Feed aggregator

Give It to the Army: The A-10 Warthog has proven indispensable for close air support, saving countless lives with its ability to loiter over battlefields and deliver devastating firepower.

-Despite the advanced capabilities of newer platforms like the F-35, the A-10’s unique attributes—such as its heavy armor, long endurance, and potent weapons—make it irreplaceable for supporting ground troops.

-The Air Force's consideration to retire the A-10 could create a critical gap in capabilities. Transferring the A-10 program to the U.S. Army, which aligns more closely with its mission, could preserve this vital asset for future conflicts.

Why the A-10 Warthog Outshines the F-35 in Close Air Support

While working on Capitol Hill, I was asked to participate in discussions over funding for the F-35 Lightning II and the A-10 Warthog. During those days of defense budget sequestration, funds were limited by an agreement made between Congress and then-President Barack Obama. Because of the limits, the Pentagon was being forced to choose between funding pre-existing systems, such as the A-10, or newer systems that would define the future, such as the F-35. 

Walking into the first meeting, my bias was toward the F-35. The meetings changed my mind.

As part of our meetings, proponents for both platforms were asked to make their cases for why one of these systems should be prioritized over the other. The most impressive arguments came from the A-10 supporters. A group of former Special Forces operators came armed with gun camera footage from an A-10 to describe in detail how the Warthog saved their lives during an ambush conducted by the Taliban against their unit in the dusty foothills of Afghanistan. 

For hours, the A-10 hovered over the battlespace, getting within virtual spitting distance of the entrenched Taliban positions, and rained down a hellfire of molten lead and explosives. 

The A-10 Saves Lives

According to the Special Forces operators who were recounting their tale to us, the A-10’s persistent presence over their heads saved their lives. What’s more, that platform allowed the commandos to achieve their objectives. 

Similar stories can be found in just about every ground campaign this country has been involved in since the A-10 Warthog first flew. As one of the Special Forces operators quipped to us, “No other bird – not even an F-35 – can do for ground forces what the A-10 can.”

The A-10 Warthog II is an interesting warplane. It first hit the unfriendly skies in May 1972. A total of 713 units were produced by Fairchild Republic, which is now part of Northrop-Grumman, and the A-10 production line ended in 1984. Boeing was given contracts by the Air Force in 2013 to modernize the planes. For example, new wings were added, extending the lifespans of these aging birds by many years. 

The A-10 was designed to conduct “close-in air support” missions. As such, it is not exclusively an Air Force plane. Tactical Air Control Party airmen work on the ground to coordinate A-10 airstrikes directly with American ground forces who need the air support. This creates a symbiotic relationship between ground personnel fighting, and the Air Force operating the A-10. 

To ensure these planes survive such dangerous missions, they are heavily armored ground-pounders. The cockpit, for example, is surrounded by what’s known as a titanium bathtub that is up to 3.8 cm thick, to better protect the pilot from enemy ground fire. Similar protections are afforded to the plane’s flight systems, to ensure that an enemy doesn’t score a lucky shot, given how low and vulnerable to enemy ground fire the A-10 is. 

One Amazing Warbird 

The A-10 is known for its endurance as a fighting aircraft. As the Special Forces operators explained to me, these planes can dish out an unbelievable amount of firepower while loitering over a battlefield for protracted periods of time – far longer than any other plane. The firepower, the armor, and the duration in combat are decisive factors justifying the continued operation of this bird. 

No other warplane can operate as close to the enemy for as long as the A-10 can. Most other birds, such as the F-35, would need to leave the battlespace to refuel. And for all the talk about the F-35’s capabilities at a distance, when you’ve got U.S. ground troops at risk, there’s nothing quite like having a warplane that can get right into the enemy’s face and give it to him good and hard.

A-10s are mean warthogs indeed. They are armed with their iconic 30 mm GAU-8/A cannon, as well as a mixed ordnance package. The bird is a bomb carrier of epic proportions. It has three under-fuselage pylon stations along with eight under-wing stations. These carry weapons such as the 500-pound Mk-82 and the 2,000-pound Mk-84. They can also fly with the AGM-65 Maverick and the AIM-9 sidewinder missile.

The A-10 trades speed for endurance. It can barely reach Mach 0.75. The F-35 is considerably faster. But the A-10 has an astounding range of 2,580 miles. What’s more, the A-10 can fly in degraded environments. These birds can take off and land from short runways at forward operating bases. Given the kind of wars the U.S. military found itself fighting, such as in Afghanistan, it’s astonishing that the Pentagon even thought to retire this bird. And if a great power war erupts between the United States and a near-peer rival like China or Russia, the A-10 will be instrumental in punching holes through enemy air defense bubbles.

Give the A-10 to the Army

While the F-35 is a modern marvel and can conduct similar mission sets to the A-10, the fifth-generation warplane lacks the kind of endurance and durability that the A-10 has proven time and again it possesses. 

Back when I was in government, some A-10 enthusiasts suggested the Air Force should simply transfer the A-10 program over to the U.S. Army. The Army possesses a limited aircraft fleet. Although culturally the Army eschews an air role – especially a fixed-wing air role – the A-10’s mission and capability is less of an Air Force mission set and more of a ground support role. Thus, to save the storied warbird, the Army should take over the program. It should do this before the A-10 is retired and a critical capabilities gap is created – just when a great power war is around the corner.

About the Author 

Brandon J. Weichert, a National Interest national security analyst, is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, the Asia Times, and The-Pipeline. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His next book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine, is due October 22 from Encounter Books. Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

Image Credit: Creative Commons. 

What You Need to Know: The UK's Ministry of Defence (MoD) is reportedly leaning towards purchasing additional F-35B Lightning II aircraft instead of expanding its fleet of Eurofighter Typhoons.

-The F-35B’s advanced capabilities, including its short takeoff and vertical landing (STOVL) feature, make it ideal for both the Royal Navy’s Queen Elizabeth-class carriers and airbase operations. While the Eurofighter will continue to receive upgrades, the F-35 is considered more viable long-term.

-London has also earmarked funds for the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) to develop a sixth-generation fighter in partnership with Italy and Japan.

The UK Could Opt For Additional F-35 Fighters Over Eurofighter Typhoons

A week after it was reported that aerospace giant Lockheed Martin has been pressing the UK to increase its commitment to the full 138-unit procurement of the fifth-generation F-35B Lightning II, it seems that London may opt for more of the stealth fighters. According to international military analyst firm Janes, the UK's Ministry of Defence "is inclined to increase its combat aviation forces through an" F-35 follow-on buy "rather than acquiring more Eurofighter Typhoons."

The MoD is reported to be considering its long-term requirements, and that is where the F-35B could offer an advantage. The UK's Royal Air Force (RAF) operates the short takeoff vertical landing (STOVL) variant, which allows it to be employed as the airwing on the Royal Navy's Queen Elizabeth-class carriers as well as from air bases.

Moreover, the F-35B could remain in operation until the 2070s, far longer than the Eurofighter could be expected to see service.

"We have a foot in both [the F-35 and Eurofighter] camps, and for the RAF I very much see that the F-35 is where we are looking at to add combat mass. We are committed to an onward buy [of the F-35], so that is where we are looking," a British official told Janes from the sidelines of the IQPC International Fighter Conference (IFC) 2024 in Berlin on 6 November.

The official told the analyst firm under "the Chatham House Rule" (meaning with anonymity) the Eurofighter Typhoon will still remain a "core component" of the RAF, and that will include receiving upgrades and other enhancements to maintain its "operational capabilities." Yet, the MoD now appears to be "leaning" towards the Lightning II as part of the air service's longer-term requirements.

The UK has been negotiating terms for the acquisition of the second tranche of F-35s, which would see the fleet size grow to 74 aircraft – but that was later scaled back after London cited the program's rising costs during the previous Conservative government. The MoD had also expressed using money saved from the F-35 acquisition to fund the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) to develop a sixth-generation optionally-manned fighter and unmanned aerial systems (UAS). The UK is part of an international consortium that also includes Italy and Japan, with the partners working to field the GCAP fighter by the mid-2030s.

At issue is the size of the current RAF fighter force. A September 2023 parliamentary report published by the House of Commons Defence Committee warned that the UK has fewer than 160 combat jets. Complicating issues for the Labour government is how the RAF's and RN's fighters can be employed. Each of the UK's Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers can operate with up to 36 F-35Bs, so in theory, the entire fleet of the Lightning IIs could be dedicated to just that mission. While that would allow the Royal Navy to maintain a powerful airwing on its flattops, it would deprive the RAF of aircraft to carry out its own missions.

Author Experience and Expertise: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu is a Michigan-based writer. He has contributed to more than four dozen magazines, newspapers, and websites with over 3,200 published pieces over a twenty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

What You Need to Know: Ukrainian forces have encountered North Korean troops in Russia's Kursk Oblast, marking a significant development as Pyongyang sends thousands of soldiers to support Moscow. While initial clashes are reportedly mild, Ukrainian officials expect more intense engagements as North Korean forces integrate with Russian troops.

-Currently, around 11,000 North Korean soldiers are believed to be in Russian service, primarily intended to help repel Ukrainian advances without entering occupied Ukraine to avoid further international backlash.

-Meanwhile, Russian forces are experiencing heavy losses in equipment and personnel as the conflict intensifies.

North Korean troops are engaged in combat with Ukrainian forces inside Russia

The Ukrainian defense minister revealed that Ukrainian forces have already gone up against small numbers of North Korean troops in the Kursk Oblast.  

Pyongyang has sent thousands of troops to Moscow’s aid as the intense fighting continues to deplete the Russian forces.  

Ukrainians v. North Koreans in Russia  

“The first North Korean forces have likely officially engaged in combat against Ukrainian troops in Kursk Oblast,” the Institute for the Study of War assessed in its latest estimate of the war.  

On Tuesday, Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said that the Ukrainian military has been engaged in small-scale combat with North Korean troops in the Kursk Oblast. Speaking to a South Korean news outlet, Umerov said that the fighting with the North Korean troops is relatively mild for the time being but that he expects that to change once the full contingents of North Korean forces arrive. Ukrainian, South Korean, and Western intelligence estimates put the number of North Korean forces in Russian service to around 11,000.  

As we have assessed here at The National Interest, it is likely that the Kremlin will initially limit the presence of North Korean troops to within Russia. The Ukrainian salient in the Kursk Oblast is an ideal testing bed for the North Koreans because it wouldn’t require them to deploy into occupied Ukraine and risk further wrath from the West and South Korea.  

To be sure, if Moscow perceives a need, it will most certainly deploy the North Koreans into occupied Ukraine as well. There is already reporting that some North Korean support troops are inside Ukraine. But the fact that they are not involved in direct fighting and their small numbers are enough for their presence to pass without much attention for the time being.  

“ISW continues to assess that Russia will likely leverage North Korean manpower to first and foremost repel the Ukrainian incursion into Kursk Oblast, and that in return, North Korean troops hope to gain combat and military-technical experience in the conditions for a contemporary and technologically driven war,” the Institute for the Study of War added.  

Interestingly, it seems that the Russian military is integrating the North Korean troops into its own structure as opposed to having them fight as separate units. The Ukrainian defense minister said in his interview with the South Korean outlet that it has been difficult to ascertain North Korean casualty numbers because the Russian military has mixed Russian and North Korean troops together in the same outfits.  

Russian Casualties in Ukraine

Meanwhile, the Russian forces continue to take heavy casualties in the fighting. Over the past twenty-four hours, the Russian military, paramilitary outfits, and pro-Russian separatist forces lost approximately 1,250 troops killed or wounded, as well as fifty-seven unmanned aerial systems, fifty-five tactical vehicles and fuel trucks, twenty artillery pieces and multiple launch rocket systems, eleven infantry fighting vehicles and armored personnel carriers, six main battle tanks, and one piece of special equipment damaged or destroyed.  

About the Author: 

Stavros Atlamazoglou is a seasoned defense journalist specializing in special operations and a Hellenic Army veteran (national service with the 575th Marine Battalion and Army HQ). He holds a BA from the Johns Hopkins University and an MA from the Johns Hopkins’ School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS). His work has been featured in Business Insider, Sandboxx, and SOFREP.

Image Credit: Creative Commons and/or Shutterstock.

Er wolle nur für einen Tag ein Diktator sein, sagte Trump noch bei einer Wahlkampfrede im Oktober. Und zwar, um die Grenzen zu schließen und nach Öl und Gas zu bohren. Das lässt nicht nur tief blicken, was sein Demokratieverständnis angeht, sondern wirft auch Fragen zu seiner Klimapolitik auf.

Hours before polls closed in the United States on November 5, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu informed Israeli Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant that he was fired from the cabinet. Gallant had become a well-known face throughout the war on Hamas. Gaunt and black-clad in the wake of the Hamas 10/7 massacre, he often visited soldiers in the field and kept his hand firmly on the helm of military operations.

Netanyahu said that he dismissed Gallant because trust had eroded between them. They had different priorities for the war effort and different visions for Israeli strategy. Gallant preferred a hostage deal and pushed for a day-after plan for Gaza. He also wanted to draft ultra-Orthodox Jews, who historically have an exemption from the army in Israel. This put him at odds with other members of Netanyahu’s coalition government. “...During the past several months, this trust between myself and the Defense Minister has begun to crack,” Netanyahu said.

With Gallant gone, there will be a shakeup in Israel’s political landscape. This is because Gallant brought with him many decades of experience as a soldier and officer to the position. He will likely be replaced by a politician rather than a former general, putting the war effort more firmly in Netanyahu’s hands. During the first months of the war in Gaza, Israel had a war cabinet that included two former generals (Benny Gantz and Gadi Eisenkot). They left the war cabinet in June.

Netanyahu’s decision comes as former U.S. President Donald Trump celebrates his election victory. That means that the period from November to January will be a window of opportunity for Israel in its operations. Similarly, there may be a spotlight from the Biden administration as it moves into its lame-duck era.

There are many balls in the air in the Middle East. Iran is threatening more direct attacks on Israel. Hezbollah has a new leader named Naim Qassem, who has spoken out about the U.S. elections, claiming it won’t change Hezbollah’s war on Israel. Israel began a ground operation against Hezbollah in October. Hezbollah launched missiles at central Israel on November 6, as if to show that the U.S. election would not deter its attacks.

Nevertheless, the region will be watching Trump’s statements closely, and they will likely affect the next phase of the war. This is clear because leaders in the region have been quick to call the president-elect. Netanyahu has spoken with Trump, as has the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia. Riyadh expects that the incoming administration will strengthen ties. The Saudis have been critical of Israel’s war in Gaza and publicly expressed their wish for a solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. However, they also likely know that Iran supported the October 7 Hamas attack in order to harm the Abraham Accords, the normalization deal Trump helped cement between the UAE and Israel. 

Iran wanted to weaken regional integration and stability through a proxy war with Israel. Iran pushed its proxies, such as Hezbollah and the Houthis, to attack Israel in order to create a regional war. Saudi Arabia has been affected because the Houthis in Yemen have previously fought Riyadh. Qatar hosts Hamas. During the first Trump administration, Saudi Arabia led Bahrain, the UAE, and Egypt to break relations with Qatar soon after a major meeting with Trump at the Riyadh Summit in May 2017. Saudi Arabia is thus keenly aware of the changes in the region that a new U.S. administration could help invigorate.

Meanwhile, in Israel, the war effort on two fronts will be in the initial spotlight. The IDF recently helped facilitate a polio vaccination campaign in Gaza. In addition, the IDF is winding down a month-long operation in Jabalia in northern Gaza. Jabalia is a large neighborhood north and northeast of Gaza City where Hamas maintains a presence. The IDF had fought Hamas in this area twice during a year of conflict but never cleared it of terrorists. In October, the IDF struck again. After a month of fighting, it has defeated Hamas. Yet, the slow operation illustrated how difficult it is to uproot the terrorists. Israeli soldiers use drones and unmanned M113 vehicles in operations to try to flush out the enemy and eliminate threats. However, it takes time, and the neighborhood is a jumble of ruined multi-story buildings.

The slow tactical war is grinding on in Gaza and Lebanon. In Lebanon, the IDF has four divisions deployed, and they have spent more than a month fighting Hezbollah in a series of border villages less than a mile or two from the Israeli border. This is a slow process because Hezbollah festooned the area with munitions and hide-outs. The IDF’s 8th brigade, for instance, has killed “dozens” of terrorists in recent operations in Lebanon. “Additionally, the troops located and confiscated numerous weapons, including Kornet missiles, grenades, and explosive devices hidden inside civilian homes and underground infrastructure,” the IDF said on November 6. Hezbollah is also not relenting in its attacks. It fired more than 120 rockets on November 6 at Israel.

Israel will need to decide how to conduct a multi-front war over the next months as a new U.S. administration prepares to enter office. This means looking at the next phase of operations in Gaza and Lebanon. Can Hamas or Hezbollah be decisively defeated now that they have been ground down through ground operations? Both terror groups lost their leaders, but they kept fighting. In addition, the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen and Iranian-backed militias in Iraq continue to threaten Israel. Iran also threatens more direct attacks but may be deterred by Trump’s return to the White House. The Iraqi militias remember that Trump ordered the airstrike that killed IRGC Quds Force leader Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi militia leader Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis in 2020.

On the other hand, the Iranians could judge that they have a short window now to strike harder at Israel before Trump takes the oath of office. They will likely suspect that Israel intends to take the gloves off after the U.S. election. The question will be whether they do. A year of war has left Israeli reservists exhausted and left many questions about the long-term strategy in Gaza and Lebanon.

About the Author: 

Seth Frantzman is the author of The October 7 War: Israel’s Battle for Security in Gaza (2024) and an adjunct fellow at The Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

Image: Creative Commons. 

The Foreign Affairs Committee questioned Marta Kos, Slovenian candidate for the Enlargement portfolio, on Thursday.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

The Foreign Affairs Committee questioned Marta Kos, Slovenian candidate for the Enlargement portfolio, on Thursday.
Committee on Foreign Affairs

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Donald Trump hat die US-Wahl gewonnen. Wie verändert sich nun Amerikas Rolle in der Welt? Die außenpolitischen Pläne des designierten Präsidenten sind undurchsichtig - gerade mit Blick auf Russland und die Ukraine.

Solemn undertaking before the Court of Justice of the European Union given by three new Members of the European Court of Auditors

Solemn undertaking before the Court of Justice of the European Union given by three new Members of the European Court of Auditors

Durée de la vidéo : 210'

Clause de non-responsabilité : L'interprétation des débats facilite la communication mais ne constitue en aucun cas un enregistrement authentifié des débats. Seuls le discours original ou la traduction écrite révisée du discours original peuvent être considérés authentiques.
Source : © Union européenne, 2024 - PE

Dauer des Videos : 210'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2024 - EP

Length of video : 210'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

L'Algérien Kamel Daoud a remporté le prix Goncourt pour son roman Houris, qui relate de manière saisissante le conflit qui a secoué son pays dans les années 1990.

Die EU-Klimapolitik hat noch nicht adressiert, wie die CO₂-Entnahme angereizt und reguliert werden soll. Mark Preston von Bellona Europa und Felix Schenuit von der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik empfehlen, die Debatte nicht auf eine ETS-Integration zu verengen.

Kinsa
Aus humanitären Gründen geleistete Beihilfe zur unerlaubten Einreise: Generalanwalt Richard de la Tour hält die Richtlinie 2002/90 für gültig und erläutert die Voraussetzungen für die Strafbarkeit im Unionsrecht und im nationalen Recht

Facilitation of unauthorised entry carried out for a humanitarian purpose: Advocate General Richard de la Tour finds Directive 2002/90 valid and clarifies the conditions for the criminalisation of that offence in EU law and national law

Kinsa
Facilitation of unauthorised entry carried out for a humanitarian purpose: Advocate General Richard de la Tour finds that Directive 2002/90 validates, and clarifies the conditions for, the criminalisation of that offence in EU law and national law

Facilitation of unauthorised entry carried out for a humanitarian purpose: Advocate General Richard de la Tour finds Directive 2002/90 valid and clarifies the conditions for the criminalisation of that offence in EU law and national law

A Demján Sándor Program hamarosan indul, célja pedig, hogy új lehetőségeket biztosítson a magyar kkv-k számára. Ez a kezdeményezés jelentős lépés a hazai gazdaság fejlesztésében, amely a kkv-k méretének növelésére és versenyképességük javítására összpontosít.

A program céljai

A program célja, hogy a hazai kkv-k mérete megduplázódjon, ezáltal hozzájárulva a 3–6 százalékos GDP-növekedéshez. Az intézkedések között szerepel a tőkefinanszírozás és az exportösztönzés, melyek révén a kkv-k nemcsak hazai, hanem nemzetközi szinten is megerősödhetnek. A program hangsúlyozza a digitalizációt és az innovációt, amelyek elengedhetetlenek a modern gazdasági környezetben való sikeres működéshez.

Milyen intézkedések várhatóak a Demján Sándor Programban?

A Demján Sándor Program keretei között több féle intézkedés fog megvalósulni. Ezek közé tartozik, hogy a Széchenyi Kártya Program beruházási hiteleinek kamatát már le is csökkentették 3,5%-ra. Emellett a program egy 100 milliárd forintos tőkeinjekciót is biztosít majd, amelyet technológiai fejlesztésekre és eszközberuházásokra fordíthatnak a cégek.

50 milliárdos keret – 1+1 Eszközberuházás és Technológiai Fejlesztés Támogatási Program

A 1+1 Eszközberuházás és Technológiai Fejlesztés Támogatási Program kimondottan a magyar kis- és középvállalkozások fejlődési lehetőségeit célozza meg, jelentős támogatást nyújtva számukra. A program 50 milliárd forintos kerettel rendelkezik, amely vissza nem térítendő támogatás formájában lesz elérhető, a támogatás intenzitása pedig várhatóan 50% lesz. Fő célja az eszközberuházások és technológiai fejlesztések ösztönzése, a kkv-k modern eszközökhöz juthatnak, és fejlettebb technológiákat alkalmazhatnak. Az eszközbeszerzésen túl lehetőség lesz támogatást igényelni immateriális javak beszerzésére, kis- és nagyhaszongépjárművek vásárlására, megújuló energiát hasznosító technológiák alkalmazására, és tanácsadási szolgáltatások igénybevételére.

Összességében

A Demján Sándor Program tehát egy átfogó stratégia része, amely a kkv-k helyzetének javítását célozza meg. A program által nyújtott támogatások és kedvezmények révén a magyar kis- és középvállalkozások jelentős fejlődést érhetnek el, ami hosszú távon az egész ország gazdasági növekedéséhez és stabilitásához járul hozzá.

Ne felejtsük el

Amíg várjuk a program részleteit és megjelenését, ne feledkezzünk el arról, hogy jelenleg milyen források állnak a hazai kkv-k rendelkezésére. Pályázati források támogatják az innovációs fejlesztéseket, a digitalizációs törekvéseket, és továbbra is nyitva áll a pályázat, ha vállalkozásunk elektromos autót szeretne beszerezni. Az elérhető lehetőségekről oldalunk Hírek menüpontja alatt tájékozódhat.

Amennyiben szeretne időben értesülni a vállalkozását érintő pályázatokról, egyéb konstrukciókról, iratkozzon fel díjmentes pályázatfigyelési szolgáltatásunkra, ide kattintva! Ha már konkrét fejlesztési ötlete lenne, akkor pedig egy ingyenes és kötelezettségmentes konzultációval tudjuk segíteni, amit a lenti űrlap kitöltésével igényelhet.

Goodwill Consulting Kft. – Információból fejlesztés, a fejlesztésből siker

Pályázni szeretne, vagy további kérdése lenne?

Igényeljen ingyenes fejlesztési tanácsadást! Vezetéknév

Keresztnév

Cégnév

Adószám

Email

Telefon

Fejlesztési elképzelés

[Ha konkrét elképzelése, vagy kérdése van, ossza meg velünk!]

Feliratkozom a hírlevélre

igennem Source

Medium

Campaign

Adatkezelési hozzájárulás

Hozzájárulok,
hogy a(z) Goodwill Consulting Kft.
CRM rendszerében
kezelje az adataimat.

var utms = ["utm_source", "utm_medium", "utm_campaign"]; var fields = ["Source", "Medium", "Campaign"]; var input = document.querySelectorAll('input[name^="Project"]')[0].name; var formId = input.substring(8, input.search("]")); var urlparams = decodeURIComponent(window.location.search); var params = new URLSearchParams(urlparams); for (var i = 0; i < utms.length; i++) { var param = (params.get(utms[i])) ? params.get(utms[i]) : null; var node = document.getElementById("Project_" + fields[i] + "_" + formId); if (param) { node.value = params.get(utms[i]); } node.previousSibling.parentElement.style.setProperty("display", "none", "important"); }

The post Demján Sándor Program appeared first on Goodwill Consulting.

Burdene
Raum der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts
Entschädigung der Opfer von Gewalttaten: Der automatische Ausschluss bestimmter Familienangehöriger des Opfers eines Tötungsdelikts gewährleistet keine "gerechte und angemessene" Entschädigung

Burdene
Area of Freedom, Security and Justice
Compensation to victims of violent intentional crime: the automatic exclusion of certain family members of the victim of homicide does not guarantee ‘fair and appropriate’ compensation