Le ministre albanais de la Défense, Pirro Vengu, estime que les Balkans occidentaux occupent une place centrale dans l’architecture de sécurité européenne.
The post Pour le ministre albanais de la Défense, l’Europe du Sud-Est est le « système nerveux » de la sécurité du continent appeared first on Euractiv FR.
The acquisition of Greenland has repeatedly been a topic of discussion within US government circles since the 19th century. That is because of the island’s strategic location and its resources. In the summer of 2019, US President Donald Trump made his first bid to purchase Greenland from the Kingdom of Denmark. Since then, he has declared ownership and control of Greenland to be an “absolute necessity” for US national security. For their part, the Danish intelligence services have responded by identifying the United States – for the first time ever – as a potential threat to the security of the Kingdom since Washington is no longer ruling out the use of military force even against allies. But is Trump really concerned about security or simply acquiring what he sees as the world’s largest possible real-estate asset? How should his bid for Greenland be assessed? And what are the implications and policy options for Europe?
Progress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
Progress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
Progress on SDG 6 — ensuring availability and sustainable management of water and sanitation for all — remains critically off-track. With none of its eight targets on course to be met by 2030, this commentary argues that the shortfall reflects not merely implementation failures, but a deeper conceptual problem: water governance frameworks rely on a homogeneous, techno-centric understanding of water that ignores its multiple social, cultural, political, and ecological dimensions. We introduce the concept of "waterS" (plural, capitalised) to foreground this multiplicity. Drawing on the Spanish aguas, the term captures the diverse forms, values, and meanings water holds across different communities and contexts — from a measurable substance (H₂O) to a spiritual entity, a living being, or the foundation of social and hydrosocial relations. This stands in contrast to SDG 6's universalist framing, rooted in Western modernist traditions, which reduces water governance to engineering, hygiene, and risk management. Through empirical examples — from peri-urban water use in India, desalination conflicts in Antofagasta, Chile, and infrastructure-led rural water projects in Telangana, India — we demonstrate how standardised technical approaches perpetuate inequities in access, marginalise Indigenous and local governance systems, and reproduce power imbalances in participation and decision-making. We further critique the commodification of water, the limits of market-based governance, and the inadequacy of current monitoring frameworks that rely on aggregate national data while overlooking lived local realities. Looking ahead to the post-2030 agenda and the 2026 UN Water Conference, we propose a paradigm shift toward power-sensitive, pluralistic governance frameworks. Key recommendations include community-led participatory planning, legal recognition of customary water rights, equity-based financial models, citizen-science data collection, and rights-based approaches that centre marginalized groups — especially women, youth, and Indigenous Peoples — in water decision-making.
Applauded for its eloquence and timeliness, Carney’s speech at Davos may be bookmarked as a defining moment that marks the end of the liberal world order as we know it and signals a new global order looming on the horizon, with stronger emphasis on “value-based realism.” I disagree with pessimistic accounts that dismiss such a foreign policy, that is both principled and pragmatic, as a contradiction. My research shows that transparent communication of strategic interests may pay off in the Global South countries and increase trust in the West again. Also, accounts that underestimate the leading role middle powers can play in establishing a new global order are missing the mark. It was, after all, not just the US hegemony, but middle powers like Canada that helped build the liberal institutional order brick by brick.
Applauded for its eloquence and timeliness, Carney’s speech at Davos may be bookmarked as a defining moment that marks the end of the liberal world order as we know it and signals a new global order looming on the horizon, with stronger emphasis on “value-based realism.” I disagree with pessimistic accounts that dismiss such a foreign policy, that is both principled and pragmatic, as a contradiction. My research shows that transparent communication of strategic interests may pay off in the Global South countries and increase trust in the West again. Also, accounts that underestimate the leading role middle powers can play in establishing a new global order are missing the mark. It was, after all, not just the US hegemony, but middle powers like Canada that helped build the liberal institutional order brick by brick.