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Poland’s per capita alcohol consumption is 11 litres annually, significantly above the EU average

The Transatlantic Periscope is an interactive, multimedia tool that brings together expert commentary, high-quality media coverage, official policy documents, quantitative data, social media posts, and gray literature. It will provide on a monthly basis a summary of the most important news concerning the Greek-US relations, as reflected in the media. Below you will find an overview for July 2025.

The Trump administration’s nominee for the next U.S. Ambassador to Greece, Kimberly Guilfoyle, fielded questions at the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee confirmation hearing on July 9. The Committee has approved the nomination of Kimberly Guilfoyle to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Greece, with 13 to 9 in favor of advancing Guilfoyle’s nomination. The nomination now heads to the full Senate for a final confirmation vote.

According to Vassilis Nedos (Kathimerini), the U.S. has increased its use of key military facilities in Greece, including the strategically located Souda Bay and the northern port of Alexandroupoli, amid heightened tensions in the Middle East and shifting priorities in Washington. For Athens, the expanding US interest in Souda and Alexandroupoli reaffirms the long-term strategic importance of Greek territory in American defense planning.

The Greek government expressed hesitation and caution to comment on the EU-U.S. trade deal on tariffs reached between Ursula von der Leyen and Donald Trump on July 27. Greek Finance Minister Kyriakos Pierrakakis, speaking in the Hellenic Parliament, outlined the government’s thoughts on this critical issue. He noted that it puts an end to months of uncertainty following Trump’s election and the “back and forth” with the tariffs, and that is a positive thing. He stressed, however, that the government is studying the agreement to see how it can better manage the problems that will arise in areas of Greece’s commercial interest.

More at: https://transatlanticperiscope.org/relationship/GR#

“France’s political instability is becoming an economic liability," one analyst warned

It’s time for Washington to shift from patron to partner.

Dans le cadre du programme de prêts SAFE pour les achats de défense, doté de 150 milliards d’euros, la Commission privilégiera les produits dont au moins 65 % de la valeur finale est réalisée dans l’UE, en Norvège ou en Ukraine. Pour les entreprises non européennes, l’accès aux fonds reste plus complexe.

The post Défense : comment les entreprises non européennes peuvent bénéficier du programme SAFE de l’UE appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Die Rückkehr des früheren Premiers Alexis Tsipras wird wahrscheinlicher – doch trotz des fragilen politischen Klimas dürfte sein Comeback kein Selbstläufer werden.

Des recherches suggèrent que le risque de contracter des maladies dans la salle de bain pourrait être plus faible qu'on ne le pense. Cependant, il existe des précautions de base que vous pouvez prendre pour réduire davantage ce risque.

DRAFT REPORT on European Defence Readiness 2030: assessment of needs
Committee on Security and Defence
Christophe Gomart

Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Analyses on de-Europeanization have lately flourished, re-opening the path to explore whether Europeanization is still relevant for how the European governance system evolves. This article, taking the European climate policy (and in particular the European Green Deal) as a case study, which has been the spearhead of the 2019–2024 European Commission term, suggests the said exploration to focus on the EU climate/green policy. It utilizes the case of Greece, which has set the goal of decarbonization by 2028. It analyses the Greek parties’ public stances during two election periods (national in 2023 and European in 2024) to test whether they are consistent with the EU apparatus and goals. The article concludes by showcasing that Greek parties are relatively distant from being Europeanized in the field of climate policy and suggests revisiting Europeanization to better understand European and Member States’ politics.

Read here the article by Emmanuella Doussis, Head of the Climate and Sustainability Programme, ELIAMEP; Professor, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens; George Dikaios, Senior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP, and Marianna Terezaki, Junior Research Fellow, ELIAMEP.

The new issue of the Southeast European and Black Sea Studies Journal is available here.

Cover photo: Tania Malréchauffé, Unsplash

In der heutigen Ausgabe: Frankreichs Sparkurs, Misstrauensvotum und Generalstreik; EU-Parlamentspräsidentin über Europas Rolle in der Welt; Ist Trump Europas Präsident?; Deutsch-französische Beziehungen und FCAS-Kampfjets; Tod eines Streamers in Frankreich legt DSA-Schwachstellen offen.

"No doubt" the company's products are being used for human rights violations, the fund's ethics council said

A Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovációs Hivatal 2023 szeptember 1. óta látja el a K+F projektminősítéssel kapcsolatos feladatokat, a tudományos kutatásról, fejlesztésről és innovációról szóló 2014. évi LXXVI. törvény 36. §-a alapján.

Le moral des entreprises allemandes s’est légèrement redressé en août, selon une enquête. Un contraste saisissant avec les mauvaises nouvelles qui s’accumulent, alors que la première économie européenne reste engluée dans la stagnation, sous pression des tensions commerciales et de possibles mesures d’austérité.

The post Quand la confiance des entreprises allemandes défie la réalité économique appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Aujourd’hui dans Les Capitales : la mort en direct d'un streameur français et les failles du DSA, « pas de plan B » pour le FCAS, affirme la France avant une réunion Macron-Merz.

The post Les Capitales : Après la mort en direct d’un streameur français, la législation européenne pointée du doigt appeared first on Euractiv FR.

In today's edition: A confidence wager, Tsípras eyes comeback, Poland moves to curb Ukraine aid, Trump threatens more tariffs

Israël a automatiquement bloqué l'entrée de nourriture à Gaza, affirmant les agences humanitaires, alors qu'un organisme soutenu par l'ONU confirme une famine.

Die Prognosen deuten auf einen positiven wirtschaftlichen Ausblick für Kasachstan hin, mit einem moderaten bis starken BIP-Wachstum, das von Sektoren wie Öl, Dienstleistungen und Infrastruktur angetrieben wird.

Les prévisions indiquent des perspectives économiques positives pour le Kazakhstan, avec une croissance modérée à forte du PIB, tirée par des secteurs tels que le pétrole, les services et les infrastructures.

The post Le Kazakhstan dépasse la Russie et la Chine en termes de PIB par habitant, selon le FMI appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.

Calls for development policy to place greater emphasis on national self-interest are growing louder in many donor countries, including Germany. There are indeed good reasons to dovetail Germany’s international policies more effectively. Synergies between develop-ment cooperation (DC), foreign trade promotion and research partnerships have not been harnessed systematically to date, yet they could serve the interests of both Germany and its partner countries alike. Moreover, Germany is facing geopolitical competition from actors who have long been using their DC proactively to pursue strategic interests.
We advocate adopting a development policy that pursues German and European interests in those areas in which they are compatible with development policy objectives. Instead of focusing on the interests of individual companies, it is important to identify long-term ‘win-win’ potential, for example through a more strategic approach to planning DC offers that involves the private sector and ministries more actively prior to intergovernmental negotiations with the partner countries.
At the same time, we warn against subordinating DC to foreign economic policy objectives. Conditions such as tied aid provisions that link financial cooperation to business contracts for German/EU companies are expensive, inefficient and counterproductive in development terms. In addition, this approach would risk losing sight of Germany’s overarching interest in solutions to global problems, such as peacebuilding and climate and biodiversity protection.
We set out five guidelines for a development policy strategy that takes due consideration of Germany’s own interests without harming the partner countries:
1. Avoid strict tied aid provisions. These would be inefficient in development terms and would be of little benefit to German companies. As an export nation, Germany should comply with freedom of contract rules.
2. Pursue the interests of German society as a whole where they align with DC objectives. We distinguish between Germany’s global interests and those of individual companies. DC projects should align economic interests with the common good in the partner country.
3. Develop offers strategically prior to intergovernmental negotiations. The most effective synergies are generated if the private sector and other ministries are involved in preparing DC initiatives at an early stage. To do so, Germany needs to define joint national goals, coordinate ministerial instruments to achieve these goals and evaluate contributions by the private sector in advance.
4. Create strategic partnerships that serve as models. Germany has established a number of bilateral partnerships, especially on energy, raw material security and migration. None of these is exemplary in terms of effective interministerial coordination, private sector involvement or demons-trable benefits for both of the countries involved. At least one flagship project in each of the areas mentioned would make Germany attractive as a credible partner.
5. Expand minilateral formats with European states and influential third countries. Triangular and quadrilateral cooperation with ‘global partners’ and donor countries that share the same or similar interests can help advance Germany’s interests in international development for the common good.