Agrégateur de flux

Sino-Russian cooperation and antagonism to the Western-led order is hardly new, but their partnership has reached new depths. 

With no path beyond sixth grade, some Afghan girls deliberately fail exams to remain in the classroom for one more year. Credit: Learning Together.

By External Source
KABUL, Mar 30 2026 (IPS)

It is almost unheard of for a student to deliberately fail final school exams for no apparent reason. Therefore, when 13-year old Sara (not her real name) from Mazar-i-Sharif in Afghanistan took her school report home to her parents, they were shocked to learn that the top-performing student had failed her final exams and would not advance to the next level. But there was no longer a next level for Sara, even if she had passed.

The Afghan calendar changes in March 2026. The year 1405 begins, and with it a new school year across the country.

For the fifth year running, girls have only been allowed to attend school up to sixth grade. After sixth grade, boys continue their studies, but girls aged 12–13 are no longer allowed to pursue further education or attend university.

As the new school year approaches, girls who have passed the sixth grade know they will not be allowed to return to the classroom. All that remains are memories of years spent at the desks and the friendships they made during their school years. For many, the end of school also marks the shipwreck of their dreams for the future.

However, some have found a pathway that is both bitter and hopeful. They leave their answer sheets blank to deliberately fail their final year exams, just to stay one more year albeit in the same class. It is the only chance to stay in a place where they can study and dream about the future.

“My sister says I’m lucky to still be in school, but I don’t feel happy. This is just a delaying battle. When this year ends, will I have to stay home and become a seamstress?”

Sara is one of those who have chosen to fail her final exams. She deliberately answered the exam questions incorrectly so that she would fail and be allowed to stay in school for another year.

Restricting girls’ education was one of the Taliban’s first orders in August 2021. In late 2022, the Taliban announced that universities would also be closed to girls and women “for the time being.” It was unclear how long the suspension would last.

Nearly four years later, “for the time being” is still in effect, and young women are still not allowed to study. They live in uncertainty and do not know what the future holds.

Sara lives in a middle-income family with her parents and five siblings. She is the fourth child.

Sara’s father works intermittently in construction, employed for a few months a year and unemployed the rest of the time. Sara’s mother is a seamstress, sewing clothes for the women in the area and contributing to the family income.

Sara’s parents have done everything they can to ensure that their children go to school. Her mother, who has never been to school herself, says:

“Sara’s father and I are both illiterate, and our greatest wish is for our children to receive an education. I work day and night as a seamstress so that my children have a better future and do not end up in the same hopeless situation as their father and me. My daughters in particular need to study, succeed, and be independent. But my eldest daughter has sadly been out of school for two years. She now works with me as a seamstress. I hope that my other two daughters and three sons will be able to complete school.”

Sara started school six years ago with enthusiasm and hope. She wipes her eyes with the edge of her scarf as she recounts her school journey with her older sister, Marwa.

“Every morning we woke up early. I carefully braided my hair, packed my books in my bag and walked to school with Marwa. It was less than half an hour to school. Classes started at eight. We used to spend four hours at school and walked back home together when school ended at noon”.

“Marwa and I talked on the way to school about how we would become doctors. But after sixth grade, my sister couldn’t go back to school. For the last two years, she has been helping our mother as a seamstress, and I don’t want that life. I want to be a doctor. That’s why I decided that I couldn’t stop schooling.”

Sara decided to rewrite her destiny, even if it was just for one year.

“To be honest, I had always tried to be the best in my class”, she continues. “So the decision to deliberately fail was incredibly difficult. But it was the only way I could stay in school. When I got my certificate after the exams and saw that I had failed some subjects, I felt both joy and sadness. I had failed, but I didn’t feel defeated. I get to study for one more year. I can still wear my black dress and white scarf and go to school”, she says.

Sara’s family was shocked when they learned she had failed her final exams. Her father stared at the report card repeatedly, as if searching for a mistake. Her mother could not believe it, as her daughter had always ranked at or near the top of her class.

“There was a silence at home that was heavier than any reprimand. I knew I had to tell them what I had done,” Sara recounts.

She pauses, then continues: “I told my parents that my failure was not an accident and that I had intentionally left some questions unanswered  or answered them incorrectly. My father was completely shocked. He could not believe I had done it on purpose. He was very and asked me why I wanted to fail.”

His anger subsided when Sara explained her reason: she wanted to go to university like her brother.

Wiping tears with her scarf once more, Sara says she feels sorry for her parents, who worked hard in order for them to live comfortably, go to school, and have a future.

“I don’t know if my decision was right or wrong. My family eventually accepted that I would go back to school, but I feel like I disappointed them anyway.”

When school starts this year, Sara will return to the sixth grade. She will carry the same books and return to a classroom where her former classmates are no longer there.

“My sister says I’m lucky to still be in school, but I don’t feel happy. This is just a delaying battle. When this year ends, will I have to stay home and become a seamstress?”

This question concerns not only Sara, but millions of Afghan girls who have been denied the right to go to school and who ask every day: when will we learn again?

Denying girls an education is not merely an educational policy. It excludes half of the country’s population from public life and deprives them of the opportunity to build their own future and that of their nation.

The consequences are far-reaching, both socially and economically. Before long, women will no longer be working in the fields of medicine, education and social services. The impact is severe, as the absence of female professionals directly affects the health and well-being of millions.

 

Excerpt:

The author is an Afghanistan-based female journalist, trained with Finnish support before the Taliban take-over. Her identity is withheld for security reasons

OPCON transition would have major implications not just for the Korean Peninsula, but for the broader geopolitical struggle in the Indo-Pacific.

TUUM-BAOOBO « Formation professionnelle de qualité pour un emploi et un entrepreneuriat inclusif dans le secteur de l'élevage au profit des jeunes et des femmes burkinabè »

AID 013244/08/3

Date limite de soumission de la demande complète : Vendredi 1er mai 2026, à 12h00mn (date et heure du Burkina Faso)

Mars 2026

1. Contexte
Le projet TUUM BAOOBO (AID 013244/08/3), financé par l'Agence Italienne pour la Coopération au Développement (AICS), est mis en œuvre par l'ONG italienne TAMAT, en qualité de chef de file, en partenariat avec WeWorld, et des acteurs de mise en œuvre tel que l'Agence Burkinabè Pour l'Emploi (ABPE), l'École Nationale de l'Élevage et de la Santé Animale (ENESA), le Centre d'Évaluation et de Formation Professionnelle de Ouagadougou (CEFPO), le Centre de Formation Professionnelle de Référence de Ziniaré (CFPR-Z), l'Association des Faîtières des Filières Animales du Burkina Faso (AFA-BF), l'Association Manegdbzanga (AM), l'Association Action pour un Monde Meilleur (AMM) et Solidarité Mondiale pour le Développement (SMD).
Le projet TUUM-BAOOBO s'inscrit dans une logique de consolidation des résultats des projets et programmes développés par le gouvernement burkinabè dans les Régions du Kadiogo et de Oubri, avec une attention particulière portée à l'inclusion du genre et des personnes en situation de handicap. A cet effet, le projet poursuit les objectifs suivants :

• OG : Encourager un emploi plein et productif, un travail décent et une croissance économique inclusive et durable pour tous au Burkina Faso.
• OS : Renforcer la formation professionnelle, le soutien à l'emploi et le développement de micro-entreprises dans la filière de l'élevage durable.
Les résultats attendus sont alignés sur ces objectifs :
• R1 : Qualité de la formation professionnelle plus inclusive et mieux adaptée au mismatch (inadéquation) entre les compétences des travailleurs et les besoins du marché du travail améliorée.
• R2 : Parcours de formation technique, professionnelle et on the job (Apprendre en pratiquant) inclusifs pour le secteur de l'élevage durable renforcés.

• R3 : Emploi et micro-entreprise dans la filière de l'élevage durable soutenus.
Pour atteindre cet objectif au bénéfice de 360 jeunes NEET (Ni en emploi, ni en études, ni en formation), le projet améliorera la qualité de la formation professionnelle afin qu'elle soit plus inclusive et mieux adaptée aux besoins réels du marché du travail.

Le projet TUUM-BAOOBO renforcera en outre plusieurs parcours de formation technique et professionnelle ainsi que la formation sur le terrain dans le secteur de l'élevage durable, en améliorant la qualité des plans de formation et des infrastructures qui les dispensent, en promouvant une participation plus large et plus inclusive stimulée par l'élaboration des plans d'affaires et l'octroi de bourses de travail.

Enfin, le projet soutiendra l'emploi des jeunes, des femmes et des personnes en situation d'handicap, soit comme salariés grâce à un job matching (appariement d'offres d'emploi) facilité par l'Agence Burkinabè Pour l'Emploi (ABPE), soit comme entrepreneurs dans la filière de l'élevage durable.
Afin que le projet soit aligné aux besoins réels du secteur de l'emploi et de la formation professionnelle, il est prévu la mise en place et la formalisation d'une plateforme de coordination et de dialogue public-privé sur la formation professionnelle et l'emploi.

Cette plateforme est conçue comme un groupe de travail en présentiel et vise à créer des mécanismes participatifs de concertation et de planification entre les acteurs publics et privés de la formation professionnelle et de l'emploi. Ce mécanisme permettra aux entreprises et aux associations locales œuvrant dans le domaine du développement d'identifier les points forts et les faiblesses du secteur formation/emploi/entreprises.

En amont de la formalisation de la plateforme, une démarche de mobilisation et de concertation des acteurs publics et privés de la formation professionnelle et de l'emploi sera menée dans les communes du Grand Ouaga et de Ziniaré. Cette dynamique sera appuyée par les autorités locales et les institutions partenaires, notamment le Ministère de l'Agriculture, de l'Eau, des Ressources Animales et Halieutiques (MAERAH), le Ministère de l'Enseignement Secondaire et de la Formation Professionnelle et Technique (MESFPT), le Ministère des Sports, de la Jeunesse et de l'Emploi (MSJE) et les mairies impliquées.

À cet effet, un appel à manifestation d'intérêt sera publié dans le but de recueillir l'adhésion d'au moins 30 acteurs, publics et privés, désireux de s'impliquer dans la dynamique de la plateforme.
À l'issue du processus de mobilisation et de sélection, la formalisation de la plateforme sera réalisée avec l'ensemble des acteurs retenus. Cette étape stratégique associera étroitement les Mairies, le MAERAH, le MSJE et le MESFPT à travers des sessions spécifiques organisées dans chaque commune et, pour le cas de Ouagadougou, au sein des arrondissements concernés.

La plateforme aura également pour objectif de placer au cœur du dialogue, une réflexion approfondie sur le lien entre formation professionnelle et Emploi, afin de développer une base de connaissances commune et partagée pour orienter les futurs programmes, coordonner les efforts dans ce domaine et en définir les priorités. Elle permettra en outre de relayer au niveau national les préoccupations régionales liées au travail décent.

Un point focal “genre et diversité” sera désigné pour chacun des acteurs publics, privés et de la société civile parmi les membres identifiés de la plateforme (soit un total de 10 points focaux), lesquels bénéficieront d'un coaching spécifique pour élaborer une stratégie genre et inclusion des femmes, des personnes handicapées et d'autres groupes vulnérables à destination des centres de formation et des autres parties prenantes de la plateforme.

2. Rôle et mission de la plateforme de coordination :
Cette plateforme vise à synchroniser les besoins du marché de l'emploi avec l'offre de formation professionnelle. Elle s'articule autour d'un cycle de transformation en trois étapes : 1) Le diagnostic partagé (via des analyses SWOT multisectorielles) ;
2) L'ingénierie de solutions (conception d'outils pratiques),

3) L'expérimentation engagée (tests pilotes sécurisés par des Mémorandums d'accord).
Pour ce faire, les phases suivantes sont prévues :
• Première phase : identification des lacunes de coordination entre les différents acteurs de la plateforme.
Trois ateliers seront organisés, réunissant l'ensemble des acteurs identifiés de la plateforme pour réaliser une analyse SWOT spécifique à chaque service, accompagnée d'une réflexion sur les besoins et les dysfonctionnements du système orientation–formation–insertion- emploi-entreprise–innovation.

• Deuxième phase : élaboration de réponses concrètes
Ces réponses seront déclinées sous forme de mesures pratiques et d'outils à adopter et à intégrer dans le travail quotidien des acteurs concernés.
• Troisième phase : test des mesures pilotes sélectionnées.
Chaque acteur s'engagera à tester et intégrer ces mesures dans son propre système de travail d'ici la troisième année du projet, sur la base d'un Mémorandum d'accord signé.

Afin de partager et de capitaliser les acquis à l'échelle nationale, un Atelier National sur la formation professionnelle et l'emploi décent au Burkina Faso sera organisé durant la deuxième année du projet. Cette rencontre réunira les partenaires du consortium, les acteurs de la plateforme, les Mairies impliquées, ainsi que le MAERAH, le MSJE et le MESFPT. Cet atelier visera à renforcer la coopération multi-acteurs et à favoriser l'échange d'expertises aux niveaux régional et national.

Les conclusions de cet atelier national seront intégrées aux travaux de la plateforme et aboutiront à la rédaction d'un « Policy Paper » (document d'orientation) sur la formation professionnelle et l'emploi, fondé sur la synthèse des diagnostics, des analyses et des recommandations, et intégrant une analyse des obstacles et opportunités liés à la promotion du travail décent au Burkina Faso. Ce Policy Paper sera présenté au cours d'un événement public national organisé durant la troisième année du projet, en présence des acteurs régionaux et nationaux déjà impliqués, ainsi que des représentants de l'AICS et des principaux bailleurs engagés dans ce domaine.

Des tables rondes multi-acteurs permettront ensuite aux représentants des pouvoirs publics, du secteur privé, de la société civile et des autres parties prenantes de débattre des modalités de mise en œuvre des recommandations, dans une optique de consensus et de plan d'action partagé.

3. Objectif de l'appel à manifestation d'intérêt
L'appel à manifestation d'intérêt vise à identifier et sélectionner les acteurs clés (publics, privés et société civile) désireux de s'investir dans la formalisation d'une plateforme de coordination et de dialogue. Cette initiative a pour but de fédérer les énergies, d'optimiser les interventions en faveur de l'emploi des jeunes et d'aligner l'offre de formation professionnelle sur les réalités économiques des communes du Grand Ouaga et de Ziniaré.

Les objectifs spécifiques sont les suivants :
• sélectionner au moins 30 acteurs publics et privés pour la formalisation de la plateforme ;
• renforcer la participation des institutions aux processus d'amélioration de la qualité de la formation technique et professionnelle ;
• favoriser des effets multiplicateurs capables de réduire la disparité entre l'offre et la demande de travail ;
• favoriser un meilleur alignement entre l'offre et la demande de travail, en accordant une attention particulière à l'insertion des femmes et des personnes en situation de handicap

4. Modalités et critères de sélection
4.1. Diffusion
L'Appel à Manifestation d'Intérêt, partagé avec les Ministères compétents, sera diffusé par un dispositif multicanal visant une large portée et un ciblage précis. La communication s'appuiera sur :
• Les réseaux de partenaires locaux (ONG, services publics, associations et organisations faîtières).
• Un communiqué de presse (presse écrite et radios) pour une couverture médiatique étendue au niveau communal.
• Les canaux numériques (échanges de courriels, réseaux sociaux comme LinkedIn, Whatsapp et Facebook).
• L'affichage physique dans les locaux des organismes concernés et les réunions des tables de travail des réseaux impliqués.

4.2. Acteurs éligibles à la candidature
Sont éligibles, les acteurs qualifiés dans le domaine de la formation professionnelle et de l'emploi. Ce sont les :
• Centres ou établissements de formation professionnelle publics et privés disposant au moins d'un document justificatif valide (agrément de création, arrêté de création, autorisation provisoire d'ouverture, autorisation définitive d'ouverture, etc.) ;
• Entreprises ou associations représentatives des entreprises ou structures publiques et privées actives dans les métiers ciblés (Elevage volaille, porcin et cunicole, construction de couveuse, infrastructure d'élevage, froid) ;

• Faitières professionnelles disposant d'un document justificatif valide (agrément de création, arrêté de création, autorisation provisoire d'ouverture, autorisation définitive d'ouverture) ;
• Organisations professionnelles, ONG, associations et structures de la société civile intervenant dans les domaines concernés et ayant une reconnaissance légale en cours de validité.

4.3. Critère de sélection
Les opérateurs postulants doivent répondre à l'ensemble des critères suivants :
1. Être une entité légalement reconnue (entreprise, association, organisation professionnelle, centre ou établissement de formation privé, ONG, etc.) disposant au moins d'un document justificatif valide (agrément de création, arrêté de création, autorisation provisoire d'ouverture, autorisation définitive d'ouverture, RCCM, récépissé, etc.).

2. Être actif dans une des zones cibles du projet (Grand Ouaga ou Ziniaré).
NB : La sélection sera conduite conjointement par les partenaires du consortium (Tamat/WeWorld), les Mairies concernées, ainsi que le MAERAH, le MSJE et le MESFPT.

4.4. Modalités de candidature
Les acteurs intéressés sont invités à soumettre leur dossier de candidature exclusivement via le lien suivant, dans les délais impartis : https://forms.gle/usjQcktKP9Shc6n76
La candidature devra être transmise au plus tard le vendredi 1er mai 2026 à 12h00mn (heure locale).
Pièces à joindre au dossier de candidature

Le dossier de candidature devra obligatoirement comprendre les pièces suivantes, présentées dans l'ordre indiqué :
1. CV institutionnel de l'organisation, présentant de manière synthétique :
o le statut juridique et l'année de création ;
o les missions et domaines d'intervention ;
o les principales activités et expériences pertinentes en lien avec la formation professionnelle, l'emploi et/ou l'insertion ;
o les zones d'intervention ;
o l'organisation interne et les ressources clés ;
o les coordonnées et le point focal désigné.
2. Lettre de motivation de l'organisation, précisant :
o l'intérêt à participer à la plateforme ;
o la contribution attendue au dialogue et aux mécanismes de coordination ;
o l'engagement de la structure dans les thématiques de la formation professionnelle et de l'emploi inclusif.

3. Pièce(s) justificative(s) de reconnaissance légale de la structure
(obligatoires pour les structures privées ; non requises pour les institutions publiques) :
o RCCM ou registre équivalent valide ;
o récépissé ou arrêté de création ;
o agrément ou autorisation d'ouverture, le cas échéant.
o IFU active

NB : Les dossiers incomplets ou ne remplissant pas les critères indiqués seront rejetés. Cette documentation permettra d'avoir une vision plus complète et plus approfondie du profil des acteurs, de ses domaines d'intervention et de ses activités, facilitant ainsi une évaluation attentive et un choix ciblé.
Contacts de la personne en cas besoin : benrachid.traore@tamatafrique.org ; +226 78 18 64 30

In a more volatile world, closer political, economic and strategic partnership between Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom could benefit all.

The latest round of repression shows the risks underground churches face – and how Chinese people continue to seek faith outside state control.

Le seigneur de guerre Amisi Sisawa, alias « Muswahili », est désormais entre les mains des Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo, (FARDC). Ce chef de milice, accusé de nombreuses exactions contre les civils, a été capturé à l’issue d’une opération militaire menée en fin de week-end, dans le territoire de Shabunda, au Sud-Kivu, rapporte l’armée.

Une arrestation après un assaut ciblé

The disruption in oil supplies has caused shortages and concerns in several African countries.

Si l’opposition hongroise dispose d’une confortable avance dans les sondages au niveau national, elle est loin d’être assurée de décrocher une majorité parlementaire aux élections législatives du 12 avril 2026. Car le système électoral est très favorable au Fidesz du Premier ministre Viktor Orban.

On le sait, la base des opérations, c'est la secops, la sécurité des opérations, mais elle ne tient pas

Plus d'infos »

La guerre en cours au Moyen-Orient a remis au premier plan l’importance stratégique des mondes arabes et leur influence sur la scène internationale. Loin de former un ensemble homogène, ces mondes se distinguent par des contextes politiques, économiques et sociaux très différents, tout en partageant un certain nombre de caractéristiques communes qui contribuent à façonner les dynamiques régionales. La région bénéficie d’atouts stratégiques majeurs, liés notamment à sa position géographique et à ses ressources, mais elle reste également marquée par des fragilités et des déséquilibres persistants. Ces tensions dépassent largement le cadre régional et redéfinissent les équilibres géopolitiques à l’échelle mondiale. À ce titre, le conflit israélo-palestinien en constitue un exemple déterminant, dont les répercussions continuent d’influencer les rapports de force sur la scène internationale.

À l’occasion de la réédition de son livre « Géopolitique des mondes arabes » (Eyrolles, février 2026), Didier Billion, directeur adjoint de l’IRIS et responsable du programme Moyen-Orient / Afrique du Nord, répond à nos questions :

• Sur quoi reposent à la fois l’unité et la diversité des mondes arabes ?

• Quel poids les États des mondes arabes ont-ils dans les relations internationales ? Quels sont leurs principaux atouts et fragilités sur la scène internationale ?

• Quel est l’impact géopolitique du conflit israélo-palestinien à l’échelle régionale ?

L’article Géopolitique des mondes arabes est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

Une vaste opération de bouclage menée ce weekend à Lubumbashi (Haut-Katanga), a permis l’interpellation de plus de 200 présumés criminels et la saisie de plusieurs armes et équipements militaires. L’opération s’est déroulée au camp militaire Major Vangu, dans la commune de Kampemba.  

The Turkish government’s declaration of 2025 as the “Year of the Family” reflects an increasingly authoritarian approach to managing demographic decline amid conditions of economic strain. Falling fertility rates are framed as a strategic challenge to national resilience, giving rise to a policy agenda that positions the family as the cornerstone of demographic recovery. At the same time, anti-gender politics has moved beyond ideological rhetoric towards a broader governance strategy linking demographic management, fiscal constraints, and authoritarian consolidation. For Germany and the European Union (EU), understanding these developments is essential for engaging Turkey on democratic governance, social policy, and gender equality.

Ahmed al-Scharaa ist Islamist, will aber keine Theokratie, sagt die Wissenschaftlerin Muriel Asseburg. Die Lage für die Kurden habe sich durch das Abkommen vom 30. Januar gebessert. Vor Abschiebungen nach Syrien warnt sie.

Der Krieg gegen den Iran zerreißt die westlichen Gesellschaften. Er ist völkerrechtlich kaum zu rechtfertigen, doch sein Abbruch wäre das schlimmste aller Ergebnisse. , Der Krieg Israels und der USA gegen den Iran spaltet die westlichen Demokratien wie kaum ein geopolitisches Ereignis der jüngeren Geschichte. Die Frage, ob dieser Krieg gerechtfertigt ist, lässt sich nicht mit einem einfachen Ja oder Nein beantworten. Wohl aber lässt sich sagen, was das Schlechteste ...

The UNFPA released a report detailing how women were suffering widespread mistreatment during childbirth across Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Credit: UNFPA

By Ed Holt
BRATISLAVA, Mar 30 2026 (IPS)

Government and medical professionals must implement systematic changes to deal with a “crisis” of obstetric violence (OV) across Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA), experts and rights campaigners have said.

The call comes as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) released a report on March 12 detailing how women were suffering widescale mistreatment during childbirth across the region.

“This report is a wake-up call. All stakeholders must make sure that women’s rights are respected and protected in all facilities in the health system and beyond,” Tamar Khomasuridze, UNFPA Sexual and Reproductive Health Adviser for Eastern Europe and Central Asia, told Inter Press Service (IPS).

The report, Respectful Maternity Care: Women’s Experiences and Outlooks in Eastern Europe and Central Asia, highlighted what the UNFPA said was a “pervasive yet often hidden OV crisis that violates women’s fundamental human rights and dignity”.

The survey, which was based on online responses from over 2,600 women who gave birth recently and conducted across 16 countries and territories in the region, found that 67 percent of respondents reported at least one form of mistreatment, including non-consensual medical procedures, verbal and physical abuse, and significant breaches of privacy.

Nearly half (48.1 percent) of women underwent obstetric procedures – such as episiotomies, Caesarean sections, or the administration of oxytocin – without their informed consent.

Meanwhile, about 24 percent of surveyed women reported experiencing verbal abuse, including yelling and humiliation, and 1 in 10 endured physical or sexual abuse during labour or gynaecological examinations. For example, 12 percent of the surveyed women reported being physically restrained during labour, such as being tied to the bed or subjected to aggressive physical contact under the pretext of facilitating delivery. Just over 10 percent experienced different forms of sexual abuse, ranging from inappropriate touching to more severe forms of assault (disrespectful manipulation of the genitals).

The survey also revealed a massive lack of awareness of OV among women in the region – almost 54 percent of surveyed women said women were unfamiliar with the term “obstetric violence”. And of those that knew they were victims of OV, very few reported such incidents – only two percent of those mistreated officially reported their experience, often due to a lack of trust in accountability mechanisms or fear of retaliation.

Previous research into the extent of OV in the region is limited and experts say it is difficult to gauge whether the situation in the region has changed in recent years.

But campaigners say the report underlines that it remains a serious problem.

“Obstetric violence has always existed, but for a long time it remained invisible, normalised, and embedded within what was perceived as ‘standard medical practice’. The major shift over the past decade is not necessarily in the prevalence of the phenomenon but rather in its increased visibility at the public, legal, and institutional levels, including its inclusion on the global agenda of human rights and public health,” Alina Andronache, a gender public policy expert at the Partnership for Development Center (CPD) in Moldova, who helped author the UNFPA report, told IPS.

“The report outlines a mixed picture: recognition and visibility of the phenomenon are increasing, yet the prevalence of experiences of abuse, coercion, and lack of consent remains alarmingly high,” she added.

Rights activists say that the phenomenon is closely linked to the wider issue of prevalent attitudes to women in the region.

“The report clearly shows that obstetric violence is not merely an issue of inadequate medical practices but is deeply embedded in broader social and cultural structures—particularly gender discrimination, power imbalances between the patient and medical staff, rigid institutional hierarchies, and norms that socialise women to accept authority without questioning it, including in highly intimate and vulnerable contexts such as childbirth,” said Andronache.

She highlighted the report’s finding that 58.4 percent of respondents believe that a mother must accept any intervention for the benefit of the child, even if it may harm her, while 19.6 percent consider that doctors may take a decision without a woman’s consent to protect the child.

“These perceptions reflect a profound internalisation of the idea that women’s bodily autonomy can be suspended during childbirth in favour of a medical authority perceived as unquestionable. This internalisation has two major consequences: it legitimises abusive or coercive practices, which are no longer perceived as violations of rights but as ‘necessary’ or ‘medically justified’ interventions, and it  directly contributes to underreporting and to the difficulty of recognising obstetric violence as such. If women are socialised to believe that they do not have the right to refuse, to ask questions, or to negotiate interventions, then their experiences are not necessarily identified as abuse but rather as a ‘normal’ part of childbirth,” she explained.

The report includes a call to action that outlines critical steps to address systemic problems with OV in the EECA states. These include legislation to protect women against OV; human rights-centred training for all healthcare personnel to shift clinical attitudes and ensure dignity is maintained at the point of service, as well as implementing monitoring and other measures to ensure accountability; and strengthening education and wider awareness of OV.

The UNFPA says its call to action has been endorsed by all countries in the survey and other stakeholders and will become part of action plans on OV at the national level.

But it is unclear how easy it will be to effect meaningful change, especially in a region where some countries have very conservative social cultures and wider problems with women’s rights.

The report showed that among respondents from Central Asian countries, such as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, around two thirds of women were unaware of OV. The report says this is due, in part, to traditional norms surrounding women’s roles and childbirth, which may make women less open to discussions about obstetric abuse.

Khomasuridze admitted that there were “of course sensitivities in different countries” in the region but was confident that with the help of various stakeholders, including civil society organisations, women’s rights groups and patient groups, changes would be implemented.

Andronache said that in countries where strongly conservative political policies and societal attitudes are prevalent, it was crucial that “the message be adapted to the context”.

“In more conservative societies, the approach should not be perceived as confrontational or ideological but rather framed as an issue of safety, dignity, and quality of care for both mother and child. Emphasising health, respect, and communication may be more readily accepted than a discourse focused exclusively on rights,” she said.

She added that it was essential that women be made aware of OV during their engagement with healthcare professionals – prenatal courses should be accessible and include, alongside medical information, clear explanations about women’s rights, informed consent, and what respectful care entails. ‘Meanwhile, information must reach those who need it most, she said — particularly in rural areas and in communities with more limited access to education.

“This requires simple messages, delivered in accessible languages and through channels that women already trust, including healthcare providers, community leaders, or other women sharing their experiences,” Andronache said.

“Awareness is built not only through the dissemination of information, but also through the creation of a space in which women feel able to ask questions, understand what is happening to them, and recognise when their rights are not being respected,” she added.

However, even in places where there is more awareness, serious problems with OV remain.

The study found that awareness of OV is higher in Eastern European countries, in part because advocacy initiatives regarding women’s rights during childbirth have contributed to increased visibility of the issue. Yet OV is widespread in some of these states.

In the survey the highest dissatisfaction rates with their childbirth experience were recorded among respondents from the Western Balkans (Albania, Serbia and Kosovo).

In 2022, a study by lawyers in Serbia found that women in the country are regularly subjected to various forms of violence at maternity clinics and hospitals, including not just verbal abuse and humiliation at the hands of staff, but violent physical examinations and invasive procedures without consent.

In January 2024, Marica Mihajlovic, a Roma woman, claimed that during labour her doctor jumped on her stomach, slapped her and racially abused her. Her baby died soon after birth.

A 2023 report on OV in Moldova included testimony from scores of OV victims, some of whom were left with serious physical and mental health issues afterwards.

As well as having to deal with the physical and mental damage of their experiences, victims of OV in the region also often face significant barriers to any redress for their suffering.

“Women who are aware of obstetric violence and would like to take action encounter, in reality, a form of distance—not only physical, but also emotional and institutional. In theory, reporting mechanisms should be ‘within reach’: easy to understand, accessible, and safe. In practice, in many countries this distance is far too great,” explained Andronache.

She said many women who want to report OV struggle with difficult and bureaucratic systems for doing so. Many are also put off by feelings that reporting what happened to them will not change anything or, worse, “that they would be placed in a position of having to prove their suffering, of being questioned, or even invalidated”.

“In the absence of clear and credible accountability mechanisms, reporting is not perceived as a solution, but as a long, uncertain, and emotionally draining process,” Andronache said.

Some also find that after a difficult or traumatic experience, they simply do not have the emotional resources to engage in a formal process. “They seek calm, recovery, and the ability to care for their child. The question ‘is it worth going through this?’ becomes very real,” said Andronache.

While the report identifies the scale of the OV crisis in the region and changes needed to reverse, or at least lessen it, fundamental improvement is not expected to come overnight, regardless of how enthusiastically governments embrace the UNFPA’s recommendations.

“Some changes can be implemented relatively quickly—for example, establishing clear and accessible reporting mechanisms, informing women, introducing more transparent procedures, or providing basic training for medical staff. These depend largely on political will and organisational capacity and can be achieved within a relatively short timeframe.

“However, the more difficult aspect is the transformation of mindsets—both within the medical system and in society at large. A deeper transformation to a system in which women feel safe to speak out and which responds with accountability and respect is a long-term process that may take a decade or more. At its core, this is a cultural shift, not merely a regulatory one,” said Andronache.

Khomasuridze agreed.

“We and our partners have a long way to go. Progress depends on action at the national level and we are very well positioned in [EECA] countries to accelerate progress, working with government, professional societies, civil societies, women’s groups, and patients’ groups to make sure that this transformative agenda is implemented,” she said.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

Credit: Ryan Brown/UN Women

By Inés M. Pousadela and Samuel King
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay / BRUSSELS, Belgium, Mar 30 2026 (IPS)

On 19 March, the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) did something unprecedented in its eight-decade history: it held a vote. The Trump administration, having spent two weeks attempting to defer, amend and ultimately block the session’s main outcome document, known as the agreed conclusions, cast the only vote against its adoption. That dissenting vote said a lot, as it came from the world’s most powerful government, backed by financial leverage, bilateral reach and a network of anti-rights states and organisations that are making inroads at many levels.

Established in 1946, the CSW brings together 45 states each year to negotiate commitments that, while not legally binding, shape domestic legislation, set international norms and signal the direction of political will. Civil society plays an important role in it: the NGO Committee on the Status of Women coordinates thousands of organisations, from large international bodies to grassroots groups, with the aim of ensuring those most affected by policy have a seat at the table. For several decades, this has been the closest thing the world has to a dedicated annual intergovernmental negotiation on women’s rights.

The assault on gender equality

The Trump administration arrived at CSW70 having withdrawn from UN Women in January and from its Executive Board in February, citing opposition to what it calls ‘gender ideology’. It submitted eight amendments targeting language on reproductive health. When these didn’t succeed, it attempted to defer or withdraw the conclusions entirely. When that too failed, it voted against adoption and tabled a separate resolution seeking to impose a restrictive definition of gender, effectively attempting to rewrite 30 years of carefully negotiated commitments. Its resolution was blocked.

At the Munich Security Conference in February, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio defined western civilisation as bound together by Christian faith, shared ancestry and cultural heritage, an ideological approach that treats women’s equality, reproductive rights and LGBTQI+ rights not as human rights but ideological impositions to be rejected. The Trump administration’s financial muscle is now the delivery mechanism for this worldview.

Defunding as a weapon

The immediate material crisis at CSW70 was the collapse of funding. The elimination of 90 per cent of USAID contracts wiped out US$60 billion in foreign aid. The USA is instead negotiating bilateral deals with 71 countries under its ‘America First’ global health strategy, extending its global gag rule not just to civil society organisations but to recipient governments. This means any institution that receives US health funding must certify that neither it nor any organisation it works with promotes or provides abortion.

Funding will now flow through faith-based groups, with ultra-conservative Christian organisations such as the Alliance Defending Freedom and Family Watch International set to benefit, having spent years building networks across Africa, Asia and Latin America. They use the language of family values, parental rights and national sovereignty to consolidate conservative influence over laws affecting women, LGBTQI+ people and young people. In many countries, they already have direct access to governments while progressive organisations are routinely excluded.

With threats intensifying, the UN is signalling retreat. A proposal under the UN80 cost-cutting initiative to merge UN Women with the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) has alarmed civil society worldwide. The stated rationale is efficiency, but there’s little overlap between the two agencies and their combined budgets make up a small part of the UN’s overall spending, suggesting savings would be modest. It’s hard to escape the conclusion that the targeting of these organisations reflects the increasing contestation of their rights-based mandates rather than any logic of organisational efficiency.

Over 500 civil society organisations signed an open letter to UN Secretary-General António Guterres warning that, when sexual and reproductive health rights are absorbed into broader mandates, they risk ‘being deprioritised, underfunded, or rendered politically invisible’. Some states have urged caution but so far none has committed to blocking the merger.

Civil society holds the line

In difficult times, over 4,600 civil society delegates attended CSW70 and made their presence count. They took the floor to name structural barriers and demand accountability: youth representatives challenged the normalisation of online violence, Pacific Island delegates described how geography compounds the denial of justice for survivors, and activists from Haiti documented the labour exploitation of migrant domestic workers. They all emphasised that when women’s rights organisations are restricted or defunded, survivors lose their primary pathway to justice.

The NGO CSW Forum hosted over 750 events alongside the official session. But not everyone could participate. US visa restrictions meant several women’s rights activists, particularly from the global south, couldn’t enter the country. This is a worsening problem that limits civil society’s ability to engage.

CIVICUS’s newly released 2026 State of Civil Society Report documents exactly what civil society has been up against: institutions built to protect women’s rights under sustained, coordinated attack, their funding cut, their mandates targeted and the human rights values they are built on reopened for revision. CSW70’s agreed conclusions offer hope, committing states to action on AI governance, discriminatory laws, digital justice, labour rights, legal aid and the formal recognition of care workers. But as the contest over them made plain, political will is running low and the anti-rights community is emboldened. Civil society left CSW70 without losing ground – and this seems to be the measure of success in the regressive times we live in.

Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.

Samuel King is a researcher with the Horizon Europe-funded research project ENSURED: Shaping Cooperation for a World in Transition at CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

Follow @IPSNewsUNBureau
!function(d,s,id){var js,fjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0],p=/^http:/.test(d.location)?'http':'https';if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s);js.id=id;js.src=p+'://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js';fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js,fjs);}}(document, 'script', 'twitter-wjs');  

La grève des transporteurs en commun, initialement prévue les 30 et 31 mars, a été annulée à Kinshasa après un accord trouvé entre la Police nationale congolaise et les représentants des associations de chauffeurs le weekend.

CONTRE-POINT - Comme pour Macron en 2017, c’est la nouveauté ou la force d’une offre qui permettra de créer un espace entre LFI et le RN, et d’enclencher une dynamique.

Alors que la gestation pour autrui s'impose comme un marché international en plein essor, les failles juridiques et les circuits transfrontaliers soulèvent de nombreuses inquiétudes. Entre Turquie, Géorgie et Chypre du Nord, des enquêtes révèlent les zones d'ombre d'un secteur où se croisent désir de parentalité, intérêts économiques et risques d'exploitation.

- Articles / Courrier des Balkans, Turquie, Santé, Gratuit