The turbulent modern history of Afghanistan provides a sketch of a nation either battling or recovering from a series of wars, political unrest and corruption scandals — the confluence of which has left the country facing poverty and an uncertain future.
Afghanistan’s economy is largely reliant on an international community that provides billions of dollars a year to prevent the country from falling into complete chaos. Despite these efforts, international influx of money in Afghanistan has done little to build a sustainable economy that could eventually stand independent of international support.
The perennial challenge for international reconstruction efforts lies with the lack of fiscal and economic sustainability, and in the absence of proper political governance at the governmental level.
Earlier this month, the Center for Rebuilding Sustainable Communities After Disasters (CRSCAD) at the University of Massachusetts Boston, hosted an international conference on “Rebuilding Sustainable Communities in Afghanistan: The Way Forward.” I had a chance to catch up with the center’s founding director and a professor of Urban Planning and Community Studies, Dr. Adenrele Awotona, who explained,
In March 1948, just after the end of World War II, the United States Congress passed the Economic Cooperation Act and approved funding of over $12 billion for the rebuilding of war-ravaged Western Europe. That comprehensive European Recovery Program was nicknamed the “Marshall Plan.” In 2014, after over a decade of war in Afghanistan, records show that more United States and NATO money had been invested in the “reconstruction” of that country than was spent on the Marshall Plan.
For once, money doesn’t seem to be the problem. Corruption and the lack of regulatory, fiscal and constitutional structures have lead to an uneven distribution of wealth in the country — mostly concentrated with the top 15 to 20 percent of the population. The economic disparity is a bit of deja vu, and had previously been an contributing factor the original Communist takeover in the 1978. Today, competing political ideologies remain a problem. They are mostly sectarian and Islamic in flavor and continue to divide the country, eliminating any semblance of good governance.
The challenge for Afghan reconstruction is ensuring sustainability. The international community’s reconstruction strategy in Afghanistan has not stressed the need for sustainability. The majority of the hundreds of billions already poured into reconstruction has gone to building roads, dams, hospitals and schools – but the Afghans are not able to sustain much of that infrastructure without the continued financial support. In other words, when the money stops flowing, the structures won’t last long.
Perhaps a better strategy to rebuilding Afghanistan lies in focusing efforts on 1.) formulating a strong constitution that is embedded and reflective of the country’s history, culture, faith and one that is deeply committed to a modern understanding of human and civic rights; 2) strengthening law enforcement — not through militarization, but in the ability to enforce laws, keep the peace, and prosecute those who break the law — this point is particularly important in helping curb corruption — which remains rampant given the inability to prosecute those who break the laws; 3) providing a strong regulatory and fiscal framework to facilitate and protect investment. A viable solution for Afghanistan’s economic woes and development lies with the private sector. Private international investment can help develop profitable business enterprises that can spur and generate greater economic development in the country, and produce needed revenues for the government to aid in rebuilding Afghanistan.
The caveat lies with the substantial above-ground security risks of doing business in Afghanistan. Providing the conditions for private sector growth requires proper political governance at both the national and local levels. It also requires that the international community focus its efforts on paving the way and providing the right conditions for private sector growth both in terms of infrastructure, but perhaps most importantly in building a robust, enforceable regulatory structure to secure and protect investments.
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Kedves közönség! A Szekeres József nyugállományú ezredessel folytatott beszélgetés negyedik, befejező részében immár nem interjúalanyunk katonai pályafutása és az annak során megismert típusok kerülnek ismét fókuszba, hanem a szovjet csapatokkal folytatott szakmai együttműködés különböző formái itthon és külföldön egyaránt. Ennek jegyében hallhatunk többek között egy élménybeszámolót a Barátság-82 hadgyakorlatról, melyre csehszlovák, magyar és szovjet alakulatok részvételével került sor Karlovy Vary térségében 1981-82 telén, továbbá emlékképeket a T-64 típusról szerzett, alapvetően negatív tapasztalatokról is.
L'agence de notation Standard & Poor's (S&P) envisage d'abaisser la note de solvabilité financière de l'Union européenne, en raison notamment du soutien apporté à la Grèce, pays à haut risque.
S&P a abaissé la perspective de la note à long terme de l'Union de « stable » à « négative », selon un communiqué publié lundi.
Cette décision suggère que l'agence de notation américaine pourrait dégrader cette note, actuellement à AA+, d'ici les deux prochaines années.
The answer is an unequivocal yes. However, the Greek prime minister’s humiliating treatment during recent negotiations in Brussels (admittedly, to an extent the result of his own mistakes and those of previous Greek governments) and the chill caused in several European countries by German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble’s shock and awe strategy opened a wound that will not easily heal. A vindictive Europe that treats a member state as the enemy and forces it to choose between humiliation and suicide is probably not what supporters of European integration bargained for.
Furthermore, the image that Europe projects has not increased respect for the EU among its strategic competitors: European leaders spend endless hours resolving the problems of a member state that represented 1.3 percent of the EU’s GDP in 2014 only to impose recessionary policies that will barely allow Greece to stay alive but will not help the Greek economy recover.
It took repeated warnings from Washington to remind Europeans of the wider geopolitical ramifications of a Greek exit from the eurozone. And it took spirited resistance by France and a few other countries (as well as individual German politicians) to prevent a black page in Europe’s history. All this does not bode well for deeper European integration—whose need is stronger than ever.
Dr Thanos Dokos
En décembre 1918, une liste indépendantiste emportait la majorité des sièges irlandais aux élections britanniques. Trois ans avant la création du premier État irlandais. Un scénario qui séduit les souverainistes catalans. Mais est-il comparable ?
Kiev et ses créanciers ne parviennent pas à s'accorder sur le remboursement de la dette.
Berlin ne partage pas l’optimisme d’Athènes et de Bruxelles quant à la conclusion rapide d’un accord pour le troisième plan d’aide à la Grèce.
Le gouvernement allemand croit de moins en moins à un bouclage des négociations sur une troisième aide de ses partenaires européens à la Grèce d'ici le 20 août.
« Ce n'est pas faisable », a déclaré une source au tabloïd allemand Bild.
Le gouvernement grec d'Alexis Tsipras, arrivé au pouvoir il y a six mois, échappera difficilement à de nouvelles élections pour regagner une majorité parlementaire lui permettant d'appliquer l'accord avec les créanciers du pays, dont les négociations sont « dans la dernière ligne droite ».
Face à la crise de l’immigration et à la levée de boucliers qu’elle suscite en Europe, Jean-Claude Juncker appelle à la solidarité et exhorte les politiques à ne pas céder à la tentation des discours populistes.
Après avoir enterré la proposition de directive sur le congé de maternité existante, la Commission européenne se penche sur les moyens de rendre le marché du travail moins défavorable aux femmes.
« Dans l'UE, trois quarts des hommes ont un emploi, contre seulement un peu plus de 60 % des femmes. C'est un problème moral et social, parce que les femmes sont donc plus susceptibles de tomber dans la pauvreté », a souligné le vice-président de la Commission, Frans Timmermans, lors de la présentation d'une feuille de route pour l'équilibre vie privée - vie professionnelle.