Sourou Berthe KOUGBLENOU, l'épouse du général de corps aérien BADA Bertin, sera inhumée le jeudi 15 janvier 2025. Voici le programme officiel des obsèques.
La famille BADA a rendu public le programme officiel des obsèques de Sourou Berthe KOUGBLENOU épouse BADA, qui se dérouleront à Akassato.
Les cérémonies débuteront le mercredi 14 janvier 2026 par une soirée de chants et d'animations spirituelles prévue à partir de 20 heures au domicile de la défunte, connu sous l'appellation maison BADA.
Le jeudi 15 janvier 2026, un moment de recueillement est prévu dès 6 heures au domicile familial.
La levée du corps interviendra à 9h30 en direction du stade de football MCA d'Akassato, où se tiendra le culte d'inhumation de 10 heures à 11h15.
À l'issue du culte, trois oraisons funèbres seront prononcées en hommage à Sourou Berthe KOUGBLENOU épouse BADA, avant la présentation des condoléances aux familles éplorées, prévue entre 11h30 et 12 heures.
L'inhumation aura lieu dans l'intimité familiale.
Sourou Berthe KOUGBLENOU est l'épouse du général de corps aérien BADA Bertin. Elle est décédée le 7 décembre 2025 lors de la mutinerie déjouée. L'illustre défunte est âgée de 62 ans.
M. M.
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Credit: Issei Kato/Reuters via Gallo Images
By Inés M. Pousadela
MONTEVIDEO, Uruguay, Dec 22 2025 (IPS)
Myanmar is heading for an election, beginning on 28 December, that’s ostensibly an exercise in democracy – but it has clearly been designed with the aim of conferring more legitimacy on its military junta.
Almost five years after its February 2021 coup, the regime continues to fight pro-democracy forces and ethnic armed organisations, barely controlling a fifth of Myanmar’s territory. The junta has acknowledged that voting won’t be possible in much of the country.
The upcoming election fails every test of democratic legitimacy. The main democratic parties — the National League for Democracy and the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy — are banned. What remains is the Union Solidarity and Development Party, the military’s puppet party, plus minor groups that won no seats in the democratic election held in 2020. Independent media outlets have been crushed, journalists are arrested and intimidated daily and internet access is heavily restricted. In areas that resist military rule, civilians face escalating violence and arbitrary detention.
This election is designed not to reflect the popular will but to entrench military power. It comes as the regime continues its systematic campaign of violence against civilians: weeks before the junta announced the vote, Myanmar’s air force bombed a school in Oe Htein Kwin village, killing two teachers and 22 children, the youngest only seven years old.
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners has confirmed 6,231 civilians have been killed by the military since the coup, though true figures could be much higher. Nearly half of all civilian deaths are estimated to have been caused by airstrikes. These are not indiscriminate military operations where civilians are collateral damage; they are deliberate attacks where civilians are the targets. The majority of locations of airstrikes have been sites with protected status under international law: camps for displaced people, churches, clinics and schools, often with no presence of armed groups nearby.
The junta has some powerful international allies. China backs it with billions in aid and advanced weapons. Russia supplies the fighter jets that drop bombs on civilians. India quietly sells arms. The three have long provided diplomatic cover and shielded the junta from international accountability. Meanwhile, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) continues pursuing its failed Five-Point Consensus agreed with the regime in April 2021, despite its systematic violation of every commitment. Regional powers have negotiated exclusively with the junta without input from the National Unity Government — the government in exile formed by democratically elected lawmakers — effectively treating the military regime as Myanmar’s legitimate rulers.
Now recent decisions by the Trump administration threaten to tip the balance decisively in favour of legitimising military rule. Trump has lifted sanctions, cut independent media funding and eliminated the protections formerly afforded to Myanmar’s refugees in the USA. Consistent with his transactional approach, he’s choosing access to rare earth minerals over democracy.
The concern now is that ASEAN member states may follow suit, using the sham election as justification to normalise relations with the military regime. Some have already started moving in this direction, with the junta leader invited to regional meetings.
Myanmar’s pro-democracy forces continue to resist despite the shifting international context. The People’s Defence Forces and ethnic armed groups maintain coordinated operations across most of the country. Civil society continues documenting violations, providing aid to displaced people and advocating for international action. They deserve better than to watch the world legitimise their oppressors.
The junta’s control on the ground remains tenuous, but its diplomatic position is strengthening. Whether this consolidation continues depends on how the world responds to the election. The international community must be clear that treating the election as legitimate would signal to authoritarians everywhere that democratic institutions can be overthrown with impunity, war crimes carry no real consequences and regimes that bomb schools and imprison elected leaders can secure international acceptance.
Inés M. Pousadela is CIVICUS Head of Research and Analysis, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report. She is also a Professor of Comparative Politics at Universidad ORT Uruguay.
For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org
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