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In der NBA bezwingen die Washington Wizards die Atlanta Hawks erneut. Das Team mit dem Walliser Rookie Kyshawn George gewinnt gegen die Equipe mit dem Genfer Clint Capela 133:120.

Am Mittwoch ist am Oberalppass ein Auto heftig verunfallt. Der Fahrzeuglenker wurde schwer verletzt.

Vom Zweier- zum Dreiergespann: Heidi und Leni Klum werben erstmals gemeinsam mit Oma Erna für eine Kampagne eines Unterwäsche-Labels. Dessous stehen jedoch nicht im Mittelpunkt.

La candidate à la présidence roumaine du parti libéral Union sauvez la Roumanie (USR), Elena Lasconi, a accusé son adversaire indépendant et ancien secrétaire général adjoint de l’OTAN, Mircea Geoană, d’avoir éventuellement collaboré avec une « ferme à trolls » avant les élections.

A seven-member strong delegation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) travelled to the United Kingdom from 28 to 30 October 2024. This was the first official visit of the Committee abroad in this parliamentary term. The delegation discussed possibilities for strengthening of the EU-UK partnership, in particular in foreign and security affairs.
This visit was also be an opportunity to exchange views on issues of global and regional significance such as the Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East and tensions in the Indo-Pacific.
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Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

A seven-member strong delegation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) travelled to the United Kingdom from 28 to 30 October 2024. This was the first official visit of the Committee abroad in this parliamentary term. The delegation discussed possibilities for strengthening of the EU-UK partnership, in particular in foreign and security affairs.
This visit was also be an opportunity to exchange views on issues of global and regional significance such as the Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East and tensions in the Indo-Pacific.
Press announcement
Programme : [EN]
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Die Schweizer NHL-Spieler präsentieren sich abermals in dieser Saison in Skorerlaune. Gleich vier von ihnen tragen sich in der Nacht auf Donnerstag in die Torschützenliste ein.

Botafogo folgt Atletico Mineiro in den Final der Copa Libertadores. Die brasilianische Equipe entscheidet das Halbfinal-Duell gegen Peñarol aus Uruguay für sich.

Jelenleg Szlovákia legmegbízhatóbb politikai vezetője Peter Pellegrini köztársasági elnök, a Hlas párt örökös "alapító elnöke". Az AKO ügynökség JOJ tévé számára készített közvélemény-kutatása szerint benne bízik a válaszadók 51 %-a, míg 45,9 % bizalmatlan vele szemben.

Social Democrat leader Vilija Blinkeviciute told reporters on Wednesday Paluckas was "best prepared" for the top job as she had opted not to take it on for health reasons.

Des inondations dévastatrices ont fait au moins 70 morts et plusieurs disparus en Espagne, ravageant les régions de Valence et de Castille-La Manche, ont annoncé les autorités mercredi 30 octobre.

This policy paper explores Russia’s use of the Wagner Group in Africa, highlighting how the concept of plausible deniability allows the Kremlin to expand its influence in regions such as Mali and the Central African Republic. By distancing itself from direct responsibility for controversial military actions, Russia is able to exert significant geopolitical control. The paper also examines the continuation of Wagner Group operations following the death of its leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, and discusses the broader implications of these developments for Africa and the Mediterranean region.

• The Wagner Group’s operations continued after the death of its leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, with increased integration into Russia’s Ministry of Defence, signaling Russia’s deeper involvement in the continent’s security dynamics.
• Moscow’s activities in Africa signal a broader strategy to challenge Western influence by supporting local regimes and displacing Western control over critical resources, while securing Russia’s standing as a dominant player in the region’s security and economic landscape.
• Russia has secured access to valuable natural resources through its African interventions, extracting billions in gold and pursuing strategic control over uranium in countries like Niger. These resources likely help fund Russia’s broader geopolitical ambitions, including its war efforts in Ukraine.
• Russia offers “pragmatic engagement” as a substitute for dwindling Western aid in Africa, capitalizing on the gap left by reduced Western support to build influence through military assistance, resource extraction, and infrastructure projects.

Read here in pdf the Policy brief by Natalia Tellidou, Research Fellow at ELIAMEP’s Mediterranean Programme.

Russia’s Strategic Push into Africa

In 2020, the world witnessed a record 56 unique conflicts, the highest number in a single year since 1946.[1] Over half of these were internationalized civil wars, where external powers sponsor local actors to fight on their behalf. This practice, known as conflict delegation, has become a strategic tool for powerful states looking to extend their influence without direct involvement. As a result, geopolitical tensions have escalated, with proxy wars becoming a common feature of modern conflict.

One of the most prominent players in these proxy wars is Russia, which relies heavily on private military security contractors (PMSCs) like the Wagner Group. These contractors provide a range of services, including intelligence gathering, military training, logistical support, and infrastructure protection. Operating in countries like Mali and the Central African Republic (CAR), the Wagner Group has supplied military training and assistance while enabling Russia to maintain plausible deniability. By relying on these contractors, Russia can distance itself from controversial actions, all while securing a foothold in these key regions.

Even after the death of Wagner’s leader, Yevgeny Prigozhin, the group’s operations have continued, underscoring the strategic importance of their mission. Russia has adapted to ensure these activities persist, maintaining its involvement in ongoing conflicts and protecting its interests in Africa (Figure 1). Beyond military influence, Russia reaps significant rewards from these operations, including increased security leverage, access to critical natural resources, and the ability to offer African states an alternative to dwindling Western aid.

By multiplying risks in the Global South, Russia seeks to undermine the United States and its allies, positioning itself as a dominant force in the region.

By multiplying risks in the Global South, Russia seeks to undermine the United States and its allies, positioning itself as a dominant force in the region.

Considering all this, this policy brief will first explore how the Wagner Group became instrumental in providing military support to countries like Mali and the CAR followed by an analysis of the post- Prigozhin period and the operations. Finally, the discussion will focus on what Russia gains from these activities—enhanced security leverage, access to valuable natural resources, and a pragmatic engagement to the diminishing development aid offered by Western countries.

Figure 1: Where and How Wanger Group Has Engaged in Africa. Sources: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, ACLED, Kathrin Buchholz https://www.statista.com/chart/30665/wagner-group-engagement-africa/

Wagner Group in Africa: A Tool for Russia’s Military and Political Ambitions 

 

Long before the war in Ukraine, Russia was already actively expanding its influence in the Global South, particularly through the Wagner Group, that allows Moscow to operate in conflict zones with plausible deniability.

Long before the war in Ukraine, Russia was already actively expanding its influence in the Global South, particularly through the Wagner Group, that allows Moscow to operate in conflict zones with plausible deniability. Plausible deniability refers to a strategy in which a sponsoring state avoids direct responsibility for its involvement in foreign conflicts[2]. By covertly supporting proxies, as the Wagner Group, the sponsor-state can reap the benefits of a potential victory without facing the risks and costs associated with direct intervention, including defeat or international condemnation. This approach allows the state to distance itself from the consequences of its actions, evading criticism from both international and domestic audiences. As a result, plausible deniability becomes a key incentive for states to engage in proxy wars. By leveraging Wagner’s presence, Russia has been able to support regimes and shape outcomes while distancing itself from the group’s often controversial and illegal activities.

Take Mali, for example. Since December 2021, Wagner has been actively involved in the country’s security landscape, invited by the Malian government, which had grown frustrated with international forces like the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSMA) and French troops. Wagner’s presence was intended to stabilize the country and support the peace process following the 2012 crisis. At its peak, over 2,000 Wagner personnel were stationed in Mali, providing military support, handling air force operations, and securing the ruling elite.

Wagner’s primary objective was to strengthen Mali’s offensive capabilities, particularly in the conflict-ridden northern region. Unlike international forces, Wagner and the Malian government reject population-centric, “soft” approaches to counterinsurgency. Wagner forces are notorious for their violent tactics, especially towards civilians, and they often coerce prisoners and locals into collaborating by providing intelligence or leading them to insurgent hideouts. While the French-backed reconciliation process with northern Tuareg rebels sought a more diplomatic solution, the Malian government—supported by Wagner—favored a military strategy, fueling renewed conflict in the north. Without Wagner, Mali’s armed forces would struggle to challenge insurgent control, and the demand for Wagner’s expertise in training and air force operations continues to grow.

Politically and socially, the group has exploited widespread discontent with the security situation and anti-French sentiments, positioning itself as a necessary force for stability.

Wagner’s impact in Mali is not confined to military efforts alone. Politically and socially, the group has exploited widespread discontent with the security situation and anti-French sentiments, positioning itself as a necessary force for stability. This multifaceted approach extends Russia’s influence far beyond the battlefield.

A similar pattern can be observed in the Central African Republic (CAR). Since January 2018, Wagner—alongside another Russian PMC, Patriot—has provided military training and security in exchange for access to valuable resources like gold, uranium, and diamonds. Wagner has been instrumental in bolstering the regime of President Faustin-Archange Touadéra, particularly during a 2020 rebel incursion into Bangui, where the group played a critical role in defending the government. Wagner has since become a cornerstone of Touadéra’s war efforts, helping him reclaim rebel-held territories.

However, Wagner’s involvement in CAR has exacerbated violence and militarization, much like in Mali. Russian mercenaries have instructed local militias to merge with the national army and function as self-defense units. These units, however, soon became rogue, committing widespread human rights abuses against civilians. Wagner’s presence has not only intensified the violence but also fragmented the region’s security environment, further entrenching instability.

In both Mali and the CAR, Wagner’s role extends beyond providing military support—it is about leveraging local grievances, securing valuable resources, and deepening Russia’s influence while operating in the shadows. The group’s activities have serious implications for the stability of these regions and underscore Russia’s strategic use of conflict delegation to assert itself on the global stage. 

Post-Prigozhin Dynamics 

While disruptions following the group’s mutiny and Prigozhin’s death caused some temporary instability—such as delayed salaries and suspended missions—operations quickly resumed, signaling the group’s resilience.

Despite the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin, the Wagner Group’s operations across Africa have persisted, though not without adjustments. The “Expeditionary Corps,” Wagner’s key operational unit, continued its activities in countries like Sudan, Niger, and Burkina Faso, maintaining its original objectives and utilizing the same resources. While disruptions following the group’s mutiny and Prigozhin’s death caused some temporary instability—such as delayed salaries and suspended missions—operations quickly resumed, signaling the group’s resilience. 

In Mali, for instance, after internal disagreements, Wagner reached a new agreement to work directly under the Russian Ministry of Defence. This shift allowed the Ministry to supply Wagner with essential military assets—vehicles, planes, and ammunition—at no cost, reinforcing Wagner’s role in the region. Moreover, the Ministry of Defence has sought additional means of support, including potential collaborations with other groups like Redut, which operate similarly to Wagner.

Following Prigozhin’s mutiny, the Kremlin formally moved Wagner’s African operations under the control of Russian military intelligence, the GRU. This reorganization saw senior Russian officials, including General Averyanov and Deputy Defence Minister Yunus-Bek Yevkurov, visiting former Wagner strongholds in Africa in early September. Far from signaling the end of Russia’s involvement, Prigozhin’s death marked a deeper entrenchment of Russian influence in the region. Wagner’s activities have since been rebranded under the Ministry of Defence as the “Africa Corps,” reflecting this increased oversight[3].

Russia’s diplomatic engagement has also expanded. In January 2024, Chad’s junta leader, Mahamat Idriss Déby, met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss strengthening bilateral ties. This meeting is particularly significant, as Chad had previously maintained a pro-Western stance. These developments indicate that Russia’s strategy in Africa, spearheaded by the Wagner Group and its successors, remains robust and continues to adapt to evolving geopolitical realities.

Strategic Returns: Russia’s Gains from its African Engagement

Russia’s involvement in Africa through the Wagner Group brings several strategic advantages. First and foremost, it strengthens Russia’s security posture. One clear example is Russia’s ongoing effort to establish a naval base at Port Sudan, which would grant Russia vital access to the Red Sea. Although the agreement has faced setbacks due to United States pressure, Russia remains determined to secure this critical foothold, signaling its broader ambitions in the region.

Secondly, Russia gains access to valuable natural resources. Over the past two years, Russia has reportedly extracted $2.5 billion worth of gold from Africa, with much of this wealth likely funding its war in Ukraine, according to the Blood Gold Report. Russian fighters, many of them former Wagner mercenaries, also took control of the Intahaka gold mine in northern Mali, a strategically significant asset long contested by various armed groups. In Niger, Russia is actively pursuing uranium concessions, aiming to reduce French influence over these critical resources. The broader pattern is clear: Russia seeks to challenge Western dominance over Africa’s minerals and energy reserves, positioning itself as a key player in this global resource competition.

Russia presents itself as a “pragmatic engagement” to diminishing Western development aid.

Lastly, Russia presents itself as a “pragmatic engagement” to diminishing Western development aid. With countries like the UK significantly cutting back on foreign aid, many African nations are turning to Russia as a reliable partner. By filling the void left by the West, Russia secures both influence and access to resources, while offering these nations military assistance, infrastructure projects, and less conditional diplomatic engagement. This approach allows Russia to build alliances, exert political influence, and further undermine Western presence in the region.

Implications for Global Security: Russia’s Growing Role in Africa

In conclusion, Russia’s strategy in Africa, executed largely through the Wagner Group and other proxies, represents a multifaceted attempt to enhance its geopolitical influence while undermining the global standing of the United States and its allies. By providing military support, gaining control over vital natural resources, and offering a pragmatic alternative to Western aid, Russia is positioning itself as a dominant force across the continent. 

Moving forward, it is crucial for policymakers and international actors to recognize the implications of Russia’s growing influence and to respond accordingly.

The death of Yevgeny Prigozhin did little to disrupt these plans, as Russia’s operations have not only persisted but have expanded under direct Kremlin oversight. This deepened involvement, combined with its strategic maneuvering in key areas like Mali, the Central African Republic, and Chad, ensures that Russia remains a pivotal player in the Global South. Moving forward, it is crucial for policymakers and international actors to recognize the implications of Russia’s growing influence and to respond accordingly. The stakes are not only regional but have far-reaching consequences for global security and resource access.

[1] Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946-2020 is published by the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Figure 1, page 2, presents the number of battle deaths and conflicts.

[2] Mark Galeotti presents the benefits Russia reaps from covert proxy relationships highlighting how plausible deniability was expertly used in Ukraine, before the military invasion in 2022.

[3] Wagner Group is a reference to the composer Richard Wagner. The reasons why this name was chosen remains a mystery.

 

References

‘A Mixed Picture: How Mali Views the Wagner Group’. 2024. 11.10.2024. https://rusi.orghttps://rusi.org

Arduino, Alessandro. 2024. ‘Wagner Group Is Now Africa Corps. What This Means for Russia’s Operations on the Continent’. The Conversation. 14.02.2024. https://theconversation.com/wagner-group-is-now-africa-corps-what-this-means-for-russias-operations-on-the-continent-223253.

Bloomberg.Com. 2024. ‘Russia Raises the Stakes in Tussle Over Africa’, 30.01.2024. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2024-01-30/russia-raises-the-stakes-in-tussle-over-africa.

‘Decoding the Wagner Group: Analyzing the Role of Private Military Security Contractors in Russian Proxy Warfare’. n.d. New America. Accessed 11.10.2024. http://newamerica.org/future-security/reports/decoding-wagner-group-analyzing-role-private-military-security-contractors-russian-proxy-warfare/.

Doxsee, Catrina. 2023. ‘How Does the Conflict in Sudan Affect Russia and the Wagner Group?’, April. https://www.csis.org/analysis/how-does-conflict-sudan-affect-russia-and-wagner-group.

Galeotti, Mark. 2016. ‘Hybrid, Ambiguous, and Non-Linear? How New Is Russia’s “New Way of War”?’ Small Wars & Insurgencies 27 (2): 282–301. https://doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2015.1129170.

‘Infographic: Where & How Wagner Group Has Engaged in Africa’. 2023. Statista Daily Data. 24 August 2023. https://www.statista.com/chart/30665/wagner-group-engagement-africa.

Jones, Seth G., Catrina Doxsee, Brian Katz, Eric McQueen, and Joe Moye. 2021. ‘Russia’s Corporate Soldiers: The Global Expansion of Russia’s Private Military Companies’, July. https://www.csis.org/analysis/russias-corporate-soldiers-global-expansion-russias-private-military-companies.

Liik, Kadri. 2023. ‘From Russia with Love: How Moscow Courts the Global South’. ECFR. 21.12.2023. https://ecfr.eu/publication/from-russia-with-love-how-moscow-courts-the-global-south/.

‘Moscow’s Mercenary Wars: The Expansion of Russian Private Military Companies’. 2023. Moscow’s Mercenary Wars: The Expansion of Russian Private Military Companies. Accessed 11.10.2024. https://russianpmcs.csis.org.

Reuters. 2024. ‘Putin Meets Chad Junta Leader as Russia Competes with France in Africa’, 24 January 2024, sec. Africa. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/putin-meets-chad-junta-leader-russia-competes-with-france-africa-2024-01-24/.

‘Russia Is Using the Soviet Playbook in the Global South to Challenge the West – and It Is Working | Chatham House – International Affairs Think Tank’. 2024. 16.05.2024. https://www.chathamhouse.org/2024/05/russia-using-soviet-playbook-global-south-challenge-west-and-it-working.

Saucedo, Natalia. 2023. ‘Russia’s Influence in Mali’. Human Rights Foundation (blog). 11.08.2023. https://hrf.org/russias-influence-in-mali/.

‘Stop Taking the Global South for Granted | Wilson Center’. 2024. Accessed 11.10.2024. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/stop-taking-global-south-granted.

‘The Blood Gold Report’. n.d. Blood Gold Report. Accessed 11.10.2024. https://bloodgoldreport.com/.

‘Wagner in Africa: How the Russian Mercenary Group Has Rebranded’. 2024, 20.02.2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-68322230.

Watts, Stephen, Bryan Frederick, Nathan Chandler, Mark Toukan, Christian Curriden, Erik E. Mueller, Edward Geist, et al. 2023. ‘Proxy Warfare in Strategic Competition: Military Implications’. RAND Corporation. https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA307-3.html.

 

[1] Trends in Armed Conflict, 1946-2020 is published by the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Figure 1, page 2, presents the number of battle deaths and conflicts.

[2] Mark Galeotti presents the benefits Russia reaps from covert proxy relationships highlighting how plausible deniability was expertly used in Ukraine, before the military invasion in 2022.

[3] Wagner Group is a reference to the composer Richard Wagner. The reasons why this name was chosen remains a mystery.

Viktorija Golubic steht beim WTA-250-Turnier in Jiujiang in China in den Viertelfinals. Die Gegnerin der Zürcherin, die Spanierin Jessica Bouzas Maneiro, gibt nach verlorenem erstem Satz auf.

Die Schweizerische Nationalbank (SNB) macht in den ersten drei Quartalen 2024 einen Gewinn von 62,5 Milliarden Franken. Auch das dritte Quartal war profitabel. Was die Gründe für das gute Resultat sind.

In today’s edition of the Capitals, find out more about Czechia's anti-monopoly office halting the progress of a nuclear tender , a candidate in the Romanian presidential race being accused of using a troll farm, and so much more.  

The president of the Permanent Electoral Authority said no complaints about troll farms had been received.

The leaders of the European Union and NATO member nation have been quarrelling for weeks over sending officers to the alliance's mission in Germany to train Ukraine soldiers.

"We don't just want promises from Borissov, we want a real removal of Peevski's bats."

For EDF and Westinghouse, the measure allows them to challenge KHNP's selection.

Antonio Guterres, the UN Secretary General at COP16, sent a message that peace with nature was only possible if there was a political solution to conflicts. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

By Stella Paul
CALI, Columbia, Oct 31 2024 (IPS)

José Aruna, a forest defender from Sud Kivu province in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), remembers the night in September 2019 when a group of heavily armed men barged into his house in the middle of the night. Aruna and his wife—6 months pregnant at the time—were in bed when he heard sounds of boots on the front yard and quickly knew something was about to happen.

He silently slipped out of the bed and hid behind a tree at the back of the house.

“My wife was woken up by the armed men who asked her where I was and when she said she didn’t know, they demanded money from her. When she said she had no money on her, they hit her in the face. Then they took turns to rape her. The next day I took them to Rwanda,” Aruna recalls the horror.

Since then, Aruna’s family has lived in Rwanda, but he has continued to work in the DRC, often in hiding and on the run but never giving up the cause. He leads an environmental group called Congo Basin Conservation Society in the vicinity of Kahuzi Bieza National Park, which is, besides gorillas and chimpanzees, also famous for redwood and vast deposits of charcoal.  The redwood is felled by loggers primarily to smuggle to China, while the charcoal is sold both in domestic and international markets. As CBCS tries to stop the smugglers, their members are regularly attacked, kidnapped for ransom and killed.

José Aruna, a forest defender from Sud Kivu province in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), speaks about the perils of environmental activism and it’s profound impact on him and his family. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

Surviving in the Dangerous Forests

According to Global Witness 2023 report Missing Voices, 74 environmental defenders have been killed in the DRC in the past decade—mostly in the Congo Basin—a hotspot of illegal mining and illegal logging.

DRC also features in the World Peace Index as the 6th most dangerous country in the world. “In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, rebels and warmed forces wander certain areas at will. Crimes, including murder, rape, kidnapping, carjackings, burglaries, muggings, and highway robberies, are fairly common,” says the report.To make peace with nature, we must first make peace with ourselves because wars are won at the most devastating impacts of biodiversity, climate and pollution.—Antonio Guterres, the UN Secretary General

Jose says that the local men and women who are trying to preserve biodiversity in their neighborhoods face the greatest risk.

“We are crushed by dual evils. On one side, there are illegal, armed militias that target us. On the other hand, we face threats from the corrupt army and government officials who are directly linked to those running illegal businesses. We have nowhere to go.”

The total area of the Congo River Basin is 3.7 million square kilometers—double the size of its neighboring country, Uganda. It is also known as the lungs of Africa. There are dozens of armed insurgents that operate in the area, but it is the Owazalendo militia partnering with Congo military and Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel group linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide, that are the most powerful. Both Owazalendo and FDLR are also giving direct support to illegal miners and loggers both inside the protected forests and outside of it, Aruna informs.

“We are mostly in hiding. If we are caught by the rebels, we will be asked to pay anything between five hundred and fifty thousand American dollars to be free. Can you imagine that kind of money?” he asks.

Aruna is at COP16, where country representatives are currently finalizing the best ways to implement the Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF). The GBF’s Target 22 specifically mentions that countries must “ensure the full protection of environmental human rights defenders,” and Aruna thinks that it is time for the parties to accept that environmental defenders are greatly vulnerable and lack both government support and resources required to protect themselves.

Sunita Kwangta Moomoo, an environmental activist from Kayin State in Myanmar. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS

Arms for Arms: Case of Myanmar

Sunita Kwangta Moomoo is a Karen—an indigenous community from the Kayin state of Myanmar—a country under military rule and also in the middle of a civil war.

But the Karen community, which has been demanding a separate homeland for Karen people, has been in an armed conflict that precedes the military coup and fall of democracy in February 2021. The fights have, however, intensified manifold since various pro-democracy groups started an armed resistance against the army all across the country, including Loikaw, the heartland of Kayin State, where the Karen National Liberation Army is leading the fight.

Moomoo, who now lives in neighboring country Thailand, has family members who are still in Myanmar.

“The situation is tough. Every now and then, we have air strikes by the military directed at the villages. The only way to escape these airstrikes is to hide in a mountain cave. Sometimes the military also conducts raids in villages, and they always follow a “scorched earth” policy, so they burn down everything—homes, animals, vegetation—along their way.”

This has not just destroyed human lives but also the culture of the Karens since their belief system, including social and religious rituals, is integrally tied to land and forests. “When we sow crops, when we harvest, when we celebrate a birth, we perform rituals on the land that we own or live on. Now, those are gone.

The concept of environmental defense, obviously, doesn’t exist anymore either since survival has become the only goal of the Karens. And in the desperate struggle for survival, even civilians have armed themselves. “Everyone is a soldier now,” says Moomoo.

“Environmental defenders arming themselves is bound to happen if the state is not able to protect themselves and Myanmar is a classic example of that,” says Joan Carling, Executive Director of Indigenous Peoples Rights International, a Philippines-based global organization that works to safeguard the rights of indigenous peoples.

Philippines is yet another country that has gained notoriety for killing environmental defenders, especially in the indigenous territories.

The statistics from the Missing Voices report show that of the 196 defenders reportedly killed or forcibly disappeared globally in 2023, 17 were in the Philippines, the highest toll in Asia. More environmental defenders have been killed in the country than anywhere else in the region over the past 11 years.

Carling, who has been attending COP16, reveals that the indigenous people’s body has been demanding the formation of a new, official forum within the UNCBD to ensure safety and inclusion of indigenous peoples as the implementation of GBF begins worldwide. The new platform—a permanent subsidiary body—will specifically focus on Article 8J of the KMGBF that commits to, among others, respect, preserve and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities… for the conservation of biological diversity.

“We need to recognize indigenous environmental defenders as the key actors in biodiversity conservation in this COP,” Carling says.

Targeted by the Drug Cartels

Colombia, the host of COP16, holds a dubious record of witnessing the greatest number of murders of environmental defenders. The country was in an armed conflict with ultra-communist rebels led by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) for five decades until it signed a peace agreement with the government in 2016. During the period, nearly half a million Colombians were killed and forcibly disappeared, of which 200,000 were civilians.

Today Colombia is no longer in an armed conflict yet it continues to witness murders of environmental defenders.

On October 28, in a plenary session focused on Target 22 of the GBF, it was revealed that 240 people had been killed between 2016 and 2024 in Colombia for opposing destruction of forests and nature. Drug cartel runners were responsible for the majority of murders.

On 29 October, at a side event, speakers from different UN agencies and the government of Colombia drew attention to the dire need for international collaboration to curb drug trafficking. This, they said, could only be done if the peace treaty is implemented well and in time and concrete steps were taken in collaboration with international communities to destroy the supply chain of drugs originating from Colombia.

According to Jose Manuel Peria, head of green business at the Ministry of the Environment, Colombia, the government has been proposing new strategies to ensure the rights of farmers and those on the frontline of environmental conservation. These include restructuring the government system and building new channels for generating resources for the communities, especially with an environmental focus.

“There is no longer just talk of agricultural production, but sustainable agriculture. We are now building this narrative in the ministries and portfolios involved in all these (implementation of the peace accord) processes. And indeed, biodiversity and the sustainable management of life are at the very center of this process,” Peria asserts.

But Mary Creagh Raine, the Nature Minister for the United Kingdom, who also spoke at the event, said that while the action at the local and national level was crucial, it was also equally important to crack down on the international markets of Colombian drugs. The UK, said Creagh Raine, was one such market for the drug cartel and if the cartel and the violence they unleash on local environmental defenders were to stop, Colombia and the UK would have to work closely to ensure that the smuggling route and the markets are also closed.

“There is still so much to do to ensure that crimes against the environment and people are prosecuted and punished with the severity they deserve,” said Craigh Raine. “The transnational nature of drug trafficking is modern, agile and highly sophisticated. If we really want to be effective, we must do more together to demonstrate the same multinational consistency and coordination, Creagh Raine said.

No End of Conflict, No Peace with Nature

The Biodiversity COP started with the overarching goal of “Making Peace with Nature,” but can this be ever achieved given the current scale of war and armed conflict across global regions and their high impact on biodiversity?

Answering this question, Antonio Guterres, the UN Secretary General, told IPS that achieving peace with nature is only possible if there is a political solution to the ongoing wars and conflicts.

“To make peace with nature, we must first make peace with ourselves. That is why we have been asking for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, release of the hostages and the massive humanitarian aid to Gaza. That is why we are asking for peace in Lebanon—a peace that respects Lebanese sovereignty, Lebanese territorial integrity and paves the way for a political solution. That is why we are asking for peace in Sudan—the enormous stress that exists. To make peace with nature, we must first make peace with ourselves because wars are won at the most devastating impacts of biodiversity, climate and pollution,” said Guterres.
IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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