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BERICHT über die Umsetzung des Abkommens über Handel und Zusammenarbeit zwischen der EU und dem Vereinigten Königreich
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Ausschuss für internationalen Handel
Thijs Reuten, Nina Carberry

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

602352 Opening of the new child-friendly and victim-centred interview room in Bitola

A newly refurbished and fully equipped child-friendly and victim-centered interview room was inaugurated today at the Sector for Internal Affairs in Bitola, providing a safe, private, and trauma-informed space for conducting sensitive interviews with victims and witnesses, including children. This intervention is part of the project Swedish Support to Police Reform in North Macedonia, which aims to enhance the institutional capacity of the Police of the country to adhere to international best practices and human rights standards in the areas of Juvenile Justice and Community Policing.

The opening ceremony was attended by the Head of the OSCE Mission to Skopje, Ambassador Kilian Wahl, the Ambassador of Sweden to North Macedonia, Ola Sohlström, the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, Astrit Iseni, and the Head of Sector of Internal Affairs Bitola, Sasho Mircheski.

The new facility is designed in accordance with international standards and best practices and will support police officers and criminal justice professionals in applying a victim-centered approach in cases of domestic violence, violence against women and girls, trafficking in human beings, and juvenile justice.

Speaking at the opening, Ambassador Kilian Wahl underlined that “victims need special protection and a safe space that will prevent re-victimization and not inflict new trauma.”

Ambassador Sohlström reiterated Sweden’s commitment to supporting accountable and people-centered policing practices, both with expertise and funding, and that Sweden, though the Embassy in North Macedonia, is proud to support this important work. The Swedish Ambassador noted that this important step is a demonstration of the Ministry of Interior’s commitment to promoting a justice system that prioritizes the dignity, safety, and best interests of every child.

Deputy Minister Iseni reaffirmed the Ministry’s ownership and commitment to sustainability and focus on making victim-centered approaches standard across all police sections.

The initiative reflects the constructive partnership between the Ministry and the Swedish Police Authority in building a modern, accountable, and community-oriented police service in North Macedonia which is responsive to the needs of all citizens. It also reflects the overarching objective of the Swedish reform support to North Macedonia to assist to the country in its EU integration process also in the areas of rule of law, human rights and gender equality, and it supports the Government’s national reform priorities and the OSCE Mission’s thematic focus on gender equality, police development, and efforts to prevent and respond to violence against women and girls.

Held on the eve of the global 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence campaign, the event also underscores how partnership between institutions and international partners can deliver tangible improvements for victims and survivors throughout North Macedonia.

The initiative is realized under the Swedish Support to Police Reform in North Macedonia, implemented by the Swedish Police Authority, funded by Sweden, and within the framework of the extrabudgetary project “Building a Hybrid Education System in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of North Macedonia”, led by the OSCE Mission to Skopje. The Republic of Finland has also provided targeted support enabling the implementation of this initiative and demonstrating continued trust in our joint efforts.

BERICHT über die Empfehlung des Europäischen Parlaments an den Rat, die Kommission und die Vizepräsidentin der Kommission und Hohe Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik zu der diplomatischen Strategie und geopolitischen Zusammenarbeit der EU in der Arktis
Ausschuss für auswärtige Angelegenheiten
Urmas Paet

Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2025 - EP

BANJA LUKA, 21 November 2025 – International election observers will hold a press conference to present their findings following the early election of the president of Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

What:

• A press conference of international observers to the early election of the president of Republika Srpska, Bosnia and Herzegovina
• Those unable to attend in person can follow the livestream here

Who:

• Mátyás Eörsi, Head of the ODIHR Special Election Assessment Mission
• Bernd Vohringer, Head of the Congress of the Council of Europe delegation
• Sérgio Humberto, Head of the EP delegation​

When:

• 15.00 local time (GMT +1) on 24 November 2025

Where:

• Ballroom 1st Floor, Courtyard by Marriott Banja Luka, Prvog krajiškog korpusa 33, Banja Luka

The international election observation is a joint effort of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR), the Council of Europe Congress of Local and Regional Authorities (Congress), and the European Parliament (EP). The mission totals 37 observers, composed of 15 ODIHR experts, 16 members and staff from the Congress, and 6 from the EP.

For more information, please contact:

Katya Andrusz, ODIHR: +48 609 522 266 or katya.andrusz@odihr.pl

Stéphanie Poirel, Congress: + 33 6 63 55 07 10  or  Stephanie.POIREL@coe.int

Raffaele Luise, EP: +32 470 952199  or raffaele.luise@europarl.europa.eu

Plenary session, Strasbourg

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

As the 7th AU-EU Summit convenes in Luanda, marking 25 years of partnership, the AU-EU relationship faces a critical juncture. This Policy Brief, “From Cairo to Luanda: A 25-Year Parliamentary Stocktake of AU-EU Relations” argues that the partnership must evolve from symbolic engagement toward a genuinely equitable relationship. The brief examines persistent challenges and opportunities across four areas: geopolitical shifts and the pursuit of a partnership of equals; reframing peace and security cooperation around equity and conflict prevention; ensuring the Global Gateway fosters local prosperity, particularly in Critical Raw Materials; and addressing human capital, mobility, and debt as interconnected priorities. It underscores the essential role of the Pan-African and European Parliaments in translating high-level commitments into tangible benefits for citizens.

On Wednesday, 5 November 2025, the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield (EUDS) and the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will organise a joint public hearing on "China’s influence in the EU and globally".

This hearing will bring together experts to discuss the impact of China's global ambitions on European democratic resilience and offer guidance on building a coherent, principled response to these evolving challenges.

As China's strategic efforts to expand its political, economic and technological influence raise serious questions for democratic governance, strategic autonomy, and human rights, this discussion aims to pinpoint its impact and the next steps in the EU and beyond.
This hearing will explore how China exerts its influence ­̶ through infrastructure investments, academic and technology partnerships, media ownership, and pressure on diaspora communities ­̶ affecting European business sectors, security, and technological independence.

Poster
Programme
Presentation on China’s technological influence, EU digital & technological dependencies and vulnerability
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

On Wednesday, 5 November 2025, the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield (EUDS) and the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET) will organise a joint public hearing on "China’s influence in the EU and globally".

This hearing will bring together experts to discuss the impact of China's global ambitions on European democratic resilience and offer guidance on building a coherent, principled response to these evolving challenges.

As China's strategic efforts to expand its political, economic and technological influence raise serious questions for democratic governance, strategic autonomy, and human rights, this discussion aims to pinpoint its impact and the next steps in the EU and beyond.
This hearing will explore how China exerts its influence ­̶ through infrastructure investments, academic and technology partnerships, media ownership, and pressure on diaspora communities ­̶ affecting European business sectors, security, and technological independence.

Poster
Programme
Presentation on China’s technological influence, EU digital & technological dependencies and vulnerability
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Plagued by drought, farming families living within the boundaries of the Dry Corridor in eastern Guatemala have resorted to rainwater harvesting, an effective technique that has allowed them to cope

By Edgardo Ayala
SAN LUIS JILOTEPEQUE, Guatemala, Nov 21 2025 (IPS)

Plagued by drought, farming families living within the boundaries of the Dry Corridor in eastern Guatemala have resorted to rainwater harvesting, an effective technique that has allowed them to cope.

This enables them to obtain food from plots of land that would otherwise be difficult to farm.

Funded by the Swedish government and implemented by international organizations, some 7,000 families benefit from a program that seeks to provide them with the necessary technologies and tools to set up rainwater catchment tanks, alleviating water scarcity in this region of the country.

These families live around micro-watersheds in seven municipalities in the departments of Chiquimula and Jalapa, in eastern Guatemala. These towns are Jocotán, Camotán, Olopa, San Juan Ermita, Chiquimula, San Luis Jilotepeque, and San Pedro Pinula.

“We are in the Dry Corridor, and it’s hard to grow plants here. Even if you try to grow them, due to the lack of water, (the fruits) don’t reach their proper weight,” Merlyn Sandoval, head of one of the beneficiary families, told IPS in the village of San José Las Pilas, in the municipality of San Luis Jilotepeque, Jalapa department.

The Central American Dry Corridor, 1,600 kilometers long, covers 35% of Central America and is home to more than 10.5 million people. Here, over 73% of the rural population lives in poverty, and 7.1 million people suffer from severe food insecurity, according to FAO data.

As part of the project, the young Sandoval has taken action to harvest rainwater on her plot, in the backyard of her house. She has installed a circular tank, whose base is lined with an impermeable polyethylene geomembrane, with a capacity of 16 cubic meters.

When it rains, water runs off the roof and, through a PVC pipe, reaches the tank they call a “harvester,” which collects the resource to irrigate the small garden and fruit trees, and to provide water during the dry season, from November to May.

In the garden, Sandoval and her family of 10 harvest celery, cucumber, cilantro, chives, tomatoes, and green chili. For fruits, they have bananas, mangoes, and jocotes, among others.

They also have a fish pond where 500 tilapia fingerlings are growing. The structure, also with a polyethylene geomembrane at its base, is eight meters long, six meters wide, and one meter deep.

Another beneficiary is Ricardo Ramírez. From the rainwater collector installed on his plot, he manages to irrigate, by drip, the crops in the macro-tunnel: a small greenhouse next to the tank, where he grows cucumbers, tomatoes, and green chili, among other vegetables.

“From one furrow I got 950 cucumbers, and 450 pounds of tomatoes (204 kilos). And the chili, it just keeps producing. But it was because there was water in the harvester, and I just opened the little valve for just half an hour, by drip, and the soil got well moistened,” Ramírez told IPS with satisfaction.

En español: Video: La sequía en el este de Guatemala se alivia con la cosecha de agua de lluvia

 

Ukrainian Made, Russian privately owned, Antonov AN-124 cargo plane grounded and ceased in Toronto, Canada since Feb 2022 after bringing in Covid supplies for the Canadian Government.

The united front in support of Ukraine solidified itself when the new US Administration’s efforts to bring a rapid end to the conflict was met with drone incursions outside of Ukraine’s territory, into the airspace of NATO countries. While efforts continue to negotiate an end to the conflict, support of Ukraine by all NATO allies continues, with advanced weapons from the US, France, Sweden and others in support of Ukraine’s Armed Forces. With a new funding arrangement since 2024, the importance of a united NATO is likely the only method to end the madness of the death machine that is the War in Ukraine.

One ally of the West, Canada, has taken its own approach in challenging the norm in US and NATO relations. Canada is unique in that is lies at the geographical centre of many world conflicts, and is a key ally that could help bring an end to conflict, or enable a long grind for its allies in this war. Canada is a microcosm of the West in its economy, location and values, but has chosen its trade relationship as the focus of its economy and security. The three pressures Canada face are China in the East, to Russia in the North, and Europe in the West. Canada’s response to the US and these three challenges will define Canada’s next generation of progress, whether they like it or not.

Canada seems to have taken an opposite track with their allies on China, doing little to challenge influences from their regime. Canada is considering increased trade with China to counter trade limits placed on it by the US, while similar limits are currently burdening Canada-China trade relations. Canada has been reticent to share intelligence information requested by the US on many occasions, done so despite the fact that the US-Canada border was at one point the most lucrative trading relationship in the world, and could easily regain that title in a year or two if needed. Canadian elections have been influenced from China on a few occasions, making running as a democratic candidate in Canada something that could hold risk from abroad. The reality is that many foreign actors infiltrate common allies like the UK for its financial industry and Australia for its role as a strong Western ally in the East, but Canada’s close proximity to the US with a largest undefended border is a strategic asset for any regime targeting the United States. While Canadian interests not being American interests may win elections, developing Canada into a hub for the interests of non-NATO allies hurts all Canadians.

It is never mentioned in the Canadian narrative that Canada has a Northern border with Russia. As an ally of Ukraine and NATO, Canada is responsible for defending itself from Northern incursions from Russian territory, especially those involving ballistic missiles. While Canada and the US always had a defensive posture via NORAD, the latest developments has Canada planning to move away from the US and purchase a defense radar complex from Australia. While the system from Australia is likely perfectly suited for Canada, the distance and parts to repair it if attacked or damaged leaves logistical issues that would not exist if using a system closer to Northern Canada coming from the US. Shipping parts from Australia to Canada post-attack would leave shipping vessels open to attack from China’s PLAN and Russia’s Navy, with little support ships from Canada existing to protect against an attack at the other end of the Pacific Ocean. Planes to ship such large parts were often contracted out to companies using Antonov aircraft, made in Ukraine, but used by companies incorporated in Russia. The US plan to produce a Golden Dome missile defense shield over North America may remedy many of these issues, but Canada would need to fully choose those tied in systems, likely not using their Australian radars in the infrastructure of the system. While THAAD type systems would make up the bulk of the first iterations of the Golden Dome, Canada would need to choose a path to keep itself safe as well, while supporting the safety of the US to the south. Radar detection means little when you have no missile interceptors to defend your cities, and most of your best equipment was sent to Ukraine’s border. It is unsure what military assets are capable in 2025 to defend Canada’s Northern Border region, and it is likely the case that Canada’s North is so poorly equipped that it is undefended at the moment from anything more than a slow 1950s era TU-95 Bear bomber. At this point, it is unsure what Canadian assets are defending the North from Russia’s mobile Topol missiles.

Canada’s narrative seems to be ignoring the issues above, in favour of the concept of becoming a member of the EU. While the Canadian government claims it has great ties to the EU, Canada’s own coat of arms shows ties to the United Kingdom historically and culturally, a region that has been divorced from the European Union for a few years. Canada’s main ties to the EU comes from their defense agreements via NATO, and NATO is focused on the defense of Western Europe. European powers would not be capable of adjusting to a defense of Canada due to distance and the vastness of Canada’s landmass, being limited themselves in defending from ballistic missile attacks using a lot less sophisticated weapons than a Topol missile system. Europe currently are tied up defending against drone incursions into Western Europe, and Canada would simply not ever be a priority for NATO.

Canada has its own issues making NATO a priority. Canada was asked directly to help ease the energy tensions in Europe from the Ukraine War, and declined the opportunity to help European citizens. After being openly requested to do so by European allies and Japan, Canada’s Government continues to refuse to take any meaningful steps to help send its oil and gas to Europe and Asia to help its Western allies. In the midst of this policy, Europe sought oil relief from using Russian oil bought from third party nations, only now to see it ceased due to the US targeting those nations purchasing Russian oil and gas. Despite all this, Canada has yet to take any serious steps to support its allies with its energy resources, but continues with its narrative for electoral gains.

The reality of Canada joining the EU comes after a generation of limited and failed trade agreements between Canada and the EU and Canada and the UK, the latter never being solidified due to limitations on access to Canada’s dairy sector. The same limit Canada placed on the US, ended up halting the Canada-UK trade agreement over Canadian agro sectors. While there is a Canada-European Union trade agreement, adding Canada to the EU would be counterproductive as Canada would burden the European Union’s agro sector by directly competing with it, something the EU never permits. Even when accepting new members into the EU, countries with large agro sectors like Poland were only admitted when they agreed to be discriminated against via their agro sector in favour of existing members keeping their benefits to those sectors. Canada’s massive agro sector has no value to the EU, and would be a disruption to local political interests. Europe’s need for Canadian oil and gas has already been scuttled by Canadian energy policy, or lack thereof, so Europe doesn’t need Canada, and when it does, Canada refused to give substantial help, even during the War in Ukraine.

The current policy limiting the sale of Russian energy is one of the best tools for winning the war. Canadian energy could be a near perfect remedy against European dependency on Russian oil and gas, helping all Europeans and other allies as a core strategic asset in the Ukraine War. Canadian policy could greatly contribute to ending the war sooner, keep Canadian safer, and produce a more prosperous relationship between Canada and the world. Canada does not seem to be going in that direction unfortunately, despite it being their duty as a NATO and Western ally. Europe will not seek added detriments from an additional member to the EU if that member has no ability to defend itself internally or externally, nor trade with its allies for needed assets. It is a choice for those in Canada to make if they wish to become part of the productive world, or become a victim of their own short term narratives. In Canada’s case, voting truly matters.

While the US military presence in the Caribbean continues to grow, Director of National Intelligence (DNI) Tulsi Gabbard finds herself [...]

DR Congo must not be over-confident when the Leopards take part in inter-confederation play-offs for a spot at the 2026 World Cup, says Gabriel Zakuani.

La Coupe d'Afrique des Nations 2025 sera la première à se dérouler pendant la période de Noël et du Nouvel An. Plusieurs grandes stars seront convoquées et manqueront un nombre important de matchs avec leurs clubs.

La Coupe d'Afrique des Nations 2025 sera la première à se dérouler pendant la période de Noël et du Nouvel An. Plusieurs grandes stars seront convoquées et manqueront un nombre important de matchs avec leurs clubs.

SEDE sent a delegation of six Members to Greenland (Nuuk and Ilulissat) from 15 - 19 September 2025, led by SEDE Chair Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann. The main aim of the mission was to engage directly with those involved in defence preparedness, including senior government figures, parliamentarians, military and civilian forces and local community leaders - in order to enhance EP engagement, understand security concerns facing Greenlanders and explore avenues for further EU support.
Press release
SEDE mission report including the programme
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

SEDE sent a delegation of six Members to Greenland (Nuuk and Ilulissat) from 15 - 19 September 2025, led by SEDE Chair Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann. The main aim of the mission was to engage directly with those involved in defence preparedness, including senior government figures, parliamentarians, military and civilian forces and local community leaders - in order to enhance EP engagement, understand security concerns facing Greenlanders and explore avenues for further EU support.
Press release
SEDE mission report including the programme
Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Die Monopolkommission hat heute ihr Sondergutachten zum Wettbewerb in der Lebensmittellieferkette veröffentlicht und zentrale Empfehlungen vorgelegt. Tomaso Duso, Leiter der Abteilung Unternehmen und Märkte im DIW Berlin und Vorsitzender der Monopolkommission, äußert sich dazu wie folgt:

Die Lage auf den Lebensmittelmärkten zeigt deutlich, dass sich die Machtverhältnisse seit Jahren verschieben. Die Konzentration im Einzelhandel und teilweise auch bei den Herstellern hat ein Ausmaß erreicht, das strukturelle Marktverzerrungen begünstigen kann. Wenn wenige große Handelsunternehmen rund 85 Prozent des Marktes kontrollieren und ihre Aktivitäten zunehmend auf die vorgelagerten Stufen ausdehnen, geraten kleinere Hersteller und landwirtschaftliche Betriebe zunehmend unter Druck. Künftig müssen Zusammenschlüsse entlang der gesamten Lieferkette konsequenter geprüft werden – und nicht erst auf der letzten Handelsstufe.

Die wachsende Konzentration der Lebensmitteleinzelhändler und Hersteller und deren steigende Preisaufschläge und Gewinnmargen gehen oft zulasten der Verbraucher*innen. Tatsächlich sind die Endverbraucherpreise für viele Produkte in Deutschland stärker gestiegen als in allen anderen EU-Ländern. Landwirtschaftliche Betriebe profitieren oft kurzfristig von steigenden Preisen, bekommen aber langfristig weniger vom Kuchen ab. Um Fehlentwicklungen frühzeitig zu erkennen, müssen wir aus der Vergangenheit stärker lernen. Systematische Evaluationen können zeigen, wo die Durchsetzung von Wettbewerbspolitik und Regulierung nachgeschärft werden muss.

Gleichzeitig brauchen wir eine wirksamere Kontrolle gegen Machtmissbrauch. Viele Landwirt*innen und kleinere Hersteller scheuen Beschwerden aus Sorge vor Nachteilen und Auslistung – der Angstfaktor ist groß. Eine konsequentere Durchsetzung existierender Regeln durch Bundeskartellamt und Bundesanstalt für Landwirtschaft und Ernährung wäre ein wichtiger Schritt, um Wettbewerbsdruck zurückzubringen und Marktprozesse zu stabilisieren. 

Die Landwirtschaft erlebt seit vielen Jahren einen Strukturwandel, der sich nicht aufhalten lässt – aber wir können ihn besser gestalten. Wenn landwirtschaftliche Betriebe langfristig bestehen sollen, müssen wir die Wettbewerbsbedingungen auf der Kostenseite verbessern. Weniger Bürokratie, zielgerichtete Förderungen und eine stärkere Ausrichtung der Subventionen an Produktivität, Innovation und Nachhaltigkeit würden nicht nur Effizienz fördern, sondern auch kleinere Betriebe stärken.