Bangladeshi dissident Aslam Chowdhury, a prominent human rights and minority rights activist who was in prison for the last eight years, was recently released from prison. Meanwhile, upon hearing the news of his release, hundreds of activists have gathered in front of the Chattogram Central Jail amid the rain to welcome him as he emerged from prison. They welcomed him at the jail gate with flowers. Later, they started for Sitakunda with Aslam Chowdhury by processions with trucks.
The Bangladeshi dissident was imprisoned after 76 political cases were filed against him. He was granted bail in 75 cases, said Aslam Chowdhury’s personal lawyer KM Saiful Islam. Bangladeshi dissident Aslam Chowdhury is a leader of the BNP, who was known for his activities defending the rights of Hindus and other minorities in Bangladesh.
He was also an outspoken opponent of Sheikh Hasina, a former Bangladeshi Prime Minister who recently stepped down following student-led protests against her. Presently, the deposed prime minister faces 33 charges including attacking a procession in Sylhet city which left several people shot and injured. The charges against her include 27 for murder, four for crimes against humanity and genocide, and one for abduction.
A number of years ago, Chowdhury was arrested after meeting with Mendi Safadi, who formerly served as Israeli Communication Minister Ayoob Kara’s chief of staff. The Bangladeshi government alleged that he was part of an Israeli plot to topple the Bangladeshi government but Safadi related that the real reason he was arrested was due to his role in the country’s opposition. Bangladesh has no diplomatic relations with Israel and Bangladeshi citizens are barred from visiting the Jewish state. Safadi claimed that the Sheikh Hasina government has been “using violence and murder against ethnic minorities and opponents of the regime for years.”
Shipan Kumer Basu, who leads the World Hindu Struggle Committee, was one of the Hindus that was oppressed by the Sheikh Hasina government. He was imprisoned and tortured under the Sheikh Hasina government: “The Awami League government murdered, tortured, raped, forcefully converted and looted Hindus.” This led Basu to lead an international campaign against the Sheikh Hasina government.
In 2015, Basu met with Safadi and began to work with him towards improving the plight of Hindus in Bangladesh. In 2016, Chowdhury came to India, and met with both Safadi and Basu. It was from India that this trio worked together towards improving the plight of minorities in Bangladesh. In 2017, I was recruited to write about this issue in the American and Israeli media, and the four of us worked so that Bangladesh would have a brighter future.
In an exclusive interview, Basu related: “The main reason Chowdhury was put in jail was because of his activism for Hindu rights. He was protesting against the murder and rape of Hindu women. In 2016, we delivered a letter to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and started to reach out to Israel, so that they would help us. The Sheikh Hasina government turned Bangladesh into a graveyard. But now with Sheikh Hasina deposed and Chowdhury out of jail, we want to start making our country safe for all. We want to build a new Bangladesh where everyone will have equal rights. The new Bangladesh will be secular and progressive, where Muslims, Hindus, Christians and Buddhists can breathe freely.” Basu called on the international community to assist the interim government in establishing freedom in Bangladesh.
Nichée entre le massif Velebit et le mont Dinara qui fait frontière entre la Croatie et la Bosnie, la région croate de la Lika dévoile ses hauts plateaux de karst dans la lumière mitigée du printemps. Des stands de miel et de fromage alternent avec les troupeaux de vaches et de chevaux racés. On y trouve un refuge d'ours blessés où s'essaient des volontaires féru·e·s de nature, originaires de France ou d'Autriche ; ces dernier·ère·s côtoient sur les routes les touristes venu·e·s du monde (…)
- Les cours d'eau sont mortels pour qui n'est pas du bon côté • Le blog de Morgane Dujmović / Grand Bazar - Diaporama, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Migrants Balkans, Blogs - DiaporamaNichée entre le massif Velebit et le mont Dinara qui fait frontière entre la Croatie et la Bosnie, la région croate de la Lika dévoile ses hauts plateaux de karst dans la lumière mitigée du printemps. Des stands de miel et de fromage alternent avec les troupeaux de vaches et de chevaux racés. On y trouve un refuge d'ours blessés où s'essaient des volontaires féru·e·s de nature, originaires de France ou d'Autriche ; ces dernier·ère·s côtoient sur les routes les touristes venu·e·s du monde (…)
- Les cours d'eau sont mortels pour qui n'est pas du bon côté • Le blog de Morgane Dujmović / Grand Bazar - Diaporama, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Migrants Balkans, Blogs - DiaporamaA letter from the Federal Minister of Finance to his colleagues in the foreign and defence ministries, in which he points out the limits of support for Ukraine, has caused quite a stir. This is due not only to the letter itself, but also to the fact that there have long been doubts at home and abroad about the reliability and long-term goals of Germany's Ukraine policy. These doubts are anything but dispelled by the differing positions in the ruling coalition.
Above all, the question arises as to whether the German government is prepared to maintain at least its current level of support for Ukraine. Leading politicians often emphasise that Germany is the principal backer of Ukraine in Europe and in second place overall behind the USA. This strong support allows Germany to credibly demand a greater commitment from European allies such as France or Spain. However, this position has been called into question by the recently revealed intentions of some key players within the German government to significantly reduce aid from the federal budget for Ukraine in the upcoming years.
In particular, the plans of the finance ministry to replace German assistance with funds generated from confiscated Russian assets appear disingenuous. After all, it is still unclear how and when such a mechanism could function. The fact that this option is being discussed now, rather than when the mechanism is in place, suggests that the issue may be linked to ongoing election campaigns in some eastern German states, where opposition to military support for Ukraine is strong. This creates the impression that at least parts of the ruling coalition are willing to prioritise short-term election campaign aims over long-term security objectives.
Serious support requires flexibilityThe ongoing Ukrainian attack on the Russian region of Kursk demonstrates that combat operations can require unexpected tactical or even strategic adjustments that require more - rather than fewer - military resources from Ukraine. If the German government wants Ukraine to be able to defend itself and to improve its negotiating position, Berlin must retain a certain amount of room for manoeuvre with regard to future assistance.
The current plans for a significant aid reduction suggest that this room for manoeuvre is lacking. Even if requests for additional funding can potentially be submitted by relevant German authorities, a legitimate question arises as to whether the criteria used to decide on them will be based on fiscal or security-related concerns.
The coherence of European security policy is at stakeThe German government has come out in favour of the planned stationing of US medium-range missiles on German soil as a necessary measure to deter Russia. However, Ukraine's ability to drive Russian troops out of its territory and prevent Moscow from renewing its attacks also serves to deter Russia and thus contributes to German and European security.
The more successful Ukraine is in thwarting Russia's aims, the less likely it is that the proposed American missiles will need to be used in the future. Support for Ukraine and the deployment of US conventional weapons are therefore two elements of the same security policy approach. Advocating one while scaling back the other seems inconsistent and jeopardises the security of Germany and Europe.
Germany is losing credibilityEven if the impact of this debate on German support for Ukraine turns out to be relatively small, the signalling effect of the communication to date has been devastating in several respects. Germany is losing credibility with its partners, especially since Berlin initially cautioned against utilizing (interest on) Russian reserves but now assumes that this issue can be resolved quickly. Even more problematic is that Germany's behaviour lends credence to Putin’s assumption that Western states will reduce their military support for Ukraine over time and that he therefore has the upper hand.
Berlin’s current approach weakens Ukraine during a critical phase in which Kyiv is attempting to improve its position in multiple ways by deploying on Russian territory. A clear signal from the German government that the level of assistance to Ukraine in 2025 will be at least as high as in 2024 - even if the Russian reserves remain off-limits - would be appropriate.