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Pour les militaires, la vie est souvent marquée par des déménagements fréquents (voir notre article sur la PFMD, généralement tous les trois ans. Cette mobilité constante peut compliquer les décisions d’achat, en particulier lorsqu’il s’agit d’investir dans l’immobilier. Cependant, en planifiant soigneusement et en tenant compte de divers facteurs, il est possible de faire des

You probably use your phone or laptop every day, so you surely want to know your data is stored safely. In 2021, media organisations broke the story that several EU and non-EU governments had used Pegasus commercial spyware against journalists, politicians, diplomats, law enforcement officials, lawyers, business people and civil society actors. Pegasus is designed to breach mobile phones and extract vast amounts of data, including text messages, call interceptions, passwords, locations, microphone and camera recordings, and information from installed apps.

While other institutions shied away from action, the European Parliament responded immediately. It set up a Committee of Inquiry (the Committee of Inquiry to investigate the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware – PEGA) to investigate the use of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware. During its mandate, the committee interviewed over 215 interlocutors, commissioned studies, held hearings with experts and people who had been targeted, and organised fact-finding visits to Israel, Poland, Greece, Cyprus, Hungary and Spain. In March 2023, PEGA adopted a 145‑page report with the results of its investigation; Parliament adopted its final recommendation in June 2023.

Parliament found that both EU and non-EU countries had used Pegasus and similar spyware for political and even criminal purposes. Parliament was concerned that some Member States had spied on targets under the pretext of ‘national security’ to escape EU oversight. It concluded that Greek and, in particular, Polish and Hungarian legal frameworks and practices violated Union law and did not offer citizens sufficient protection. Parliament also made specific recommendations for Spain and Cyprus. Parliament envisaged stronger institutional and legal safeguards to ensure fundamental rights-compliant use of spyware, such as conditions for ordering, authorising, executing, and overseeing spyware operations. It also advocated a clear definition of ‘national security’. Parliament called on the European Commission to enforce existing laws more stringently and to follow up on possible abuses. It also tasked the Commission with drafting new laws, such as common EU standards for the use of spyware and a regulation on commercial spyware on the EU market.

Although the PEGA committee terminated on 9 June 2023, the chair and rapporteur announced that Parliament would continue working on the topic, for instance, within the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs.

Parliament used its powers of oversight and scrutiny to immediately take action to protect European citizens. Parliament’s powers fall broadly into six, often overlapping, domains: law-making, the budget, scrutiny of the executive, external relations, and, to a lesser extent, constitutional affairs and agenda-setting. This graphic shows more examples of areas where Parliament used one or more of its different powers to influence legislation:

Mapping the European Parliament’s powers in different areas

For a fuller picture of the European Parliament’s activity over the past five years, take a look at our publication Examples of Parliament’s impact: 2019 to 2024: Illustrating the powers of the European Parliament, from which this case is drawn.

Baby Lasagna a fini deuxième du 68ème concours de l'Eurovision, derrière l'artiste suisse Nemo. Mais le chanteur croate a conquis tous les Balkans avec sa techno-pop qui dénonce l'exode des jeunes, faisant même un joli pied de nez aux politiques qui voulaient récupérer son succès. Portrait d'une nouvelle icône venue d'Istrie.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Personnalités, Croatie, Culture et éducation, Eurovision, Exode

Ivory Coast's Aboudia beat the likes of Damian Hirst to the top spot of a best-sellers list.

Ivory Coast's Aboudia beat the likes of Damian Hirst to the top spot of a best-sellers list.

- Agenda / France - Régions

La BBC a vu des enfants de cinq ans cueillir du jasmin en Égypte, un des principaux exportateurs de son huile.

Les moustiques génétiquement modifiés et non piqueurs sont censés arrêter la propagation de l'espèce envahissante Anopheles stephensi.

We all benefit from a tax system that is fair and efficient, as it enables governments to provide important infrastructure and services. However, EU countries struggle with issues such as international corporate tax avoidance, with losses of around €35 to €70 billion annually in the EU and €60 billion in lost value added tax (VAT) revenue.

Taxation is very complex, in particular for companies operating across the EU. The difficulty of having to comply with all the different national tax rules creates barriers preventing businesses from enjoying the full benefits of the single market, to the detriment of economic growth, job creation and consumer choice.

EU countries have exclusive power to set and collect taxes. As such, the European Parliament can only produce non-binding opinions on tax-related matters. However, in June 2020, it decided to set up a Subcommittee on Tax Matters (FISC). This was the European Parliament’s first permanent committee on tax affairs, focusing on all tax-related matters, particularly the fight against tax fraud, tax evasion and tax avoidance, as well as tax transparency.

Four years later, the subcommittee has established itself as a key forum to discuss EU tax matters. Members have engaged extensively with tax experts from academia, non-governmental organisations and businesses and organised meetings with national parliaments to enhance cooperation. More specifically, the subcommittee held hearings on the status and efficacy of the tax reforms countries committed to as part of their post-pandemic recovery programmes to access the EU’s Next Generation EU recovery funds.

The FISC subcommittee has also engaged actively with countries outside the EU. It has used fact-finding missions, for instance to Singapore and the United States, to promote good tax governance standards, encouraging countries to join the global agreement on international corporate tax reform.

In addition, the FISC committee has adopted a series of recommendations to shape the EU’s tax agenda and maintain pressure on both the European Commission and the Council to enable a fairer and growth-friendly tax system. For example, FISC has called for measures to further harmonise electronic invoicing, to simplify the withholding tax framework and to counteract the misuse of shell companies. Several legislative initiatives in this area are now being debated by the Member States.

Parliament thus used its oversight and scrutiny powers to put pressure on both EU countries and the institutions to ensure their tax systems are fair and efficient. Parliament’s powers fall broadly into six, often overlapping, domains: law-making, the budget, scrutiny of the executive, external relations, and, to a lesser extent, constitutional affairs and agenda-setting. This graphic shows more examples of areas where Parliament used one or more of its different powers to influence legislation:

Mapping the European Parliament’s powers in different areas

For a fuller picture of the European Parliament’s activity over the past five years, take a look at our publication Examples of Parliament’s impact: 2019 to 2024: Illustrating the powers of the European Parliament, from which this case is drawn.

Le déménagement militaire, comme tout déménagement, représente un projet complexe et souvent coûteux. La bonne gestion de ce processus repose sur la compréhension détaillée de tous les coûts impliqués. Cette structure des coûts de déménagement couvre tous les aspects de la planification, des dépenses matérielles, logistiques et humaines. Coûts de Planification Consultation initiale : La

Van néhány olyan felületes meglátás, amely akár meg is alapozhatja az Emmanuel Macron - Magyar Péter összehasonlítást. Lássuk a részleteket!

The post Magyar Péter vs. Emmanuel Macron: hasonlítanának? appeared first on FRANCIA POLITIKA.

Our daily or weekly groceries have become more expensive recently. These price rises are happening – even though the European Union is one of the world’s most food-secure regions – because the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine disrupted feed, fertiliser and energy imports, while extreme weather events have led to crop failures. As a result of this confluence of factors, food prices have skyrocketed, hitting lower-income households most harshly. To protect EU citizens, the European Parliament has consistently advocated measures to make the EU depend less on imports and become more resilient to climate change.

The EU’s most powerful tool to address these challenges and ensure our food security is the common agricultural policy (CAP), which has supported the EU’s primary food producers – farmers – for over 60 years. In 2017, EU agricultural policy was thoroughly reformed. The European Parliament played a central role in shaping the new CAP, which was adopted in 2021 and consists of three regulations: on national strategic plans, on financing, management and monitoring; and on the single common organisation of the markets.

Parliament worked to ensure the new CAP rules incentivise a farming system that is greener, fairer, more efficient and better at preventing and mitigating future threats to food security. During long and intense negotiations, Parliament pushed for greater social and environmental commitments tosupport farmers, preserve biodiversity and maintain healthy soils. As a result, the new CAP devotes 35 % of its €95.5 billion budget to fund rural development, and 25 % of direct payments to farmers will aim to encourage sustainable farming and better animal welfare practices.

Members also advocated strongly for small and family farms, ensuring that at least 10 % of the direct payments budget reinforces the support allocated to them. Moreover, thanks to the European Parliament, at least 3 % of the CAP budget must specifically benefit young farmers. Because fairness and efficiency are important to keep farms running, Members pushed for the introduction of social conditionality – making payments dependent on respect for labour standards – and tougher measures to combat fraud, entailing better monitoring of funds.

Parliament also insisted on the creation of an annual €450 million crisis reserve to shield farmers, stabilise markets and protect consumers from future shocks. This mechanism was used for the first time following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, helping to mitigate energy and agricultural supply disruption, and averting a wider food security crisis in the EU. This way, Parliament used its law-making powers to shield farmers and protect consumers from future crises. Parliament’s powers fall broadly into six, often overlapping, domains: law-making, the budget, scrutiny of the executive, external relations, and, to a lesser extent, constitutional affairs and agenda-setting. This graphic shows more examples of areas where Parliament used one or more of its different powers to influence legislation:

Mapping the European Parliament’s powers in different areas

For a fuller picture of the European Parliament’s activity over the past five years, take a look at our publication Examples of Parliament’s impact: 2019 to 2024: Illustrating the powers of the European Parliament, from which this case is drawn.

- Agenda / Région parisienne

On June 4th, IPI hosted a Global Leaders Series event featuring H.E. Bernardo Arévalo, President of Guatemala. The conversation between IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein and H.E. Bernardo Arévalo centered around current issues facing Guatemala, sustainable development, and goals for the future.

Bernardo Arévalo currently serves as the 52nd president of Guatemala, having assumed office on January 15, 2024. A reform candidate of the Movimento Semilla party, he campaigned primarily on an anti-corruption platform while also frequently discussing Guatemala’s development and security needs. He previously served as a deputy in the Congress of Guatemala from 2020 to 2024, as Ambassador to Spain from 1995 to 1996, and as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1994 to 1995.

Credit: Joris Bolomey / AFP via Getty Images

By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, May 31 2024 (IPS)

On 6 May, people went to the polls in Chad, ostensibly to elect a president who’d usher in democratic civilian rule. Ten days later, the Constitutional Council confirmed there’d be no change: the elected president was the leader of the military-backed transitional government supposedly handing over power, Mahamat Idriss Déby.

In 2021, Déby took over from his father, who’d held power since 1990 but had just been killed in a rebel attack. It was a coup; he wasn’t in the line of succession. At the head of a Transitional Military Council (CMT), he was in charge of leading the transition that hasn’t happened.

According to the official count, Déby won 61 per cent of the vote, easily securing the outright majority needed to avoid a runoff. There were widespread allegations of fraud. The campaign was marked by the assassination of a prominent opposition leader and the repression and killing of protesters. Civil society fears the results will legitimise authoritarian rule, deepening human rights abuses and further restricting civic space.

No democracy in sight

Since independence from France in 1960, Chad has experienced several coups and a long spell of authoritarian rule. General Idriss Déby, Mahamat’s father deposed the previous president in 1990 and had his autocratic reign rubber-stamped by six ritual elections between 1996 and 2021. Immediately after the 2021 election, rebels killed him on a visit to government troops, leading to his son installing himself as ‘interim leader’, perpetuating a political dynasty into its fourth decade.

The military initially said the transition would end with elections in October 2022, but as the date approached, instead it launched a ‘Sovereign Inclusive National Dialogue’, which extended Déby’s rule by over two years. Following the dialogue, the CMT was dissolved and Déby became head of a new transitional government, with a former opposition leader as prime minister.

The new timetable called for elections by November 2024. More than 60 people were killed in the protests that greeted this announcement, which the government denounced as an attempted coup. Numerous protesters received jail sentences. The government imposed a curfew and a three-month ban on political activity, arrested prominent opposition leaders and intimidated and harassed critical voices and journalists. Activists were detained or disappeared, with some forced to flee.

In November 2022, the government banned Wakit Tama (‘the time has come’), a coalition of civil society groups, trade unions and opposition parties, which first mobilised to demand democracy when Idriss Déby sought a sixth term. Any similar attempt at broad-based coordination was subsequently banned.

If something came out of the national dialogue, it was the need to decide whether Chad should be organised on federal or centralised lines. But the referendum held in October 2023 didn’t put this to a vote. Instead, it sought to validate a new constitution tailor-made to make the interim president’s rule permanent. Civil society and opposition groups called for a boycott, but as with every vote ever held in Chad, the dice were loaded.

Reportedly approved by 86 per cent of voters, the new constitution lowered the age required to run for president, enabling then-38-year-old Mahamat Déby’s candidacy, and required both the president’s parents to be Chad citizens, something his main rivals couldn’t easily prove. All junta and transitional government members were allowed to compete in elections.

As part of a deal to pave the way to a minimally competitive election, the government then issued a general amnesty for those involved in the 2022 protests and allowed exiled leaders to return and run. Among them was Succès Masra, who’d fled persecution and then came back after signing an agreement that made him prime minister. He ran for the Transformers party, coming in a distant second.

Third place was taken Albert Pahimi of the National Rally of Chadian Democrats, who served as prime minister between 2016 and 2018, and again between 2021 and 2022, but who now presented himself as the one who could stop the incumbent pushing the country over the edge.

Conspicuous by his absence was someone who’d been expected to be the main challenger. Yaya Dillo was killed on 28 February when security forces forced their way into the headquarters of his Socialist Party Without Borders. This happened days after a violent attack on the headquarters of the National Security Agency that the government blamed on Dillo and his party.

With an incomplete slate, a playing field heavily tilted in the regime’s favour and an election day plagued by violence and fraudulent practices that proliferated in the absence of independent observation, the results were predictable.

The international picture

There’s no pressure for democracy from Chad’s foreign partners.

Oil-rich Chad has long been a key ally of western states in their fight against jihadist insurgency, working with France and the USA against Al-Qaeda and ISIS operations in the Sahel. While other francophone countries under military rule – Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger – have kicked western powers out and pivoted towards Russia, Chad has so far remained in the fold.

In March 2024, Chad’s air force asked the USA to withdraw its troops – fewer than 100 – from a French military base. It was unclear why, but the USA retreated, at least temporarily. However, everything else, including France’s 1,000 or so troops, has remained in place.

France – a long-time enabler of Chad’s authoritarian rulers – has been careful not to stir things. In March, France’s special envoy to Africa met with the two ‘official’ candidates, Déby and Masra, and confirmed that French troops would stay.

Because Chad’s authoritarian rulers have long been backed by France, democracy activists have increasingly turned their anger on the country. Protesters have set fire to French flags and targeted buildings belonging to the French oil company TotalEnergies. Wakit Tama increasingly denounces the presence of French troops.

This backlash strengthens French support for the authoritarian regime, out of fear of the alternatives. The French government has consistently backed leaders who underpin its position in the region. This makes it inconsistent in its support for democracy, condemning military coups by anti-French forces in Burkina Faso and Mali but supporting the manoeuvring to keep friendly faces in charge in Chad. As long as this situation continues, there seems little hope for genuine democracy in Chad.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Senior Research Specialist, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

 

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Written by Sebastian Clapp.

On 24 February 2022, Russia’s unjustified aggression against Ukraine signalled the return of high-intensity warfare to Europe. In response, and to ensure the EU’s long-term goal of achieving defence industrial readiness, the European Commission adopted the first-ever European defence industrial strategy (EDIS) on 5 March 2024.

As an immediate and central step to deliver the strategy, the Commission put forward a proposal for a European defence industry programme (EDIP) regulation, also on 5 March 2024. EDIP – with a proposed budget of €1.5 billion – seeks to achieve defence industrial readiness by bridging the gap between short-term emergency measures that have been implemented since 2023 and will end in 2025 and a more structural, long-term approach.

Complete version

• May 2024: European defence industry programme (EDIP) (1st edition)

Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on establishing the European Defence Industry Programme and a framework of measures to ensure the timely
availability and supply of defence products (‘EDIP’) Committee responsible:Pending final decision on the referralCOM(2024) 0150
5.3.2024Rapporteur:To be determined2024/0061(COD)Shadow rapporteurs:To be determinedOrdinary legislative
procedure (COD)
(Parliament and
Council on equal
footing – formerly
‘co-decision’) Next steps expected: Draft report

Le Soudan est confronté à un génocide alors que l'attention du monde se concentre sur l'Ukraine et Gaza, avertit un expert des Nations unies.

A fejlesztéshez a Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Alap „Piacvezérelt kutatás-fejlesztési és innovációs projektek támogatása” című pályázati felhívásán 780,48 millió forint állami támogatást nyert el a VISAL PLUS Kft. által vezetett konzorcium.

A VISAL PLUS Kft., mint konzorciumvezető, a Young B.T.S. Kft. és a SZEGEDI BIOLÓGIAI KUTATÓKÖZPONT által létrehozott konzorcium projektje során létrejött mikrobiomdiagnosztikai kit és bioinformatikai platform különböző biológiai mintákból a benne található baktériumok és azok arányának meghatározására használható. A megrendelő a vizsgálat eredményét, a projekt során fejlesztett online platformon tudja megtekinteni, elemezni. A mikrobiom szűrővizsgálatokra egyre nagyobb igény mutatkozik világszerte. Jelentős célcsoportként tartják nyilván a gasztroenterológiai és az onkológiai klinikákat, a fejlesztésükkel létrehozott mikrobiomdiagnosztikai szolgáltatás alkalmas az emésztőrendszeri megbetegedések monitorozására, és képes bizonyos gyógyszerek felszívódásának hatékonyságát és várható terápiás hatékonyságát előre jelezni.

A projekt tudományos újdonsága onnan ered, hogy két újgenerációs szekvenálási technikát ötvöz. A hagyományosabbnak tekinthető V3 és V4 16S RNS mikrobiomszekvenálás és az ún. shotgun szekvenálás kimeneteleit is képes elemezni, melynek során saját fejlesztésű bioinformatikai algoritmus generálja a diagnosztikai eredményt. Ez a megközelítés a mikrobiom összetételén felül alkalmas az antibiotikumrezisztencia gének és a rezisztenciatranszmittáló faktorok felderítésére is. A bélflóra vizsgálatán felül a kidolgozott MicrobiomeStep technológia alkalmas különböző bőrbetegségek és nőgyógyászati minták mikrobiomvizsgálatára is, továbbá a bélflóra és a vérben fellelhető mikrobiom összehasonlító vizsgálatára, mely kutatás feltárhatja a bél mikrobiom összetétel, bélgyulladás kialakulása, baktériumok keringésbe kerülése, autoimmun betegségek kialakulása között fellelhető ok-okozati összefüggéseket. A létrejövő szolgáltatás piaci lehetőségei az adaptálhatósága miatt további célcsoportok irányába is bővíthetőek lesznek.

Az NKFI Alap „2020-1.1.2-PIACI KFI” pályázati kiírásán 780 478 000 Ft állami támogatást elnyert, 1 087 946 000 Ft összköltségvetésű 2020-1.1.2-PIACI-KFI-2021-00304 számú projekt 2021. június 1-én indult és 2024. május 31-én zárult.

Nous vous dirons ce qu'il advient de l'affaire pour laquelle Trump a été condamné et quelles sont les implications pour ses aspirations présidentielles.

A Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Alap „GYORSÍTÓSÁV” című pályázati felhívásán 187,94 millió forint állami támogatást nyert el a Delta Bio 2000 Kft.

Az új technológiával akár kis mennyiségben jelenlévő és károsodott nukleinsavból kiindulva is nagy biztonsággal detektálhatnak nemcsak mutációkat, hanem génfúziókat és expressziós változásokat is. A létrehozott technológia alkalmas többek között, tumorok géndiagnosztikai monitorozására felhasználható génpanel-reagens kitek fejlesztésére.

A projekt további konkrét eredményeként a Delta Bio 2000 Kft. létrehozott egy RNS-panel diagnosztikai reagens kitet is, mely alkalmas prosztatatumorok szűrésére és progressziójának monitorozására nem-invazív mintavétellel, vizeletmintából. A kifejlesztett prosztatatumor reagens kit alkalmazása alapvetően változtathatja meg az alkalmazott orvosi protokollt – ennek jelentőségét növeli, hogy a prosztatadaganat a férfiak második leggyakoribb rosszindulatú megbetegedése, ezért szűrése kiemelt fontosságú.

Az eddigi gyakorlat szerint, prosztatatumor diagnosztizálásához biopsziát vesznek, mely kellemetlen, invazív beavatkozást jelent, és sok esetben feleslegesnek is bizonyul. Ezzel a gyakorlattal ellentétben, az általuk kifejlesztett megoldással non-invazív mintavétellel nyert vizeletből is ki lehet mutatni nagy érzékenységgel a tumorra jellemző expressziós és genetikai változásokat.

Az NKFI Alap pályázati kiírásán 187 941 600 Ft Ft állami támogatást elnyert, 234 698 400 Ft összköltségvetésű 2020-1.1.5-GYORSÍTÓSÁV-2021-00002 számú projekt 2021. június 1-én indult és 2024. május 31-én zárult.