La statue d'un commandant tchétnik responsable de massacres de civils musulmans durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale a été érigée, inaugurée puis finalement déplacée ce 8 août dans l'église du village de Gornje Zaostro, près de Berane, dans le nord du Monténégro.
- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Monténégro, Histoire, Politique, Religions, orthodoxie, Réhabilitation tchetniks et collabosLa Slovène « Kukla » signe avec Fantasy un premier long-métrage hybride, entre drame social et esthétique de clip musical. Présenté à Locarno, le film suit trois jeunes femmes issues de l'immigration dans une petite ville conservatrice, confrontées aux carcans patriarcaux, aux traditions et à l'absence de perspectives. Porté par un casting multiculturel et la présence d'une héroïne transgenre, Fantasy aborde avec fraîcheur et sensibilité des thèmes rarement explorés dans le cinéma post-yougoslave. Entretien.
- Articles / Slovénie, Courrier des Balkans, Cinéma yougoslave, Macédoine du Nord, Culture et éducation, SociétéSince the October 7th massacre, Israeli society has been greatly torn between those who send their children to the army and are suffering the effects of the war, and Haredim who are exempt from sending their children to the army. Many segments of Israeli society that send their children to the army are growing greatly resentful of the Haredim, who do not send their children to the army, especially as the causalities from the Gaza War continue to rise, with almost every day us hearing about soldiers who were killed in action.
Israeli society is furthermore torn between those who want this war to end as soon as possible and for the hostages to be released by whatever means necessary, and those who would like to see Hamas militarily defeated, even if it means that not all of the hostages will make it back. While Israeli society has always been divided between the secular and the religious, the right and the left, these divisions have only grown stronger since the October 7th massacre. In the eyes of some, these internal divisions pose a grave threat to Israeli society, as it is hard to focus one’s efforts on fighting external threats if one lacks a united home front. Some argue that these internal divisions have gotten so bad that they threaten the future functioning of the State of Israel.
The Dor Moria Think Tank recently proclaimed, “Israeli society faces a crisis that transcends traditional political or religious divisions. According to groundbreaking research by the Dor Moriah Analytics Center, the nation is trapped within what researchers call an “ontological bubble”—a self-perpetuating system of mutual antagonism that threatens the very fabric of the state.”
According to the Dor Moria Think Tank, “This isn’t merely another analysis of Israel’s well-documented secular-religious divide or left-right political split. The ontological bubble represents something far more insidious: a complete breakdown in shared reality, where opposing worldviews have crystallized into simplified, irreconcilable narratives that feed on conflict itself.”
“The Dor Moriah Center’s extensive research program—encompassing 14 nationwide sociological studies, 5 expert surveys, and collaboration with leading Israeli polling firms Maagar Mochot and Geocartography—has revealed a disturbing pattern,” the Dor Moria Think Tank noted. “Israeli society has bifurcated into two dominant, antagonistic worldviews: the “secular-liberal” and the “religious-conservative.””
“What makes this an ontological bubble rather than a conventional societal split,” one may ponder. According to the researchers, “it’s the self-sustaining nature of these divisions. Traditional information campaigns or dialogue initiatives don’t bridge the gap—they actually intensify it. Any attempt at neutral positioning triggers negative reactions from both sides. The bubble feeds on conflict, growing stronger with each clash.”
Dr. Lola Kolpina, a sociologist at Haifa University and one of the study’s authors, noted that “the high level of radicalization in respondent answers revealed by the study should be considered. On the most significant social issues, most people take extreme positions, reflecting not so much a process of situation analysis as a behavioral strategy oriented toward pushing through their values and interests rather than dialogue and interest coordination.”
The data confirms this grim assessment:
For example, 45% of ultra-Orthodox Jews frame the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as an existential clash between Judaism and Islam. However, only 30.1% of secular Jews share this view, with 34.1% seeing the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as territorial dispute. While 30.8% of Israelis favor complete annexation of Palestinian territories—the single most popular position—most (52%) doubt it would resolve the conflict. Yet they’re equally pessimistic about alternatives—only 22.6% believe peaceful coexistence is possible without territorial changes. Nevertheless, 56.9 percent of the ultra-Orthodox support complete annexation of all Palestinian areas, while only 23.3 percent of secular Jews support this extreme position.
This ontological bubble according to the researchers at the Dor Moria Think Tank adversely affect the functioning as Israel as a state, leaving the state strongly divided between those who are religious versus secular, those who favor a one-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict compared to a two-state solution. According to the researchers, unless the issue of the ontological bubble is addressed, Israel will not be able to exist in its present form, as the high level of conflict between the sides and the lack of national solidarity will make it difficult for Israel to function in its present format.
We are already beginning to see signs of how the ontological bubble is adversely affecting the functioning of the Israeli government. Elana Sztokman, co-host at Women Ending War Podcast, recently stated on Facebook: “The Knesset has quietly continued with a whole series of terrible actions aimed at breaking democratic processes and enabling the government to do whatever it wants without any criticism. Among other things, they are frantically trying to remove from office anyone who disagrees with their actions, such as the Attorney General Gali Miara Baharav (still in place, thus far, but in peril), Mk Ayman Odeh (saved for now), and the Knesset speaker Yuli Edelstein — out.”
According to Sztokman, “Edelstein, who I don’t have any particular affinity for considering he has spent most of the past two years as an obedient arm of this corrupt government, did exactly one thing that reflects a possibly lingering conscience within him. That is, he refused to automatically allow the continuing of the haredi draft exemption, while the rest of the country is suffering through this war. For that, for still believing in what’s called “sharing the burden” and putting a stop to the free-flowing faucet of budgets and exemptions for the ultra-Orthodox, he was fired from his speaker job and other important Knesset positions.”
“Now, his powerful position as chair of Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee is about to go to a little-known Knesset member named MK Hanoch Milwidsky,” she added. “Aside from being a Netanyahu loyalist who will do whatever Bibi wants, there is another little item worth knowing about this little Milwidsky guy: He is under investigation for rape. Multiple rapes. His victims are still coming forward.”
However, prominent Middle East scholar Dr. Mordechai has a quite different view than Sztokman and the Dor Moria Think Tank: “Polarization is dangerous when both sides are equal in their power. However, the right side is much more powerful than the left side of the spectrum in Israel. This is why the left stick to the judicial system, the arts, academia, the economy, and media in order to hold onto power. The smaller they become, the more perspicuous they are and more extreme in their actions against the majority. Since this risk is unbalanced, they will finish when the left will be finished and it is going in that direction.”
According to Dr. Kedar, “This is what the demography leads to, with the religious population bigger and more numerous and the secular population smaller and therefore, they become more and more violent. A lady was recently arrested for wanting to acquire a weapon and use it against the prime minister. This means they are desperate. The left lacks significant leadership for they are a large array of positions, which vary from ultra-leftists who identify with Hamas to people who are more centric and define themselves as left because they don’t want to define themselves as right.”
Dr. Kedar feels that polarization in American society is a greater issue than it is in Israeli society: “American society is polarized for it is half and half. They are divided between Democrats and Republicans. Here, the system represents the people much better for we have a multi-party system for people stick to their parties that they supported in the past. This is the way to manage with this.”
Source: World Bank
At the core of the strategic rivalry between the United States and China lies China’s heavy dependence on maritime trade routes. As of early 2025, about 57.3% of China’s foreign trade transited by sea, with exports reaching nearly $325 billion in June alone. This maritime reliance underscores the economic dominance of China’s eastern coastal regions—Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, Jiangsu, and Shandong—which together generated over $5.1 trillion in GDP in 2024. These provinces thrive on export-oriented manufacturing and port infrastructure, while inland regions such as Wuhan and Chengdu, despite faster population growth and rising consumption, continue to lag economically, with GDP per capita roughly half that of the coastal hubs in 2023. This stark regional disparity creates a national imperative for Beijing to rebalance economic development toward the interior, driving China’s strategic expansion into Central Asia.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Central Asian corridors play a crucial role as an economic equalizer by channeling trade, investment, and infrastructure into inland provinces, thereby reducing coastal dominance and maritime dependency. Through integrating overland logistics networks—like transnational railways and highways—China empowers inland cities with direct access to global markets. This strategy not only lowers transportation costs and diversifies export routes, but also fosters industrial growth in the interior, fundamentally altering China’s economic geography. Consequently, a rising share of China’s foreign trade is shifting from sea-based routes to land-based networks, narrowing regional economic gaps and significantly lessening China’s vulnerability to maritime chokepoints and external disruptions.
The traditional Indo-Pacific Strategy, which has historically emphasized maritime dominance, now faces a critical gap as China diversifies its export and investment pathways toward Eurasia. To effectively counter China’s expanding multi-vector influence, the U.S. must broaden its policy beyond maritime competition, deepening strategic engagement with the Eurasian landmass by integrating economic, political, and security dimensions across the continent. This calls for a shift toward fostering a more resilient and interconnected regional framework.
Fostering Competitive Cooperation to Reflect Realpolitik in Central Asia
Building on this strategic imperative, America should actively promote the development of an open, resilient, and inclusive regional economic ecosystem in Central Asia. The crucial insight is that by enlarging the overall economic “pie,” greater opportunities emerge for meaningful engagement and dynamic interactions among all regional actors—including Russia, China, Turkey, and other ambitious players. By fostering sustainable development and deeper integration, the U.S. can establish itself as a constructive yet strategically savvy partner, cultivating a competitive environment that deliberately harnesses the region’s natural rivalries as a strategic advantage.
This model of competitive cooperation—or “coopetition”—creates space for emerging and increasingly influential actors to contribute to regional development while preventing any single power from achieving dominance. Turkey, for instance, has rapidly expanded its economic footprint, with exports to Central Asia reaching $12 billion in 2022 and bilateral trade with Turkmenistan hitting $2.5 billion in 2023. Ankara’s influence is strengthened not only by trade and defense partnerships—including UAV cooperation with Kazakhstan—but also by deep linguistic and cultural ties to Turkic-speaking populations.
While enlarging the economic pie through engaging diverse actors is crucial, the U.S. must exercise necessary caution in this approach. Critics rightly warn that deepening economic ties with authoritarian-leaning states such as China risks entrenching illiberal governance models across Central Asia. Infrastructure investments and expanded trade may strengthen state capacities for surveillance and repression as much as for development. This tension is particularly evident in the record of China’s Belt and Road Initiative, where investment often advances without governance conditions, effectively decoupling growth from liberal reform and potentially undermining democratic development.
Therefore, as the economic pie grows, U.S. engagement—especially in coordination with the European Union—must move beyond mere commercial diplomacy. Any strategy for economic integration should embed robust mechanisms that promote transparency, accountability, and meaningful participation by civil society. Without addressing these governance dimensions proactively, growing economic interdependence risks solidifying authoritarian resilience, thereby limiting the U.S.’s ability to advance long-term democratic governance and human rights in the region. This governance-conscious approach ensures that economic expansion serves not just growth, but also the development of more open and accountable political systems.
The U.S. Needs to Strategically Leverage Regional Rivalries to Diversify Supply Chains in Central Asia
With this long-term framework in mind, the U.S. should remove Cold War-era constraints on Central Asian countries, most notably by repealing the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. According to a 2025 Atlantic Council report, this outdated provision denies permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) to several Central Asian nations that have already met original human rights criteria, resulting in higher tariffs and reduced investment that directly impede U.S. influence and limit economic engagement with the region. The bipartisan efforts led by Senators Marco Rubio, Steve Daines, Chris Murphy, and Todd Young to eliminate this barrier represent a crucial first step toward unlocking trade, infrastructure investment, and cooperation in critical sectors such as rare earth minerals and counterterrorism. Repealing Jackson-Vanik would bring U.S. policy into alignment with current geopolitical realities, enabling more substantial partnerships that promote development grounded in human dignity and democratic accountability.
Building on this policy foundation, the U.S. short-term strategy should adopt a complementary two-pronged approach. First, it must strengthen its institutional toolkit by expanding the role of the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) to effectively “coopete” with the region’s multipolar actors. This involves promoting private investment and the development of high-quality infrastructure to advance economic diversification and regional connectivity, while enforcing rigorous environmental, social, and governance (ESG) standards to support transparent and sustainable growth, along with facilitating the entry and expansion of U.S. companies in competitive markets.
Second, the U.S. should prioritize diversifying trade routes and supply chains by actively engaging both the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) and the Trans-Siberian Railway (TSR), thereby capitalizing on the ongoing China-Russia rivalry for strategic advantage. This dual-corridor approach helps ensure reliable transportation of natural gas to EU allies while securing access to critical minerals in Siberia, reducing dependence on any single transport pathway or political arrangement.
The strategic logic behind reinforcing these complementary infrastructure corridors lies in fostering a competitive dynamic between China and Russia in Eurasia that ultimately serves U.S. interests. The TITR serves as a vital energy corridor that allows Central Asia to reduce dependence on Russian-dominated supply chains while countering China’s growing influence in regional energy exports. In 2023, freight volumes along the TITR increased by 63.7%, with Kazakh exports surging by 122%, highlighting its rising prominence as an alternative to Russian-controlled transport routes and demonstrating its potential to reshape regional trade patterns. This development systematically diminishes Moscow’s leverage while strengthening regional economic autonomy and diversification.
Simultaneously, the TSR remains crucial for Russia’s mineral exports, underpinning its economic strength despite recent fluctuations in transit volumes due to geopolitical tensions. By ensuring Central Asia maintains access to viable alternatives to both Chinese and Russian transport monopolies, the U.S. empowers the region to enhance its economic sovereignty and alleviate authoritarian pressures from any single dominant power. Together, these competing yet complementary transport corridors promote a balance of economic interdependence and healthy rivalry, bolstering regional bargaining power and allowing U.S. firms to secure strategic resources within politically neutral environments that are not dominated by adversarial powers.
By advancing a pluralistic transport network centered on both the TITR and TSR, the U.S. pursues a sophisticated strategy of competitive cooperation—encouraging diverse connectivity options that simultaneously challenge and engage regional powers constructively. This nuanced approach ultimately supports the development of a stable, multipolar, and rules-based economic order in Central Asia that prevents hegemonic dominance while fostering prosperity and development that aligns with American values and strategic interests.