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Ohne einen Staatsanwalt aus einem anderen Kanton sei das Vertrauen verloren, sagt Alain Macaluso, Anwalt und Direktor des Lausanner Universitätszentrums für Strafrecht. Er stellt die Frage, ob die Beschuldigten nicht doch mit Vorsatz gehandelt hätten.

The EU's executive is preparing a back-stop in case high risk AI Act standards aren't ready, according to a document seen by Euractiv

2025. december 18-án, születésnapja alkalmából kegyelettel emlékeztek Kolozsváron az augusztusban elhunyt Vas Gézára, az erdélyi népviselet és a természet szenvedélyes fotóművészére, a Kolozsvár Társaság választmányi tagjára, aki életének 91. évében távozott az élők sorából, jelentős fotóművészeti örökséget hagyva maga után. Az EME székhelyén lezajlott emlékest meghívottjai Farkas György természetfotós, nyugdíjas vegyész, egyetemi tanár és Csibi […]

Articolul Vas Géza fotóművészre emlékezett a Kolozsvár Társaság apare prima dată în Kolozsvári Rádió Románia.

By Rachel Avraham   In the contemporary global debate on sovereignty, few countries embody the paradox of independence and unresolved historical justice as powerfully as Algeria. More than six decades after the end of French colonial rule, Algeria officially stands as a fully sovereign state — yet its political narrative, institutional memory, and diplomatic posture continue to be shaped not only by the trauma of colonization, but also by the unfinished moral and legal questions that surround it. Algeria’s story is not simply one of liberation; it is the story of a state that insists that sovereignty is incomplete without historical truth.   Across much of the post-colonial world, sovereignty has long been interpreted as a formal condition — the existence of borders, a national government, a flag, and a seat in international organizations. Algeria challenges this minimalist understanding. For Algiers, independence was never meant to be merely administrative separation from France; it was envisioned as a deeper, restorative process in which recognition of colonial crimes, acknowledgement of cultural erasure, and moral accountability would stand alongside political autonomy. What emerged instead is a long-term gap between legal sovereignty and historical justice — a gap that continues to inform Algeria’s strategic behavior at home and abroad.   The French colonial enterprise in Algeria was not a marginal episode of empire; it was one of the most entrenched settler-colonial projects of the twentieth century. Land confiscation, population displacement, systematic repression, and cultural assimilation policies were accompanied by mass violence during the war of independence. These realities explain why Algeria views memory not as a symbolic exercise, but as a sovereign right. Paris, on the other hand, has walked a cautious line — acknowledging suffering, yet often avoiding full juridical language such as “crime” or “responsibility.” This tension has produced what may be called a dual narrative: legal decolonization without comprehensive moral reckoning.   It is precisely within this contradiction that Algeria positions itself in the emerging global “parade of sovereignties,” where states increasingly link legitimacy not only to power or territory, but to ethical claims rooted in history. While many post-colonial states remain satisfied with nominal independence, Algeria argues that a sovereign nation cannot be fully whole so long as its past remains officially disputed or minimized. For Algiers, the struggle for independence did not end in 1962; it transformed into a campaign for recognition — archives, remains, apologies, compensation mechanisms, and the right to narrate its own history.   This posture is not without strategic consequences. Algeria’s insistence on historical justice shapes its diplomacy, fuels segments of its domestic political identity, and at times places it in friction with former colonial actors who prefer reconciliation without accountability. Critics argue that this approach can serve as a political instrument, reinforcing state legitimacy through memory narratives and allowing the ruling elites to frame sovereignty as a perpetual revolutionary project. Supporters counter that historical silence is the greater danger, because it leaves colonial violence unexamined and perpetuates structural asymmetries in international relations.   In a broader sense, Algeria exposes a deeper transformation underway in global politics: sovereignty is evolving from a purely territorial principle into a moral-political claim. From Africa to Latin America, states increasingly demand that independence be understood not as a single historical milestone, but as an ongoing process linked to dignity, memory, restitution, and epistemic autonomy — the right to define how history is written and whose suffering counts. Algeria stands at the forefront of this intellectual shift, presenting itself as both a survivor of empire and a claimant of historical truth.   Yet the challenge for Algeria, like for many post-colonial societies, lies in balancing memory with governance. The legitimacy derived from anti-colonial struggle must coexist with the responsibilities of economic reform, political accountability, and social development. A sovereignty narrative grounded solely in the past risks becoming static; one built on both justice and modernization can evolve into a constructive force. The country’s future relevance will depend on whether it can transform historical grievance into a forward-looking project that strengthens institutions rather than replacing them.   The Algerian case therefore invites a deeper reflection on the meaning of liberation in the twenty-first century. Independence may remove the colonial power, but it does not automatically resolve the ethical and psychological legacies of domination. Formal sovereignty establishes the state; historical justice completes it. Algeria’s insistence on this distinction is not merely an internal debate — it is a message to the international system that recognition, memory, and dignity are no longer peripheral themes, but foundational components of modern sovereignty.

Oversupply weighs on milk prices, crisis risk seen as limited

As the international order becomes more volatile and less rule-bound, Tokyo and Seoul must band together.

Exorbitant hohe Bussen für Personen, die sich nicht impfen lassen wollen: Die St. Galler Regierung zeigt, dass sie aus der Corona-Zeit nichts gelernt hat.

Merz hopes that bringing New Delhi close will reduce its dependence on Moscow for some of its military gear

Mass demonstrations against Aleksandar Vucic’s government could turn brutal in the year ahead.

Le musée, qui réunissait toutes les collections trouvées par les archéologues sur les différents sites antiques du pays, a été pillé et détruit au printemps 2023, quand les paramilitaires des Forces de soutien rapide ont pris la capitale.

Le 18 décembre, à l’exception de la Slovaquie, de la République tchèque et de la Hongrie, les États membres de l’Union européenne sont convenus d’accorder à l’Ukraine un prêt à taux zéro de 90 milliards d’euros pour les années 2026-2027, via un emprunt commun sur les marchés des capitaux. Une somme que Kiev n’aura à...

Cet article Paris veut que le prêt de l’UE à Kiev serve à acheter prioritairement de l’armement européen. Berlin refuse est apparu en premier sur Zone Militaire.

Hier, la Confédération africaine de football a annoncé l’ouverture d’une enquête suite aux incidents ayant émaillé la fin du match Algérie-Nigéria (0-2), en quart de […]

L’article Incidents après Algérie – Nigéria, arbitrage scandaleux : le rapport accablant de la CAF envoyé à la FAF est apparu en premier sur .

C'est une intox lancée par les services russes : le patriarcat oecuménique de Constantinople voudrait reconnaître une Église orthodoxe monténégrine, comme il l'a fait pour celle d'Ukraine. L'opération vise à décrédibiliser Bartholomée Ier, mais surtout à aggraver les tensions politiques au Monténégro.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Monténégro, Religions, orthodoxie, Poutine et les Balkans

C'est une intox lancée par les services russes : le patriarcat oecuménique de Constantinople voudrait reconnaître une Église orthodoxe monténégrine, comme il l'a fait pour celle d'Ukraine. L'opération vise à décrédibiliser Bartholomée Ier, mais surtout à aggraver les tensions politiques au Monténégro.

- Le fil de l'Info / Courrier des Balkans, Monténégro, Religions, orthodoxie, Poutine et les Balkans

The EU's sanctions envoy also confirmed that Brussels is aiming to finalise its 20th sanctions package on Moscow by 24 February: the fourth anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion

Axel Merryl, jeune artiste béninois multi‑facettes, a été couronné meilleur artiste masculin africain contemporain lors de la neuvième édition des All Africa Music Awards (AFRIMA), dimanche 11 janvier 2026 à Lagos, au Nigeria.

Sacré meilleur artiste africain contemporain aux AFRIMA 2026 le 11 janvier à Lagos, l'artiste béninois Axel Merryl s'est dit ému par cette distinction.

« Famille, sur mon trophée c'est écrit ‘meilleur artiste africain contemporain'. Merci encore pour vos votes », a-t-il écrit sur les réseaux sociaux, saluant le soutien de ses fans et de ses collaborateurs, notamment Mia Guisse et Bass Thioung du Sénégal, à l'origine du titre à succès « Titulaire », qui a dépassé 20 millions de vues.

Axel Merryl a encouragé sa communauté à pousser ce chiffre jusqu'à 30 millions de vues.
Axel Merryl devient le premier artiste béninois masculin à remporter ce prix et le deuxième artiste béninois, après Angélique Kidjo en 2014.

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=917263380748711

Né au Bénin en 1996, Axel Merryl s'est d'abord fait connaître comme humoriste et créateur de contenu numérique, cumulant des millions de vues sur YouTube grâce à ses vidéos comiques. Progressivement, il a élargi son registre artistique à la musique, mêlant influences contemporaines et rythmes africains, et collaborant avec des artistes de la région ouest-africaine.

Le succès de « Titulaire » témoigne de l'ampleur de la popularité de Axel Merryl et de sa capacité à créer des œuvres qui résonnent au-delà des frontières du Bénin, confirmant sa montée en puissance sur la scène musicale africaine.
M. M.

Des hauts plateaux enneigés du Québec à une île déserte reculée de Guinée-Bissau, en passant par les profondeurs des forêts ivoiriennes, nos confrères de France 2 sont allés à la rencontre de ces Français qui ont commencé une nouvelle vie. À des milliers de kilomètres de l'Hexagone, ils réalisent un rêve d'enfance, celui de vivre au plus près de la nature et de s'intégrer à de nouvelles communautés et cultures. 

By SWAN
Jan 13 2026 (IPS)

Nomadic Jamaican-American writer Claude McKay probably never dreamed that 21st-century readers would be delving into his private correspondence some 77 years after his death. But that’s probably part of the professional hazard (luck?) of being a literary luminary, or, as Yale University Press describes him, “one of the Harlem Renaissance’s brightest and most radical voices”.

The Press recently released Letters in Exile: Transnational Journeys of a Harlem Renaissance Writer, edited by Brooks E. Hefner and Gary Edward Holcomb.

This is a comprehensive collection of “never-before-published dispatches from the road” with correspondents who have equally become cultural icons: Langston Hughes, W. E. B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Pauline Nardal, Arturo Alfonso Schomburg, Max Eastman and a gamut of other writers, editors, activists, and benefactors. The letters cover the years 1916 to 1934 and were written from various cities, as McKay travelled extensively.

While he’s considered a central figure in the Harlem Renaissance, McKay was a cosmopolitan intellectual - an author ahead of his time, writing about race, inequality, the legacy of slavery, queerness, and a range of other topics

His daughter Ruth Hope McKay, whom the writer apparently never met in life (perhaps because British authorities at the time prevented him from returning to Jamaica), sold and donated his papers to Yale University from 1964 on.

The papers include his letters to her as well, and cast a light on this “singular figure of displacement, this critically productive internationalist, this Black Atlantic wanderer”, as a French translator has called him. But reading another’s correspondence, even that of a long-dead scribe, can feel like an intrusion. It’s a sensation some readers will need to overcome.

Born in 1890 (or 1889) in Clarendon, Jamaica, McKay left the Caribbean island for the United States in 1912, and his wanderings would later take him to countries such as Russia, England, France and Morocco, among others.

His acclaimed work includes the poem “If We Must Die” (written in reaction to the racial violence in the United States against people of African descent in mid-1919), the poetry collections Songs of Jamaica and Harlem Shadows, and the novels Home to Harlem, Banjo, and Banana Bottom.

Years after his death in 1948, scholars discovered manuscripts that would be posthumously published: Amiable with Big Teeth (written in 1941 and published in 2017) and Romance in Marseille (written in 1933 and published in 2020). McKay also authored a memoir titled A Long Way from Home (1937).

While he’s considered a central figure in the Harlem Renaissance, McKay was a cosmopolitan intellectual – an author ahead of his time, writing about race, inequality, the legacy of slavery, queerness, and a range of other topics.

He wrote in a sharp, striking, often ironic or satirical way, and Letters in Exile reflects these same qualities. The collection “reveals McKay gossiping, cajoling, and confiding as he engages in spirited debates and challenges the political and artistic questions of the day,” according to the editors.

Some of the most interesting letters deal with France, the setting of a significant part of McKay’s oeuvre and a place where his literary stature has been rising over the past decade, through a rush of new translations, colloquia, and even a film devoted to his life: Claude McKay, From Harlem to Marseille (or in French, Claude McKay, de Harlem à Marseille), directed by Matthieu Verdeil and released in 2021.

The cover of Letters in Exile

McKay was the “first twentieth-century Black author associated with the United States to be widely celebrated in France,” write editors Hefner and Holcomb in their introduction. They say the letters show that France shaped McKay’s world view, and that he considered himself a Francophile as well as a perpetual étranger.

Through the selected correspondence, we see McKay experiencing France in a variety of ways – dealing with winter insufficiently dressed, participating in the community of multi-ethnic outsiders in Marseille, rubbing shoulders with various personalities during the Années folles, or observing French colonialism in Morocco. And nearly always short of funds.

In Paris in January 1924, after a bout of sickness, he wrote to New York-based social worker and activist Grace Campbell that he’d had the “bummest holiday” of his life: “I was down with the grippe for 10 days and only forced myself to get up on New Year’s day. I suffer because I’m not properly clothed to stand the winter. I’m wondering if anything can be done over there to raise a little money to tide me over these bad times.”

A month later, he wrote to another correspondent about the “cold wave” numbing his fingers and of having to sleep with his “old overcoat” next to his skin, while still not being able to keep warm. He also found the “French trading class” to be “terrible”, complaining that “they cheat me going and coming”.

During his early time in France, he called Marseilles a “nasty, repulsive city”. But a few years later, writing to teacher and arts patron Harold Jackman in 1927, McKay stated: “I am doing a book on Marseille. It’s a tough, picturesque old city and I would love to show it to you some day.”

Apart from references to his work, McKay discussed global events in his correspondence, made his opinions known, and described relationships. His letters, say Hefner and Holcomb, are at the very least “an essential companion to his most revolutionary writings, from the groundbreaking poetry he produced after he left Jamaica through his trailblazing novels and short fiction and into his extraordinary memoirs and journalism.”

While this may well be true, and as insightful as the correspondence proves, many readers will still have to reckon with the uncomfortable sensation of being a literary voyeur. – AM/SWAN

Le président français Emmanuel Macron a annoncé son intention de créer un Haut-commissariat aux diasporas et à la diversité, un nouvel organisme destiné à valoriser […]

L’article Amel Bent choisie par Macron pour représenter les diasporas dans son nouveau projet est apparu en premier sur .

Don’t let the quantitative changes mask the qualitative transformation.