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Beim Zusammentreffen von Bundeskanzler Scholz mit Finnlands Präsident Alexander Stubb dürfte am Dienstag auch der 'Siegesplan' der Ukraine auf der Agenda stehen. Die finnische Außenministerin richtete im Vorlauf deutliche Worte an die Bundesregierung, die sich verhalten zu Kernforderungen geäußert hatte.

Kolin Inşaat Turizm Sanayi ve Ticaret
Letelepedés szabadsága
Az olyan harmadik ország gazdasági szereplői, amely nem kötött nemzetközi közbeszerzésről szóló megállapodást az Unióval, e területen nem hivatkozhatnak az egyenlő bánásmódra

Kolin Inşaat Turizm Sanayi ve Ticaret
Liberté d'établissement
Les opérateurs économiques d’un pays tiers n’ayant pas conclu d’accord international avec l’Union en matière de marchés publics ne peuvent pas se prévaloir de l’égalité de traitement dans ce domaine

Kolin Inşaat Turizm Sanayi ve Ticaret
Freedom of establishment
Economic operators from a third country which has not concluded an international agreement on public procurement with the European Union cannot claim equal treatment in this area

578908 Marina Živaljević

The OSCE Mission to Montenegro and the Ministry for Culture and Media commissioned the Damar Institute to conduct research into self-regulation in Montenegro. The research showed that as many as 74% of respondents were not familiar with self-regulation of the media. On the other hand, the interviews conducted among media workers showed a relatively high degree of familiarity with the process of self-regulation and a limited level of trust in self-regulation.  The key findings of the research show what constitutes professional values and standards, including self-regulation. It was found that continuous dialogue and training are key to overcoming gaps and improving the effectiveness of the self-regulation framework.

Vuk Čađenović from the Damar Institute said that about two-thirds of respondents believed it would be better for all media in Montenegro to be part of a single joint self-regulatory body, while 34% disagreed with this idea. Just under two-thirds of respondents believe that the state should not increase regulations on social media content, while 38% think it should.

Speaking at conference, the Minister of Culture and Media, Tamara Vujović, said that the number of media outlets that are part of a collective self-regulatory body had increased from 17 outlets to 55. “The number of media with an ombudsperson or an internal body for monitoring compliance with ethical standards is constantly growing, which represents progress in strengthening responsibility and professionalism in the Montenegrin media space. Media self-regulation is a key mechanism for improving professionalism and ethics in the media,” said Minister Vujović.

The acting Head of the OSCE Mission to Montenegro, Giovanni Gabassi, stated that the research indicated that the public needs more information about self-regulatory mechanisms. “Robust self-regulation empowers the media, leading to more responsible reporting and facilitating direct public feedback. Since 2017, through the Technical Working Group for Self-Regulation, the Mission has facilitated developments of manuals that offer practical guidance to journalists on interpreting and adhering to the Code of Ethics of Montenegrin Journalists,” said Gabassi, announcing that in 2025, based on previous results and in cooperation with the Council of Europe, the Mission will initiate an official review process of the Code of Ethics for Montenegrin Journalists.

The report implies that a single self-regulatory body led by independent experts, or the establishment of internal ethical guidelines and mechanisms for self-regulation, can improve the system of self-regulation and have a higher level of transparency.

The research was conducted in June and July 2024 using a combined method, with semi-structured qualitative interviews with journalists, editors, media owners and regulators, and public opinion research on a representative sample of 1,002 Montenegrin adult citizens.

By Jomo Kwame Sundaram
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

New institutional economics (NIE) has received another so-called Nobel prize, ostensibly for again claiming that good institutions and democratic governance ensure growth, development, equity and democracy.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson (AJR) are well known for their influential cliometric work. AJR have elaborated earlier laureate Douglass North’s claim that property rights have been crucial to growth and development.

But the trio ignore North’s more nuanced later arguments. For AJR, ‘good institutions’ were transplanted by Anglophone European (‘Anglo’) settler colonialism. While perhaps methodologically novel, their approach to economic history is reductionist, skewed and misleading.

NIE caricatures
AJR fetishises property rights as crucial for economic inclusion, growth and democracy. They ignore and even negate the very different economic analyses of John Stuart Mill, Dadabhai Naoroji, John Hobson and John Maynard Keynes, among other liberals.

Historians and anthropologists are very aware of various claims and rights to economic assets, such as cultivable land, e.g., usufruct. Even property rights are far more varied and complex.

The legal creation of ‘intellectual property rights’ confers monopoly rights by denying other claims. However, NIE’s Anglo-American notion of property rights ignores the history of ideas, sociology of knowledge, and economic history.

More subtle understandings of property, imperialism and globalisation in history are conflated. AJR barely differentiates among various types of capital accumulation via trade, credit, resource extraction and various modes of production, including slavery, serfdom, peonage, indenture and wage labour.

John Locke, Wikipedia’s ‘father of liberalism’, also drafted the constitutions of the two Carolinas, both American slave states. AJR’s treatment of culture, creed and ethnicity is reminiscent of Samuel Huntington’s contrived clashing civilisations. Most sociologists and anthropologists would cringe.

Colonial and postcolonial subjects remain passive, incapable of making their own histories. Postcolonial states are treated similarly and regarded as incapable of successfully deploying investment, technology, industrial and developmental policies.

Thorstein Veblen and Karl Polanyi, among others, have long debated institutions in political economy. But instead of advancing institutional economics, NIE’s methodological opportunism and simplifications set it back.

Another NIE Nobel
For AJR, property rights generated and distributed wealth in Anglo-settler colonies, including the US and Britain’s dominions. Their advantage was allegedly due to ‘inclusive’ economic and political institutions due to Anglo property rights.

Variations in economic performance are attributed to successful transplantation and settler political domination of colonies. More land was available in the thinly populated temperate zone, especially after indigenous populations shrank due to genocide, ethnic cleansing and displacement.

These were far less densely populated for millennia due to poorer ‘carrying capacity’. Land abundance enabled widespread ownership, deemed necessary for economic and political inclusion. Thus, Anglo-settler colonies ‘succeeded’ in instituting such property rights in land-abundant temperate environments.

Such colonial settlement was far less feasible in the tropics, which had long supported much denser indigenous populations. Tropical disease also deterred new settlers from temperate areas. Thus, settler life expectancy became both cause and effect of institutional transplantation.

The difference between the ‘good institutions’ of the ‘West’ – including Anglo-settler colonies – and the ‘bad institutions’ of the ‘Rest’ is central to AJR’s analysis. White settlers’ lower life expectancy and higher morbidity in the tropics are then blamed on the inability to establish good institutions.

Anglo-settler privilege
However, correct interpretation of statistical findings is crucial. Sanjay Reddy offers a very different understanding of AJR’s econometric analysis.

The greater success of Anglo settlers could also be due to colonial ethnic bias in their favour rather than better institutions. Unsurprisingly, imperial racist Winston Churchill’s History of the English-Speaking Peoples celebrates such Anglophone Europeans.

AJR’s evidence, criticised as misleading on other counts, does not necessarily support the idea that institutional quality (equated with property rights enforcement) really matters for growth, development and equality.

Reddy notes that international economic circumstances favouring Anglos have shaped growth and development. British Imperial Preference favoured such settlers over tropical colonies subjected to extractivist exploitation. Settler colonies also received most British investments abroad.

For Reddy, enforcing Anglo-American private property rights has been neither necessary nor sufficient to sustain economic growth. For instance, East Asian economies have pragmatically used alternative institutional arrangements to incentivise catching up.

He notes that “the authors’ inverted approach to concepts” has confused “the property rights-entrenching economies that they favor as ‘inclusive’, by way of contrast to resource-centered ‘extractive’ economies.”

Property vs popular rights
AJR’s claim that property rights ensure an ‘inclusive’ economy is also far from self-evident. Reddy notes that a Rawlsian property-owning democracy with widespread ownership contrasts sharply with a plutocratic oligarchy.

Nor does AJR persuasively explain how property rights ensured political inclusion. Protected by the law, colonial settlers often violently defended their acquired land against ‘hostile’ indigenes, denying indigenous land rights and claiming their property.

‘Inclusive’ political concessions in the British Empire were mainly limited to the settler-colonial dominions. In other colonies, self-governance and popular franchises were only grudgingly conceded under pressure.

Prior exclusion of indigenous rights and claims enabled such inclusion, especially when surviving ‘natives’ were no longer deemed threatening. Traditional autochthonous rights were circumscribed, if not eliminated, by settler colonists.

Entrenching property rights has also consolidated injustice and inefficiency. Many such rights proponents oppose democracy and other inclusive and participatory political institutions that have often helped mitigate conflicts.

The Nobel committee is supporting NIE’s legitimisation of property/wealth inequality and unequal development. Rewarding AJR also seeks to re-legitimise the neoliberal project at a time when it is being rejected more widely than ever before.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Das Migrationsabkommen zwischen Italien und Albanien sollte zum Vorbild für andere EU-Staaten werden. Doch die Einlaufphase ist mehr als holprig.

Tuesday, 22 October

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Tuesday, 22 October

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Tuesday, 22 October

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

Tuesday, 22 October

Source : © European Union, 2024 - EP

A mother sits with 3 children in a displacement shelter in Léogâne, Haiti. Credit: UNICEF/Maxime Le Lijour

By Oritro Karim
UNITED NATIONS, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

On October 19, the United Nations (UN) Security Council unanimously voted to expand an arms embargo in an effort to combat the high levels of gang violence that plagues Haiti. Armed groups have taken control of the majority of Port-Au-Prince, the nation’s capital, leading to numerous clashes with the local police. Humanitarian organizations hope that this embargo will prevent Haitian gangs from accessing illicit weapons and munitions unchecked.

Robert Muggah, the author of a UN report on Haiti’s illicit imports and the founder of Igarapé Institute, a think tank that focuses on emerging security issues, informed reporters that the majority of Haiti’s weapons are sourced and flown out by the United States. Approximately 50 percent of imported firearms were handguns and 37 percent were rifles. According to the UN Security Council, firepower procured by Haitian gangs exceeds that of the Haitian National Police.

The majority of these purchases originate from U.S. “straw-men”, who buy weapons from licensed dealers in the United States and don’t disclose that the weapons are for someone else in Haiti. The weapons are then smuggled into the country and sold to Haitian gang members. Last Friday, the Security Council urged the Haitian government to tighten its border controls.

This comes after the Pont-Sonde attack on October 3, which resulted in over 115 civilian deaths. This attack was perpetrated by the Gran Grif gang, a gang that operates in the Artibonite region of Haiti. Roughly ten years ago, Gran Grif members were supplied firearms by former legislator Prophane Victor in an attempt to secure his election as deputé. Residents in the Artibonite region blamed both the Haitian government for their lackluster response efforts, and the United States for supplying the gang with arms.

Humanitarian experts on Haiti have also voiced their concerns about the United States’ role in the conflict.

“Haiti doesn’t produce guns and ammunition, yet the gang members don’t seem to have any trouble accessing those things,” said Pierre Esperance, executive director of Haiti’s National Human Rights Defense Network.

“One way the US could help (reduce violence in Haiti) immediately and directly would be to really seriously crack down on the flow of illegal weapons,” said William O’Neill, the UN Designated Expert of the High Commissioner on the situation of Human Rights in Haiti.

Humanitarian organizations are hopeful that last Friday’s resolution will effectively disarm the majority of Haitian gangs. The crisis in Haiti continues to grow more dire every day, with regular attacks on civilians exacerbating mass displacement and nationwide food insecurity.

According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), over 700,000 Haitians have been displaced due to armed attacks by gangs, with over 497,000 fleeing to the Dominican Republic. Their president, Luis Abinader announced at the end of September that the Dominican Republic would begin deporting over 10,000 Haitian migrants each week, a move that went into effect on October 7.

Activists have warned that mass deportations of Haitian migrants would leave them highly vulnerable to being targeted by gangs once they return. “There are a great number of armed groups that are just like birds of prey waiting to swoop down and take advantage of these people,” said Sam Guillaume, spokesperson for Haiti’s Support Group for Returnees and Refugees.

Haitian Prime Minister Gary Conille said, “The forced and mass deportation of our Haitian compatriots from the Dominican Republic is a violation of the fundamental principles of human dignity.”

Violence in Port-Au-Prince, Haiti’s commercial powerhouse, and the Artibonite Region, where the country’s production of rice is concentrated, has led to increasing emergency levels of hunger throughout the nation. The World Food Programme (WFP) is currently on the frontlines providing emergency assistance and raising funds to mitigate hunger in Haiti.

“WFP is urgently calling for broad-based support to massively increase lifesaving assistance to families struggling every day with extreme food shortages, spiraling malnutrition and deadly diseases,” said Cindy McCain, WFP’s Executive Director. “There can be no security or stability in Haiti when millions are facing starvation.”

On October 11, Kenyan President William Ruto announced that he would send 600 troops to Haiti next month in an effort to combat gang violence. The United States had also announced that they would extend their Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission in Haiti for another year.

Despite optimism about these initiatives by Ruto, Conille, and U.S. President Joe Biden, Haitian officials have expressed concern that foreign powers will not be able to effectively handle the situation in Haiti.

“It’ll make some difference, but that doesn’t replace the amount of Haitian police that have left in the last two years. You’re replacing them with people who don’t speak French or Creole, don’t know the neighborhoods, can’t interact with people or do intelligence work,” said Brian Concannon, Executive Director for Justice and Democracy in Haiti.

The UN is supporting the Haitian National Police (HNP) in their efforts to end gang violence and stabilize the nation. Kenya, Chad, Jamaica, The Bahamas, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belize, and Benin have notified the Secretary-General of their intentions to support this mission. In addition, the UN and its affiliated organizations are currently providing on-site assistance to affected communities, distributing food, water, cash transfers, and school kits.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Aujourd'hui dans l'Expresso : Albin Kurti s’oppose au modèle migratoire italo-albanais dans les Balkans, l’Espagne envisage de régulariser des centaines de milliers de migrants, l’Espagne et le Portugal appellent à une nouvelle approche des relations UE-Afrique.

Politiker in Rumänien zeigen sich erfreut, dass Moldau trotz Berichten über Desinformationskampagnen und hybride Aggressionen aus Moskau in einem knappen Referendum für den EU-Beitritt gestimmt hat. Dies wird als wichtiger Schritt in Richtung europäischer Integration der Region gewertet.

The scientific journal “Journal of the Institute for African studies” – is the only periodical in Russia, entirely devoted to the problems of African countries – and it publishes articles and other materials on international relations, political, economic and social processes occurring in the African continent, its history and cultural anthropology.

By Kester Kenn Klomegah
MOSCOW, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

At a recent media briefing, Maria Zakharova, the spokesperson for Russia’s Foreign Ministry, criticized the United States for its support of educational programs, media and NGOs in Africa. Zakharova argued that these efforts are part of a broader attempt by the U.S. to impose Western values and governance models on sovereign African states, framing it as a form of neo-colonialism.

Zakharova’s remarks, available on the official Russian Foreign Ministry website, suggest that the U.S. is actively promoting anti-Russian sentiment in African media. She stated, “We see this as Washington’s attempt to undermine the favorable socio-political environment for Russia in the region, portraying us as a destabilizing force. This method of unfair competition and misinformation highlights the lack of evidence behind the so-called Russian propaganda.”

However, while Russia criticizes Western influence in African media, it faces its own significant media challenges in Africa. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russia has done little to encourage African media, particularly those from Sub-Saharan Africa, to establish a presence in the country. Conversely, Russian media outlets like RIA Novosti, Sputnik News, and TASS News Agency have minimal influence in Africa compared to Western media giants.

Despite recent efforts by the State Duma, Russia’s lower house of parliament, to increase Russian media presence in Africa, the lack of opportunities for African media in Russia remains a stark reality. During a meeting aimed at enhancing Russia-Africa relations, State Duma Chairman Vyacheslav Volodin acknowledged the need for Russian media to have a stronger presence in Africa, even as he admitted that their reach is far behind that of the U.S., UK, and Germany.

Experts argue that this lack of mutual media representation exacerbates misunderstandings between Russia and Africa. As a result, African leaders and businesses often rely on Western media for information about Russia, leading to a one-sided view that often reflects Western biases.

Interestingly, while the Russian Foreign Ministry accredits media from across the globe, only two African media outlets, both from North Africa, are currently recognized. This low representation does not reflect the growing diplomatic and economic ties between Russia and Africa.

At the first and the second Russia-Africa summits, panelists repeatedly highlighted the dominance of Western media in Africa and its impact on African perceptions of Russia. Mikhail Bogdanov, Russia’s Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, pointed out that the absence of Russian media in Africa creates a vacuum that is filled by biased reports from other media outlets.

Professor Alexey Vasiliev, an expert on African relations with Russia, noted that Africa’s reliance on Western media leads to a skewed understanding of Russia, perpetuating narratives of Russophobia and anti-Russian propaganda. He emphasized the need for better communication and understanding between the two regions.

Some experts also criticize Russia for its reluctance to engage with Sub-Saharan African media. Despite the two Russia-Africa summits, aimed at strengthening ties, there has been little progress in fostering media cooperation.

The reality is that both Russia and Africa need to deepen their media engagement to enhance mutual understanding and cooperation. As Africa’s middle class continues to grow, representing a vibrant information market, the need for a balanced and comprehensive media coverage from both sides becomes increasingly crucial.

Professor Vladimir Shubin, former Deputy Director of the Institute for African Studies, stressed the importance of media in maintaining and enhancing Russia-Africa relations. He urged both regions to actively promote their achievements and development needs through media to foster a better understanding and stronger partnership.

To overcome these challenges, both Russia and Africa must take concrete steps towards building a more collaborative media landscape. This includes creating opportunities for African journalists in Russia and increasing the presence of Russian media in Africa.

The relationship between Russia and Africa, deeply rooted in history, needs to be strengthened through increased media cooperation. This would not only improve understanding between the regions but also support the broader goal of developing a dynamic and multifaceted partnership, especially in this emerging multipolar world.

Kester Kenn Klomegah focuses on current geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development-related questions in Africa with external countries. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in several reputable foreign media.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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International Animal Rescue’s (IAR) mangrove planting project is critical to prevent coastal erosion. Credit: IAR

By Gavin Bruce
UCKFIELD, Sussex, UK, Oct 22 2024 (IPS)

As COP16 approaches, we have been reflecting on the state of our planet in 2024; the word “crisis” feels insufficient to describe the devastation we’re witnessing.

Forests that once teemed with life are disappearing. Coral reefs, once vibrant and full of colour, are turning barren. Species are being driven from their habitats, and extreme weather events like floods and wildfires are becoming all too common. These are not abstract threats—this is our new reality.

It is an extremely serious and urgent situation

With COP16 fast approaching, it’s clearer than ever that the world is at a critical juncture. From October 21 to November 1, leaders from over 190 countries will gather in Cali, Colombia, to discuss how we can halt biodiversity loss and confront the climate emergency. Yet, COP16 is more than just another conference, it’s a wake-up call.

The Stakes Could Not Be Higher

Promises have been made before. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework in 2022 was a landmark moment, with 23 targets set to halt and reverse biodiversity loss by 2030. But talk is cheap without action.

Since then, we’ve continued to see coastal ecosystems like mangroves and coral reefs decimated by rising sea levels and ocean acidification. Inland, once-thriving ecosystems are suffering under the pressures of severe droughts, floods, and fires.

In my role at International Animal Rescue, I have seen the impact of these crises firsthand. Rising sea levels threaten coastal mangroves, which protect our shores and offer critical habitats for countless species. In Armenia, erratic weather patterns are disrupting wildlife, while in Costa Rica, we’re seeing an increasing number of injured animals brought to us, victims of habitats destroyed by climate-linked disasters.

COP16 is a Moment for Us All To Focus and Take Action

It’s easy to see COP16 as a high-level negotiation for world leaders to tackle. But the truth is, the change we so desperately need won’t come from government action alone. Each of us has a part to play, and every small choice we make matters. Every time we opt for a sustainable product, reduce waste or support a conservation project, we’re pushing the world closer to the future we want to see.

Every purchase we make, whether it’s buying a sandwich or buying energy, every decision we make, whether it’s turning a light on or cutting the grass, every time we have the power, we have an opportunity to choose. The choice should be one that supports a more sustainable, nature-friendly future.

At COP16, leaders must be held to their promises, but we can’t wait for them to act. It’s time for us to use the power of choice while we still have it.

Nature Needs Us As Much as We Need Nature

At International Animal Rescue, we’re doing what we can. In Indonesia, we’re restoring mangroves to protect coastlines and create safe havens for wildlife. In Armenia, we’re rescuing endangered brown bears and releasing them into protected environments. In Costa Rica, we’re rehabilitating animals displaced by climate disasters, giving them a second chance at life in the wild.

But we can’t do it alone. The future of our planet’s biodiversity depends on global cooperation and grassroots action.

That’s why we focus on empowering local communities. The people who depend on ecosystems for their livelihoods are often the best protectors of those systems. Working together can restore degraded landscapes, protect endangered species, and help communities adapt to our changing world.

If we all act now, there is hope

Although news outlets worldwide will leave people sitting at home thinking that COP16 is just another diplomatic gathering, it’s not. COP16 is a critical moment for the future of life on Earth. If we fail to act decisively now, we risk losing not just species and ecosystems but the ability of future generations to live in harmony with nature.

The path ahead is daunting, but there is hope. By working together with governments, businesses, local communities, and as individuals, we can take steps to make a difference, halt biodiversity loss, and give our planet a fighting chance. We must make peace with nature, not for its sake, but for our own.

Let COP16 be the turning point. Let it be remembered as the moment we stopped merely talking about change; this is when we started making it happen. If we can do that, the world might still have a chance. But we must act now.

Every small choice matters. Every voice matters. And the time to make those choices and raise our voices is today. We can no longer leave it to world leaders; every person on the planet has a role to play. Let’s refocus. Let’s rethink. Let’s act before it’s too late.

Gavin Bruce is CEO, International Animal Rescue (IAR)

#cop16 #InternationalAnimalRescue #Environment #Conservation #AnimalWelfare #Climate #COP

Watch our urgent call to action video ‘Refocus & Rethink’ here https://bit.ly/IAR-Refocus-Rethink-COP16

International Animal Rescue is a global organisation dedicated to rescuing and rehabilitating animals suffering from injury, illness, and cruelty. The organisation also works to protect the natural habitats of these animals and raise awareness about the importance of conservation. Through events like the Rainforest Run, International Animal Rescue mobilises people worldwide to take action for the well-being of animals and the environment. www.internationalanimalrescue.org

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Angesichts der knappen Wahlen in Moldau am Wochenende sind europäische Politiker bereits besorgt über die Parlamentswahlen im nächsten Jahr. Sie befürchten, dass der Kampf um den pro-europäischen Kurs des Landes noch härter werden könnte.

Slowakische Experten warnen vor Russlands schädlichem Einfluss auf die Wahlen in Moldau und fordern dringend mehr EU-Hilfe. Sie betonen die Notwendigkeit, demokratische Institutionen zu stärken und Desinformation zu bekämpfen, da Moskaus Einfluss weiterhin anhält.

Quelque 570 migrants ont été renvoyés en Pologne depuis l’Allemagne en 2024, selon les données officielles des gardes-frontières polonais, loin des 40 000 migrants cités par les médias polonais la semaine dernière.

Spanien und Portugal forderten am Montag bei einem Ministertreffen in Madrid einen neuen Ansatz der EU für die Beziehungen zu Afrika. Die beiden Staaten bekräftigten dabei ihre außen- und verteidigungspolitische Ausrichtung.