35,000) (Table 1).

Source: United Nations.

In these various countries, the large majority of centenarians are women. For example, in Japan, women make up nearly 90% of centenarians. Similarly in the United States, nearly 80% of the centenarians in 2024 were women.

The oldest, documented centenarian to have ever lived is Jeanne Calment of France. She died at the age of 122 years and 164 days. Her age is verified through reliable birth, marriage, and death records in Arles, France, with her life spanning from 1875 to 1997. Calment’s father lived to the age of 94 and her mother lived to the age of 86.

The longest-lived man in recorded history was Jiroemon Kimura of Japan who died at the age of 116 years and 54 days. He was born in 1897 and died in 2013, making him the only man in history confirmed to have reached the age of 116. Kimura credited his longevity to living an active life and practicing the concept of hara hachi bunme in Japan, which involves eating until he was only 80% full.

Healthy aging and increased longevity in both men and women are influenced by a combination of genetic and non-genetic factors. In addition to genetics, major contributors to long life include access to healthcare, a healthy and nutritious diet, regular physical activity, not smoking, moderate alcohol consumption, maintaining a healthy body weight, strong social connections, managing stress and chronic conditions, getting sufficient quality sleep, maintaining a sense of purpose, and engaging in vigorous exercise (Table 2).

Source: Author’s compilation.

Medical research is continuing to explore ways to extend healthy lifespan and increase human longevity. Some of this research is focused on anti-ageing interventions, which include targeting biological mechanisms of ageing, delaying the onset of chronic diseases, and prolonging the period of healthy life. These interventions aim to enable individuals to live long enough to become centenarians. Unlike in the past, centenarians are no longer exceptional societal outliers. This significant change in human longevity is impacting not only centenarians but also reshaping the ways individuals, families, communities, and societies approach aging, retirement, and healthcare

Some believe that advancements in medicine and biotechnology may further promote the increase in human longevity. However, others argue that humanity has reached an upper limit of longevity, with the maximum reported age at death plateauing at around 115 to 122 years.

Unlike in the past, centenarians are no longer exceptional societal outliers. This significant change in human longevity is impacting not only centenarians but also reshaping the ways individuals, families, communities, and societies approach aging, retirement, and healthcare.

Living to 100 years or more is a goal that many people aspire to achieve. The rising number of centenarians and older individuals raises important questions and issues, such as retirement ages, healthcare, pensions, living expenses, and elder care.

To reach the age of 100 or beyond, long-term planning, including advance care planning, is crucial for individuals, families, and governments. This planning essentially involves ensuring that there are enough resources available for pensions, healthcare, living expenses, and elder care needs.

Unfortunately, individuals, families, and governments tend to neglect long-term planning. As a result, the gaps between retirement funds and the expenses for individuals living longer lives are significant and increasing.

Most older individuals have limited savings, a financial shortfall that is becoming increasingly common among older women and men. This issue is exacerbated by the demographic ageing of populations, with decreasing numbers of people in the workforce able to contribute to pensions and healthcare for retirees.

These financial gaps are not only causing economic challenges for older individuals and families, but also leading to a reevaluation of government policies and programs related to retirement ages, pension benefits, and health care for seniors.

In conclusion, the increase in human longevity and the rise in the number of centenarians are positive trends. However, they also bring about significant challenges for older individuals, communities, and societies.

Joseph Chamie is a consulting demographer, a former director of the United Nations Population Division, and author of many publications on population issues.

Les citoyens doivent pouvoir faire contrôler plus facilement leurs véhicules mais la fréquence des tests obligatoires ne doit pas changer, affirment les députés en commission des transports.
Commission des transports et du tourisme

Source : © Union européenne, 2026 - PE

The US-Israel war against Iran and the standoff in the Strait of Hormuz are reshaping trade and transport links as well as changing regional connectivity across Eurasia. Disruptions to shipping and energy flows in the Strait, through which a fifth of global oil and gas trade passes in peacetime, are prompting regional actors to seek alternatives and creating openings for new transport corridors. Turkey is moving quickly to capitalise on this shift. Ankara is presenting itself as a relatively secure hub for trade, transport, and energy, turning connectivity into an instrument of strategic autonomy and regional influence.

As maritime routes become more vulnerable and fragmentation in the Middle East deepens, Turkey is increasingly focusing on three areas: energy corridors, air connectivity, and the South Caucasus.

Reinforcing its role as an energy hub

Long central to Ankara’s ambitions, energy transit has gained renewed urgency amid recent instability in the Gulf. The Southern Gas Corridor, stretching from Azerbaijan through Georgia and Turkey to southern Europe, has become one of the few overland routes delivering non-Russian gas to the European Union. Its strategic importance has increased as alternative supply routes have become more vulnerable to disruption. 

Ankara is also placing growing emphasis on Iraq’s Development Road Project (DRP), which aims to connect energy resources from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to Europe via Iraq and Turkey. As risks to maritime shipping rise, the DRP becomes more attractive, allowing Turkey to position itself as a relatively stable and potentially indispensable trade route. 

The Baku–Tbilisi–Ceyhan pipeline further strengthens Turkey’s position. In 2025, the pipeline transported around 207 million barrels to the Mediterranean port of Ceyhan and has remained one of the few export outlets not directly exposed to Gulf-related disruptions. Energy flows through Turkish territory thus enhance Ankara’s leverage.

Airspace as a strategic asset

Turkey is also consolidating its position as an aviation hub connecting Europe and Asia. With northern routes over Russia and parts of Middle Eastern airspace restricted, Turkish Airlines has expanded its network. Istanbul Airport, Europe’s busiest air hub in 2024, has emerged as a key transit point linking Europe to Central and East Asia. 

This air connectivity reinforces Turkey’s role in global mobility networks and strengthens its ties with emerging markets across Asia. The recent resumption of flights between Istanbul and Tehran, following the partial opening of airspace, revives commercial activity. It also signals a pragmatic diplomatic engagement between Ankara and Tehran despite broader regional tensions.

Expanding the South Caucasus links

The South Caucasus is becoming a critical pillar of Turkey’s connectivity strategy. Following the realignments after the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, new opportunities have emerged for transport corridors linking Turkey to the Caspian and beyond. 

Direct flights between Yerevan and Istanbul restarted after six years of suspension, reconnecting Armenia to Western routes. In addition, Ankara is deepening cooperation with Azerbaijan to develop corridors that bypass both Russia and Iran, integrating the region more firmly into east-west trade networks. 

These efforts are closely tied to the so-called Middle Corridor, which connects energy and transport routes from China to Europe via Central Asia and the Caspian Sea while offering a viable alternative to the Northern Corridor through Russia. If successfully expanded, it could significantly enhance Turkey’s role as a transit country in Eurasian trade while shortening transit times and reducing risks for European supply chains.

Taken together, these initiatives reflect Turkey’s efforts to formalise its ties with regional partners through connectivity. In a context of conflict and fragmentation, Ankara is accelerating this approach, embedding itself deeply in regional networks through infrastructure, energy cooperation, and long-term economic frameworks. For Europe, this has tangible implications: The viability of alternative corridors will shape energy prices, supply-chain resilience, and trade routes in the years ahead.

Yet, Turkey’s strategy carries risks. Many of these corridors run through fragile political environments, from Iraq to the South Caucasus. Instability could just as easily derail Turkey’s ambitions as advance them, leaving European partners exposed to the very disruptions Ankara’s strategy is meant to mitigate.