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The update of the TEN-E regulation aims to boost security of energy supply, help lower prices for households and businesses, and contribute to the EU’s climate neutrality goals.
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

The update of the TEN-E regulation aims to boost security of energy supply, help lower prices for households and businesses, and contribute to the EU’s climate neutrality goals.
Committee on Industry, Research and Energy

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Newsletter - 14-17 September 2026 - Strasbourg plenary session

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Un an après le lancement de l’opération Lance du Sud (Operation Southern Spear), la question de son efficacité se pose alors que les États-Unis veulent désormais l’étendre à tout le continent américain. Cette campagne militaire de surveillance, mise en place par l’administration de Trump, a pour but officiel de « détecter, perturber et dégrader les réseaux criminels transnationaux et les réseaux maritimes illicites ». Or, les accusations d’exécutions extrajudiciaires portées par de nombreuses ONG ainsi que les chiffres officiels qui annoncent 227 morts interroge sur son réel impact.

Quel bilan tirer de cette première année ? Au-delà des chiffres officiels, quelles conséquences réelles pour le narcotrafic et pour la région des Caraïbes ? Et alors que le dispositif s’étend désormais à toute l’Amérique latine, assiste-t-on à l’émergence d’une nouvelle doctrine militaire américaine dans la région ?

Nouvelle chronique de l’Amérique latine avec Christophe Ventura, directeur de recherche à l’IRIS et responsable du Programme Amérique latine/Caraïbe.

L’article Opération Lance du Sud dans la Caraïbe : où en sont les promesses de Trump un an après ? est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

The current threat from al-Qaida is diffused. It relies on homegrown, lone-actor terrorists to carry out low-end attacks, such as stabbing and vehicle ramming.

Dauer des Videos : 30'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 30'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Dauer des Videos : 90'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 90'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

With around half a year remaining before the next presidential election, France is in danger of becoming a stress test for the eurozone: a political crisis, a deteriorating fiscal position and growing market doubts about the country’s ability to finance its mounting debt burden are all converging. France faces a significant structural imbalance in its public finances. The budget deficit exceeds 5 per cent of GDP, while public expenditure stands at around 57 per cent of GDP. At the same time, public debt is rising steadily and could, without sufficient fiscal consolidation measures, exceed 130 per cent of GDP by 2030. The interest burden on public debt is rising rapidly and could rise to more than 120 billion euros, equivalent to 3.5 per cent of GDP by 2030. The central challenge, however, may not lie in the fiscal arithmetic of the budget, but in the political capacity to address it. On the one hand, the costs of social welfare expenditure are no longer sustainable; on the other, the majority of the population continues to demand more state intervention. The situation is compounded by the lack of a parliamentary majority and limited prospects of achieving one in the near future. The global environment is also weighing heavily: Tensions involving Iran are driving up fuel prices and inflation, while US fiscal concerns are putting upward pressure on bond yields.

An election campaign lacking a commitment to fiscal consolidation

With just over six months to go before the first round of the presidential election, the French economic debate is dominated by promises of additional spending, including commitments to lower the retirement age, as well as by diversionary issues such as constitutional referendums and by nationalist and protectionist rhetoric often accompanied by strongly Eurosceptic undertones. Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s call for a partial write-off of French debt held by the Banque de France, a member of the Eurosystem, is adding to market concerns about France. Marine Le Pen’s proposals, too – such as maintaining the low retirement age or escalating conflicts with the EU (over Schengen, migration policy and the EU budget) – could increase pressure on French government bonds and further weaken the economy through capital outflows. The high and rising share of foreign investors in French public debt, which stands at 56 per cent, makes the country even more vulnerable to shifts in market sentiment.

This raises the crucial question: What happens if market pressure on France persists and there is no parliamentary majority in favour of fiscal consolidation? The eurozone has no legal or political mechanisms in place in the event that the political system of a key member state becomes paralysed. The only credible safety net remains the European Central Bank’s (ECB) bond-purchasing programme, the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI). The problem, however, is that the Eurosystem cannot finance France’s deficit or purchase French government bonds at will, solely in response to rising yields. Should broader intervention become necessary in the absence of a credible fiscal consolidation path from Paris, the ECB Governing Council would face a legally and politically difficult decision. The ECB would then find itself caught in a conflict of objectives between its mandate to protect the stability of the eurozone and its duty to prevent the single monetary policy from replacing the French government’s fiscal policy.

The real test for the eurozone

The previous eurozone crisis was triggered by smaller economies on its periphery, yet it nearly caused the collapse of the monetary union. A growing loss of market confidence in France would be a far more severe test for the eurozone. Bond purchases can mitigate acute liquidity and refinancing risks, but they merely shift the problem into a chronic structural fiscal crisis, which, if it escalates further, could eventually overwhelm the capabilities of monetary policy. The real test for the eurozone will be whether it can maintain stability in the bond market in Europe’s second-largest economy without relieving it of responsibility for its own fiscal policy. Should this balancing act fail, the Eurosystem could, in the short term, use its instruments to limit acute market distortions in the bond markets. However, such measures cannot permanently cushion the consequences of an unsustainable fiscal trajectory. The longer the fiscal problems remain unresolved, the more they will exacerbate political tensions over the limits of European solidarity and the future of the monetary union, thereby undermining confidence in the European institutions and the cohesion of the EU.

Le journal israélien Haaretz a révélé, ce 8 septembre, que Benyamin Netanyahou avait connaissance de l’avènement d’une opération majeure du Hamas sur le territoire israélien par le leader émirati Mohammed Ben Zayed, dix jours avant le 7 octobre.
Des révélations réfutées, qui mettent à mal Netanyahou dans le cadre des prochaines élections législatives d’octobre.

Au lendemain des sanctions annoncées par la France, la Grande-Bretagne et le Canada contre les produits issus des colonies israéliennes en Cisjordanie, c’est un véritable revers diplomatique et politique pour Benyamin Netanyahou.

Assiste-t-on, à l’aube des élections israéliennes, à la fin de l’ère Netanyahou ?

Mon analyse dans cette vidéo

L’article Clap de fin pour Netanyahou ? est apparu en premier sur IRIS.

King Oyo's family say he left a will naming his young son as heir to the Tooro kingdom.

Crystal Palace striker Eddie Nketiah is on the verge of switching his international allegiance from England to Ghana, with paperwork being prepared for submission to FIFA to complete a long-anticipated move to the Black Stars.

Marine Tondelier assurait lundi n’avoir «pas de trucs marquants» à dire sur Georges Pompidou. Des platanes au premier ministère de l’Environnement, le legs du président de la croissance s’inscrit pourtant dans la généalogie de l’écologie française.

Dauer des Videos : 30'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Length of video : 30'

Disclaimer : The interpretation of debates serves to facilitate communication and does not constitute an authentic record of proceedings. Only the original speech or the revised written translation is authentic.
Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

I’ve been spending the week at the UACES conference in Prague, talking about lots of things to do with European Studies. However, one the things that didn’t come up very much was UK-EU relations. It’s almost as if most people don’t have it on their minds.

The moment it did come up was during the panel I took part in on the post-Brexit UK, where I talked about the instability of the relationship with the EU, something I’ll be returning to presently. My basic argument was that whatever happens, there isn’t a resilient foundation on which to rest and from which to act.

One question that did come up was whether the current relationship – low-key and benign, if unexciting – wasn’t in fact serviceable enough for our needs. After all, neither side seem that bothered about either a return to the fun times of the Brexit years or starting up a journey to re-accession. London and Brussels have got back in the habit of talking to, and listening to, each other, so can we not just assume that we can work it out as we go? Indeed, in a purely practical sense, if the relationship is as it is, does it not just to suffice, since we’ve not got another one to use instead?

My response to this fits my usual diagnosis of the failings of UK-EU relations, namely that an absence of clear strategic objectives on either side of the relationship mean that the dominant mode is a mix of neglect and bursts of crisis management. Put differently, the absence of obvious problems doesn’t mean that everything’s fine.

For a recent example, consider the mini-fuss over marmalade labelling earlier this year.

As part of the (generally pretty smooth) negotiations on an SPS agreement, DEFRA released a list of EU legislation that UK businesses would have to comply with once the deal is done; a rare example of useful forward planning.

That list got almost no media interest at the time, but some weeks later a story dropped on GB News about how the deal would mean that henceforth marmalade would have to be labelled with which fruit it was made of, and this would be a terrible imposition on already hard-done-by companies.

That almost all marmalade currently on sale in the UK already has such labelling was no barrier to a little (but still much larger than the previous) pile of media pieces appearing. Bendy bananas redux, if you will.

In short, the level of public, media and political interest is low, leaving everyone exposed to silly season pieces (and ill-intentioned actors, should they feel so inclined).

A more serious version of this appeared just as I was putting this piece together.

Politico reported that November’s summit won’t see agreement on ‘Burnham’s big new Brexit deal’, which as readers of this blog will know shouldn’t be news, since Burnham has no deal, big, new or otherwise.

That anyone, including the reporter who definitely knows better, should think that this was the case points to the non-management of expectations by either side and the substantial risk of relations entering into vicious circles of briefings and counter-briefings.

In short, the absence of strategic visions for the relationship in either London or Brussels means that there is no master narrative for politicians to cleave to and to smooth out the small bumps in the road.

As much as technical relations seem to be pretty functional, even these evidently rely on a cadre of people who have built up enough experience of working together out through the original Brexit negotiations, but who are liable to be churned by their respective employers with no robust mechanisms for preserving institutional memory.

None of these issues should be a surprise to anyone, since they have been evident for a long time, and indeed much flagged by the small number of people still focused on the matter. But the concern has to be that the current model of getting by will not have the resilience to cope with the next crisis, whatever that might be.

 

The post Will this do? appeared first on Ideas on Europe.

Former Ghana Football Association (GFA) vice-president George Afriyie says the Black Stars have no business failing to qualify for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) as they prepare to begin their campaign against C ocirc;te d 39;Ivoire later this month.

An AfD election poster with the message: “Youth come to us”, reminiscent of both Nazi and Communist propaganda.

By Jan Lundius
STOCKHOLM, Sweden, Sep 10 2026 (IPS)

During summer months there is a certain news drought. Nevertheless, this year social media has been crowded with news from wars in the Middle East and Ukraine, while customary tales about grisly murders have not been neglected. In Sweden it is election year and summer reporting has been supplemented by a debate about “hate speech against ethnic groups”. If individual tragedies connected with murders upset people, many seem to be indifferent to the fact that entire population groups are targeted by politicians. Swedish social media is overloaded with outcries about “Muslim” immigration and concerns about Sweden becoming “Islamized” and in danger of being transformed into a new Afghanistan.

Prominent in this hyped propaganda are the Sweden Democrats. A nationalist, social conservative, and populist political party finding its roots in neo-Nazism. In the 2010 elections, this party entered the Swedish parliament with 5.7 percent of the national votes and it now reigns the nation in coalition with other right-wing parties. With 22 percent of current approval, Sweden Democrats has become Sweden’s second largest party, after the Social Democrats, with 34 percent.

The Sweden Democrat’s chief ideologist is a former high school teacher, Richard Jomshof, who together with three comrades by the turn of the last century managed to steer away Sweden Democrats from the White Power Movement and neo-Nazism, while maintaining the party’s nationalist and anti-immigrant tenor. After the 2022 parliamentary elections the Sweden Democrat’s became part of the Government. Jomshof left his post as party secretary and became chairman of the Parliamentary Justice Committee, which prepares cases connected with the Swedish judicial system – courts, the prosecution service, the police and correctional services, as well as cases and laws related to the Criminal Code.

Jomshof used his position to propagate for a tougher stance against criminals with a “non-Swedish background” and to promote restrictions on immigration. One of Jomshof’s goals has been to warn Swedes about the “Islamization of our Homeland”. After publishing anti-Islamic cartoons on his website Jomshof was close to be removed from his position as chairman of the Justice Committee. However, committee members sided with him while one of them characterized the accusations of “discrediting an entire population group” as nothing more than a common “political yap”. Nevertheless, a year ago, Jomshof left the Justice Committee in protest after it had decided to forbid private acquisition and use of semi-automatic weapons.

After that Jomshof dedicated much of his time to write an “analysis” of Islam and recently published a book called Kafir, a Muslim word for “infidel”, which has become a bestseller. Jomshof’s political stance and career as an “expert” on Islam is one example of the polarization that currently characterizes much of European politics – a tendency to turn any individual into a representative of an entire ethnic and/or religious group and throw her/him into one big pot where s/he becomes part of a one single problem – immigration.

Jomshof is an extreme nationalist representing an anti-immigrant political party, but that does not mean that every supporter of Sweden Democrats is a reformed Nazi and stout believer in Jomshof’s generalisations, likewise not every Muslim is a supporter of the extremist Islam Jomshof depicts. It is dangerous to bundle together individuals and label them all as extremists. Recently a young man equipped with sword and helmet entered a Swedish school and killed one pupil while gravely wounding three. He had apparently been inspired by the Norwegian Behring Breivik, who in 2011 massacred 77 people as a gesture to “combat multiculturalism and Muslim immigration”. In 2015, the Swede Anton Lundin-Pettersson murdered three persons for the same reason.

Gaining political advantages through xenophobia is just one ingredient in a larger European political landscape. That a small, marginal political party with Neo-Nazi roots after less than fifteen years ended up in the Swedish government re-confirms a phenomenon present all over Europe. On 15 September, there are general elections in Sweden and next year in France, Spain, Greece, Poland and Italy. All these countries have powerful parties with a nationalistic/xenophobic agenda. In France, the predecessor of National Rally was in 1972 founded by Jean-Marie Le Pen, a former member of the Nazi Waffen-SS. The Spanish Vox was established in 2013, benefitting from donations by ultra-conservative lobbies, such as HazteOír and CitizenGo. The Greek Golden Dawn was in 2020 annulled by the nation’s Supreme Court after members of its top echelons had been convicted for serious crimes, though a plethora of smaller parties have taken up its agenda. The Polish Law and Justice Party is a conservative outbreak from the labor movement Solidarność, with a huge following and an agenda based on political Catholicism, strong conservatism, anti-liberalism, nationalism, and Euroscepticism. Brothers of Italy finds its roots in MSI, Movimento Sociale Italiano, a fascist party founded after the death of Mussolini. Through the general elections in 2013, Brothers of Italy gained nine seats in the Parliament, after obtaining two percent of the votes. It is currently Italy’s largest party (with 27 percent approval in the latest polls) and after the 2022 elections its leader, Giorgia Meloni, is Prime Minister of Italy. How could those originally small parties, some with a quite sordid background, in such a short time become so powerful?

One reason might be that by exposing outrageous and extreme opinions, which a political establishment would be ashamed of uttering, fringe parties might obtain attention from a generally liberal press. While warning the general public about such “fanatics”, liberal media spread their ideas and create an increasing interest. In a well calculated moment before the Swedish elections, Richard Jomshof published his untrustworthy and generalizing book about Islam. Although it was issued by a small and quiet unknown publisher it received extreme attention by Swedish media – TV, newspapers and the web – and thus became an immediate bestseller. As Oscar Wilde once stated: “The only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about”.

A similar phenomenon is currently under way in Italy. In 2023, the general Roberto Vannacci self-published a book on Amazon, Il mondo al contrario, The Upside-Down World, sparking a furious backlash and drawing heavy criticism for its contents. The Italian Armed Forces quickly distanced themselves from General Vannacci’s ideas. The defence minister stated that he had “discredited the Army, the Defence and the Constitution.” Vannacci, grateful for all attention, continues to spread his homophobia and misogyny, attacking immigration policies and environmentalism, while defending Russia’s war on Ukraine. He is now a welcome guest on TV, participates in debates with reputed politicians and academicians, while he recently has founded a political party.

The recent landslide election victory of the AfD, Alternative for Germany, in the federal state of Saxony-Anhalt has sent shock waves through liberal Europe. While being part of the larger Federal Republic of Germany, Saxony-Anhalt hosts just three percent of the nation’s entire population and has its second lowest GDP per capita. Nevertheless, the victory of its Saxony branch now fuels AfD’s hope to conquer the reigns of the entire German Republic. AfD’s ultra-nationalistic agenda claims that Germany has had enough of guilt feelings about the repression and mass killings of the Nazi Regime. The past has to be reinterpreted and the party now asserts that Germany is in need of “less Hitler and more Bismarck”, i.e. the Chancellor who in the 19th century united Germany under the slogan “Blood and Iron”.

AfD has accordingly re-introduced the concept of Völkisch, folksy, used by the Nazis to denote a battle against “radicalism” in the form of modern art and foreign influences, while fomenting pride in everything the Party deemed as “German”. AfD’s Saxony-Anhalt party programme intends to purge ”slander” of Germany from school education. No funding will be granted to organisations maintaining sites of Nazi terror – AfD’s leadership has condemned Berlin’s Holocaust Monument as a “national disgrace” – and the party has also demanded that the world-famous Bauhaus school in Dessau has to be shut down. This learning centre was in the 1920s a highly influential focus of innovative approaches to art and architecture. The Saxony-Anhalt branch of AfD is furthermore a representative of what has been called eastalgia, i..e. nostalgia for the times when Saxony-Anhalt was part of the Communist, Soviet dominated East Germany. Consistent with this perception and displeasure with the central government’s spending on Ukraine’s defence, AfD is a stout supporter of Russia’s war on Ukraine.

Before the 1990 reunification of West and East Germany , Saxony-Anhalt was an important centre for a polluting heavy industry. One of East Germany’s most famous authors, Monika Maron, wrote a novel called Flugasche, Flying Ashes, in which she described the bleak, contaminated land of Saxony. Since then, the German Federal Republic has successfully cleaned up the traces of a ruthless industrialization and gradually transformed Saxony into an increasingly green state. However, this initiative came at the cost of the shutting down of several large industries, resulting in increased unemployment. Since 1990, Saxony-Anhalt has lost 750 000 inhabitants, mainly skilled young people, who has moved to the “West”, a fourth of the state’s population. Left is an aging population and unskilled, unemployed young people, while the state has been partly repopulated by immigrants coming from foreign countries. They now constitute a tenth of the population. This has left a fertile ground for a populist party attracting disappointed old people and depressed youngsters, presented with the chimera of a happy pre-war Germany and/or Communist East Germany, which in reality are now forgotten and probably never existed.

A general sense of insecurity, reduced GDP and increasing unemployment harass several Europeans, not least young people. An embellished nostalgia for an actually forgotten past, assumed to have been annihilated by hordes of immigrants and corrupt liberals, has made Europeans affected by ultra-conservative parties, promulgating hazardous and divisive ideas. Representatives of murky ideologies are by media provided an attention they do not deserve. Excessive media interest, especially when marginal fanatics begin to spread their poisonous seed, might strengthen their outreach. Critical analysis, research and education are despised by dark forces who deliberately divulge their message through easy-to-understand, diluted and digestible propaganda and fake news. An ominous development that demands urgent action.

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

Carlos Queiroz rsquo;s immediate task is to guide Ghana back to the Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), according to Ghana Football Association (GFA) Communications Director Henry Asante Twum. The 73-year-old Portuguese coach has been handed a contract extension after leading the Black Stars to the knockout stage of the 2026 World Cup in North .