Turkey is at risk of descending into autocracy. That risk persists even though the resistance put up by the opposition Republican People’s Party following the arrest of Mayor of İstanbul Ekrem İmamoğlu has saved the party – at least for now – from being placed under a trustee and the İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality from being subjected to the administration of the state. The complete autocratisation of Turkey can be prevented only if opposition resistance receives broad and consistent support from among the population, economic growth is jeopardised by political instability and the European Union responds in a unified manner. It is in the interest of neither the EU nor Germany for Turkey to become politically and economically destabilised through further autocratisation, as this would impede the country’s ability to fulfil its regional responsibilities, which include curbing migration, deterring Russia and stabilising Syria. The EU can exercise a constructive influence over Turkey by offering the prospect of talks on the modernisation of the customs union and the facilitation of visas and by promising it a greater say in the European security architecture – on condition that Ankara respects democratic principles and the rule of law.
The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.
The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.
The contribution proposes a novel theoretical synthesis between recent Arctic scholarship, which draws on English School concepts and ‘third wave’ constructivist norms research to analyse the ‘boundary practices’ prevailing in Arctic governance. Through the boundary concept, the article draws attention to a host of intergovernmental and interparliamentary institutions engaged in shaping practices linked to the ‘responsibility to freeze’, referring to efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change on the region’s inhabitants and beyond. Based on participant observation and policy and institutional document analyses generated between 2021–2023, the article argues that the web of Arctic governance might undergo a reconfiguration. Having previously withstood the pressures of geopolitical crises originating outside the region, the governance web is now overshadowed by recent geopolitical developments, potentially triggering a recalibration of the political centre away from the Arctic Council and towards other fora. This would raise new questions of responsibility, accountability, and authority – all of which may negatively affect marginalised decision-makers holding prominent roles in the current governance setup, such as Indigenous communities. Going forward, although Arctic boundary work remains collaborative, the fragmentation and associated multiple loyalties limit the extent to which geopolitical fallout can be reconciled with tackling the biggest issue affecting the planet – climate change.
Die Bedeutung verlässlicher Partnerschaften hat im Lichte internationaler Entwicklungen in der letzten Dekade massiv zugenommen. Das veranschaulichen die »Krise des Multilateralismus«, Russlands Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine und der politische Wandel in den USA wie auch in der EU. Deutschland ist als international überdurchschnittlich exponierter Staat auf verlässliche Partnerschaften angewiesen. Daher ist es umso wichtiger, Klarheit darüber zu finden, was die Verlässlichkeit eines Partners ausmacht. Politisch allerdings dominiert ein wenig differenziertes Verständnis von Verlässlichkeit, das historische Pfadabhängigkeiten überbewertet. Warnzeichen, die darauf hindeuten, dass ein Partner unzuverlässig zu werden droht, können so leicht übersehen werden. Diese Studie präsentiert eine Heuristik, die sowohl das Verhalten eines (potenziellen) Partners in verschiedenen Kontexten in den Blick nimmt als auch relevante Akteurs- und Strukturmerkmale erschließt. Mithilfe dieser Heuristik kann die Verlässlichkeit neuer Partner ebenso beurteilt werden wie etablierte Partnerschaften. Umgekehrt kann man aus der Heuristik ableiten, was Deutschland tun sollte, um als verlässlicher Partner wahrgenommen zu werden. Zu empfehlen ist eine strategisch ausgerichtete »Partnerschaftspolitik« sowie ein relationales Verständnis von Partnerschaft: Die deutsche Politik muss sich offen damit auseinandersetzen, welche Rolle sie spielen und welchen Beitrag sie zur Verlässlichkeit einer bilateralen Partnerschaft leisten kann und will.
Diversifying the supply of mineral resources is a strategic necessity – one in which resource-rich countries of the Global South play a crucial role. Zambia, which is a major global copper exporter and possesses other critical raw materials, is seeking long-term alliances that will mobilise investment and promote local value creation. The EU has taken the first step towards cooperation with the strategic raw material partnership. But if it is to remain competitive in the geopolitical arena, a stronger industrial policy foundation will be needed. That includes a coherent raw material foreign policy aligned with the “Team Europe” approach and targeted financial instruments to support industrial cooperation.
Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.
Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.
Der Begriff Umweltgerechtigkeit (environmental justice) ist sowohl als politische Forderung als auch als interdisziplinäres Forschungsfeld und analytische Perspektive zur Untersuchung ökologischer Verteilungskonflikte zu verstehen. Der Beitrag stellt verschiedene Dimensionen der Umweltgerechtigkeit vor und führt in aktuelle Ansätze, Methoden und Perspektiven der sozialwissenschaftlichen Umweltgerechtigkeitsforschung ein, die von besonderer Relevanz für die Umweltethnologie sind.
To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.
To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.
To enable low-income and lower-middle-income countries to invest in climate mitigation, we propose in a the establishment of a Finance Facility against Climate Change (F2C2) that would raise USD1 trillion.